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The aim of this article will be to carry out a critical reading of Ernesto Laclau's Theory of Hegemony, adopting for this purpose the point of view provided by the notion of "(neo)liberal governmentality" developed by Michel Foucault. This contrast will allow us to observe the inherent limits of those theoretical positions that are inscribed within the so-called post-foundational ontologies which, in pursuit of defining a pure concept of the political, relegate the study of the role played by the market - as well as the device of political economy - understood no longer as a sphere from which the subject of social change emerges, as classical Marxism intended, but as a regime of veridiction that marks, effectively in the real, that which does not exist and legitimately subjects it to the division of the true and the false. In this way, will be pointed out the importance of developing a political critique of neoliberal knowledge on the basis of a critical ontology of the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Crítica y Resistencias: Revista de conflictos sociales latinoamericanos is the property of Fundacion El llano - Centro de Estudios Politicos y Sociales de America Latina (CEPSAL) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El artículo se enfoca en develar la existencia de un mecanismo muy eficiente y simultaneo de legitimación y consolidación de la hegemonía de una profesión: la economía y de una ideología el neoliberalismo, que se traducen en profundas reformas en el orden económico, las instituciones políticas y la cultura en Colombia. Este objetivo es desarrollado, a través de una revisión sistemática de literatura, aplicando los métodos hermenéutico y genealógico de interpretación en el marco de una estrategia de análisis de process tracing (rastreo de procesos) con una entrada deductiva que persigue arribar a inferencias causales con la intención de identificar como se estructuraron los cuadros que permitieron la implementación de reformas neoliberales, sus trayectorias académicas y públicas; la manera como estructuran un discurso tecnocrático con pretensiones de verdad, del saber técnico responsable, que se auto reconoce como legítimo para diseñar la política económica en Colombia. Los resultados muestran como un grupo de economistas egresados de la Universidad de los Andes han actuado como intelectuales orgánicos; generando las condiciones de posibilidad al régimen de acumulación que predomina en el país desde finales del siglo XX.

The crisis of legitimacy of representative democracies and the economic globalization project has placed the power of certain intellectual groups, traditional or emerging, to intervene in the public sphere and legitimize or transform the current political and economic paradigm at the center of public debate. The popularization of concepts such as "post-truth" is related to a transformation of the role that had been historically attributed to experts and intellectuals in democratic systems and the appearance of new figures capable of mobilizing collective sensitivity. In this context, an intensification of the reception of the work of Antonio Gramsci is taking place, as a source of analytical utilities. This article proposes a revision of the notion of "organic intellectual" as an illuminating tool for the contemporary tasks of political philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ne consequence of Chile's socalled "estallido social" (social outburst) of October 2019 was the erosion of the hegemonic ideological canon, in other words, of neoliberalism as a paradigm of modernity. That several currents of opinion have since (re)emerged within conservative Chilean intellectual thought reflects not only this loss of ideological hegemony, but also shows an ability to react and adapt to a setting in which this belief system is under threat. This paper analyses some of these currents, taking four authors as paradigmatic examples: Axel Kaiser (liberalism), Pablo Ortúzar (corporatism), Hugo Herrera (social Christianity) and Alexis López Tapia (nationalism). Of particular interest are their readings of the nature of the outburst, the political displacements provoked, the ideological and conceptual tensions that emerged, as well as the continuities and departures in terms of social imaginaries, traditions, practices and ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article shows the differences within of the cultural studies among the so-called culturalists and those who continued after the postmodern turn study from the Gramscian roots of the first movements. Decisive in this sense are the assertions of Raymond Williams and Stuart Hall to the abstract and hyperbolic conceptions of the continuators of the so-called fashionable studies from the 1980s. To identify these roots this text uses both the reflections of Gramsci and of the decisive contributions of Fredric Jameson, Terry Eagleton and Mark Fisher in their different intellectual compositions. Finally, we will try to propose as an alternative program to the ontology of the continuous present that closes and closes our present and future horizon in political and cultural terms, a suggestive rereading of Raymond Williams for whom, after observing that neoliberal hegemony was characterized by utopian closure to think of an alternative future, he was quick to propose a new structure of feeling linked to cultural materialism and, therefore, to the physical and material pain caused by social domination as an antidote to an orthopedic reality driven by a cynical and disbelieving idealism of what with Foucault we would call “being entrepreneurs of ourselves” [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artículo realiza una aproximación hermenéutica, en el marco de la sociología de la educación crítica, al papel de la política curricular y del conocimiento oficial en el pro- ceso de configuración del sistema hegemónico neoliberal, que tuvo lugar como resultado de la crisis de legitimación del capitalismo regulado y del Estado del bienestar. Contiene los siguientes núcleos temáticos: 1) el papel del currículo en las crisis de legitimación desde la teoría de la crisis de legitimación de Habermas y Offe; 2) la alianza de la nueva derecha (entre neoconservadores y neoliberales) y la emergencia de la hegemonía edu- cativa neoliberal; 3) la estrategia de legitimación a partir del nexo entre el conocimiento oficial y la política curricular neoliberal; 4) el currículo como ideología en el contexto de la hegemonía educativa neoliberal y su pretensión de validez universal; y 5) una aproxi- mación hermenéutica crítica a la política curricular, en la cual introducimos en el análi- sis dos conceptos claves: teleología explícita y teleología concreta.

Resumen El objetivo de este artículo es delinear dos perspectivas para el análisis del neoliberalismo a partir del pensamiento de Stuart Hall. En este sentido, se reconstruye la aproximación de este autor con el pensamiento de Marx y Gramsci, así como su análisis de la crisis de la sociedad británica en tanto fenómeno cultural, social y político en su obra Policing the crisis (1978) y The hard road to renewal (1988). Este artículo complejiza la lectura tanto del “momento althusseriano” como de la “mirada gramsciana” de Stuart Hall para comprender los principales dilemas teóricos de años setenta y ochenta. Finalmente, se observa el lugar del racismo y de la producción de sentido común como pilares del análisis de la crisis de hegemonía.

La idea de populismo se caracteriza por una polisemia radical que en no pocas ocasiones debilita su capacidad explicativa. La presente voz tiene el objetivo de exponer un doble movimiento para ganar en su comprensión: por un lado, reconstruir la historia, semántica y tipología del concepto, por otro, exponer las líneas generales de la teoría política del filósofo del populismo Ernesto Laclau. Finalmente, sugerimos que el sentido de los populismos está asociado al «nuevo espíritu del capitalismo postmoderno» como una de las formas de expresión del malestar social contemporáneo y que su encarnación política puede dirigirse tanto en una dirección emancipatoria como de «revolución pasiva».

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É impossível discutir neoconservadorismo sem destacar a importância dele no atual contexto econômico-político e cultural brasileiro. Cabe afirmar que a intensidade e o ritmo das manifestações neoconservadoras implicam ainda mais os/as assistentes sociais, na tarefa de análise, de posicionamento crítico e de intervenção nas relações sociais. O esforço de pensá-las precisa ser sempre plural e complexo. O neoconservadorismo relaciona-se profundamente com o neoliberalismo e com a necessidade da construção de uma moralidade conservadora no atual momento do capitalismo. São múltiplas as incidências que operam na construção dessa moralidade conservadora e de um “novo homem” docilizado. Na especificidade brasileira, a chegada ao poder da extrema direita é analisada como expressão do neoconservadorismo e de suas manifestações simultâneas nas relações de gênero, étnico-raciais e no campo dos direitos sexuais e de sua busca por hegemonia. Compreendê-la é condição sine qua non para superar análises economicistas da cena brasileira contemporânea.

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Resumen: Se analiza el impacto del Tratado de Libre Comercio entre la Unión Europea y el Ecuador, vigente desde 2017, como indicativo del uso de tratados en la implementación y normalización de ajustes neoliberales. Primero se hace un resumen de los datos económicos, en menos de dos años, que pone en entredicho la defensa de un modelo de desarrollo basado en tratados de libre comercio entre países centrales y periféricos. Luego se analiza la coherencia de este modelo con un régimen de reproducción del capitalismo colonial, en el particular contexto de inicios del siglo XXI, los gobiernos progresistas y la disputa política que los acompañó. El objetivo del análisis es presentar la articulación del tratado, como un elemento más, y definitorio, de operaciones complejas que explican la resiliencia del neoliberalismo y su peligrosa capacidad para proyectar el futuro. Resumo: O impacto do Acordo de Livre Comércio entre a União Europeia e o Equador, em vigor desde 2017, é analisado como uma indicação do uso de tratados na implementação e normalização de ajustes neoliberais. Primeiro, é feito um resumo dos dados econômicos, em menos de dois anos, que põe em causa a defesa de um modelo de desenvolvimento baseado em acordos de livre comércio entre países centrais e periféricos. Em seguida, a coerência desse modelo é analisada com um regime de reprodução do capitalismo colonial, no contexto particular do início do século XXI, dos governos progressistas e da disputa política que os acompanhou. O objetivo da análise é apresentar a articulação do tratado como outro elemento definidor de operações complexas que explicam a resiliência do neoliberalismo e sua perigosa capacidade de projetar o futuro. Abstract: The impact of the Free Trade Agreement between the European Union and Ecuador, effective since 2017, is analyzed as an indication of the use of treaties in the implementation and normalization of neoliberal adjustments. First, a summary of the economic data is made, in less than two years, which calls into question the defense of a development model based on free trade agreements between central and peripheral countries. Then, its analyzed the coherence of this model with a reproduction regime of colonial capitalism, in the particular context of the beginning of the 21st century, the progressive governments and the political dispute that accompanied them. The objective of the analysis is to present the articulation of the treaty, as one more element, and defining, of complex operations that explain the resilience of neoliberalism and its dangerous capacity to project the future.

Este trabajo trata la cuestión de lo político y su distinción de la política en su disputa entre neoliberalismo, hegemonía y biopolítica. Planteamos lo político como principio que establece los fundamentos del funcionamiento de lo social y la política como formas concretas de su realización. Exploramos estas nociones en las corrientes del neoliberalismo, la hegemonía y la biopolítica. Lo político para el neoliberalismo se puede identificar con la libertad individual y su realización en el mercado. Para la teoría de la hegemonía lo político se vincula con el antagonismo y la articulación. Para la biopolítica la vida es el objeto de lo político. Por su lado la política para el neoliberalismo es lo que se opone a la libertad individual y está en contra de cualquier intervención del Estado sin embargo requiere y utiliza los instrumentos del gobierno para su expansión y mantenimiento. La política para el populismo es la capacidad de establecer una noción de sentido compartida y aceptada que permita presentar una particularidad bajo la forma de una totalidad mediante una relación singular entre distintos movimientos sociales y la figura del líder para la reivindicación de demandas populares. El autonomismo propone una política emancipatoria a través de la multitud como forma de existencia común que permite preservar las singularidades individuales.

Neste artigo, Nancy Fraser passa em revista a falência do modelo politicamente hegemônico de uma aliança entre uma versão progressiva das políticas de reconhecimento e uma versão regres- siva da política econômica, chamada por ela de neoliberalismo progressista. Frente à emergência de uma versão hiperreacionária do neoliberalismo, simbolizada por Donald Trump, a autora defende a ideia de uma versão progressista do populismo como ator contra-hegemônico no atual contexto social.

We will try to make a philosophical reflection about the conditions and possibilities of post-neoliberal societies and the challenges of the liberation philosophy (FL), in the near future (2030-2050). We will analyze some ideas of the alternatives to exit neoliberalism (and / or its survival), which open to the crisis of liberal geoculture in Latin America, post-corona virus, as the fifth phase of the FL. We will do so by locating the political and the philosophical as a problem of the role to be played by the FL, to imagine prospectively concrete Utopias, which have cooperation, ecology as inevitable guides of the sense of political and creative articulation of the diverse, which we will call 'ecoo-creativity '. On the other hand, we will rely on the FL to criticize its idea of politics and incorporate the idea of radical democracy into reflection. The concrete utopias that we trace are to analyze the feasible political irruption to think about the conditions of change or alteration of the sense of neoliberal hegemony, from the ecological and decolonial perspective of emancipation, incorporating the terrestrial (third attractor) according to Bruno Latour, as a political category. Consequently, we tried to think the politics of the FL from other post-neoliberal imaginaries and from 'ecoo-creativity', as a prospective and utopian-concrete essay as the new horizon of feasibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

En este artículo me propongo reflexionar acerca de los efectos subjetivos del neoliberalismo en Chile, específicamente en su capacidad de construir hegemonía por medio de la institución de una subjetividad que demarca campos de posibilidad y horizontes de sentido en la disputa social. Tomando en cuenta esa “configuración sociocultural” que posibilita y resulta de la forma político-económica neoliberal, se problematizará acerca de las dinámicas discursivas críticas de la revuelta popular chilena, para analizar su capacidad de resistir/tensionar la discursividad política y mediática hegemónica.

Reseña de: SRNICEK, N., WILLIAMS, A. (2016). Inventar el futuro. Poscapitalismo y un mundo sin trabajo. Barcelona: Malpaso. 336 págs.

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Durante la negociación financiera del Megacanje, en la crisis del modelo de Convertibilidad y reformas neoliberales, junto con una pluralidad de referentes políticos que mencionaban tópicos ajenos, existían dos posiciones enfrentadas sobre la operación. Ambas rechazaban el peligro del default, aunque divergían en los contenidos enunciados y en el grado de asertividad y optimismo en torno al acuerdo y las condiciones para reactivar la economía. Ello permitió identificar niveles diferenciales de refracción interpelativa frente al discurso oficial. Desde el análisis de la construcción de alternativas, las posiciones ortodoxas reclamaban profundizar las políticas neoliberales. Las posiciones heterodoxas, en cambio, criticaban las políticas de ajuste y demandaban un mayor desarrollo de la producción nacional y el consumo interno. Sin embargo, los exponentes clave de esta formación mantenían posiciones dispersas y desarticuladas, que expresaban reclamos particularistas y puntuales y no cuestionaban al núcleo medular de la hegemonía neoliberal. Ello obturaba la posibilidad de reclamar una salida devaluacionista y articular un programa alternativo al modelo de Convertibilidad.

Durante el colonialismo ibérico, en el siglo XVI, los colonos europeos adoptaron un razonamiento de dominación, estableciendo una relación de amo y esclavo frente a los indios americanos. En búsqueda de la emancipación colonial, los independentistas se vuelven conscientes de su identidad (no son ni españoles ni indios), y ven en la integración latinoamericana una utopía que puede permitir la libertad a la nueva raza americana. Durante el siglo XXI, las premisas usadas como justificación para la dominación cultural del siglo XVI son traspasadas al campo de la economía, donde en el surgir del llamado “neoliberalismo” y en su llegar a América Latina establece nuevamente la relación de amo y esclavo. Se crean relaciones de hegemonía internacionales, donde los países ricos imponen las condiciones de libertad interpretada desde el libre mercado a los países pobres. Nuevamente surgen los ideales de integración latinoamericana inspirados en el libertador Bolívar, para crear relaciones contrahegemónicas que permitan la equidad en América Latina, además de permitir continuar la búsqueda de una identidad económica, política, social y cultural. Siendo así, las preguntas que engloba al presente trabajo giran alrededor de: ¿Cuáles son los procesos coloniales en América Latina? y ¿Cuáles son las posibles alternativas para la emancipación colonial que se buscan histórica y actualmente?

Se presenta a continuación un análisis de los procesos hegemónicos que crean representaciones del desarrollo y la modernidad acorde con un modelo económico de la actividad turística que ordena el territorio y mercantiliza la ciudad. Los y las habitantes residentes, vecinos, y clase trabajadora, se encuentran inmersos bajo discursos, representaciones y prácticas de una élite nacional y extranjera, que explota la naturaleza, la historia, las prácticas socioculturales, el paisaje, y la fuerza de trabajo local. La distopía de la ciudad turística ancla su estructura en el paradigma teórico económico neoliberal de crear nuevos productos turísticos necesarios para la competitividad del destino. Así, las transformaciones impuestas en el espacio urbano de las principales ciudades-puerto de las costas mexicanas, generan un cambio en las representaciones y funciones del paisaje y, por tanto, un cambio en las sociohistóricas de vida cotidiana, los estilos de vida y los significados de pertenencia de los espacios sociales, de las personas residentes y visitantes del puerto de Mazatlán, Sinaloa. Los aportes de la investigación permiten profundizar la crítica al modelo turismo neoliberal hegemónico en las sociedades e instituciones latinoamericanas, al aportan datos de nuevo tipo sobre procesos de resistencia ciudadana ante la turistificación y gentrificación de la vida social, desde una perspectiva sociocultural donde dialogan paradigmas teóricos y metodológicos antropológicos, histórico y sociológicos, contemporáneos en la región. orientaciones. Neoliberal tourism development and citizen resistance:hegemonic crisis at the Tianguis Turístico Mazatlán 2018 The present text is an advance of sociocultural research about the hegemonic processes that create representations of development and modernity in accordance with an economic model of tourist activity that orders the territory and commercializes the city. The residents, neighbors, and working class residents are immersed in speeches, representations and practices of a national and foreign elite, which exploits nature, history, sociocultural practices, the landscape, and the local workforce. The dystopia of the tourist city anchors its structure in the neoliberal theoretical-economic paradigm of creating new tourist products necessary for the competitiveness of the destination. Thus, the transformations imposed in the urban space of the main port cities of the Mexican coasts, generate a change in the representations and functions of the landscape and, therefore, a change in the sociohistorical orientations of daily life, lifestyles and the meanings of belonging of the social spaces, of the residents and visitors of the port of Mazatlan, Sinaloa. The contributions of the research allow deepening the critique of the hegemonic neoliberal tourism model in Latin American societies and institutions, by providing data of a new type on processes of citizen resistance to the turistification and gentrification of social life, from a sociocultural perspective where theoretical paradigms converge and anthropological, historical and sociological methodologies, contemporary in the region.

Moral panics are conventionally explained as socially regressive overreactions to objectively minor problems. In the early 2000s, moral panics were recast as collective grievances that arise from perceived crises in the moral regulation of everyday life. Emphasizing neoliberal forms of entrepreneurial risk management, the panic-as-regulation perspective provides ways of thinking beyond some of the limitations associated with conventional perspectives. This article shows how the new neoliberal compromise, characterized by ongoing submission to the rule of capital in the absence of familiar ways of securing hegemonic consensus, is calling attention to the importance of theorizing the conjunctural norms of personal responsibility that underscore the panic-as-regulation perspective. By locating market-oriented subjectivities in the wider trajectory of neoliberalism, we achieve two things: first, a clearer understanding of the normative phase of neoliberal rule in whose image the panic-as-regulation perspective is crafted; second, a stronger position to develop insights into post-hegemonic claims-making activities that are appearing across the political and cultural spectrums. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the fundamental aspects of Dussel's critique of the formal model of hegemony developed by Laclau. In this context, a concept of popular hegemony tied to the centrality of the reproduction of life as a normative criterion in politics is proposed, as well as an argument against the abstract decisionism of the populist theory of Laclau. The text also offers -as suggested by Castro-Gomez's reading- a critique of Dussel's ideas from a postfoundationalist perspective, which leads to questioning the very idea of an unconditional universal. Finally, we conclude by positing a critique of some of the theoretical viewpoints shared by both authors, identifying the limitations of the very concept of hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper explores the similarities and differences that exist between the political approaches of Jacques Rancière and Ernesto Laclau, respectively. In particular, the areas analysed include their postulation of an antagonistic or conflictive figure at the centre of their political reflections, their understanding of the political as constitutive of social objectivity, and their conception of a political subject constituted through a co-implication between the particular and the universal. Throughout the theoretical itinerary proposed, special attention is paid to those aspects where there are discrepancies between their approaches. It is argued that by considering them together a solution may be provided to some of the problems identified in each of their approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The work is structured around an axis of concern that is related to the political processes and conflicts of the region that are developed in the context of a market society model under multiple signs of crisis. The movement of the region is focused, so it reserves all the nuances and particular singularities, placing the reflective accent on the most global political tendencies. A general presentation is sought to suggest some analytical principles of discussion that are relevant for the study of the current regional scenario. Neoliberalism is approached as an expression of capitalism of this time, in crisis, although in force and with a history of triumphs over the popular field. We speak of political processes as force fields and correlations of changes that are directed against political and strategic objectives in conflict, interrelation with a hemispheric context, currently for the present and conservative of American government policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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En este artículo partimos de una lectura crítica de la literatura sobre actores políticos neoliberales en la Argentina. Desde allí consideramos que la concentración de investigaciones en el nivel nacional, al interior de esa bibliografía, se relaciona con una definición de neoliberalismo como un conjunto de macro-políticas económicas estructurales. Frente a ello, proponemos definir al neoliberalismo como una tecnología de gobierno que pretende volver hegemónica una lógica empresarial. Ello permite problematizar los procesos de identificación neoliberal más allá del nivel nacional, como mostramos al indagar sobre la trayectoria identitaria de un actor político subnacional, el peronismo de la provincia de Córdoba desde mediados de los 80.

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El mundo es un sistema cambiante, que le otorga a las potencias del momento la capacidad de plantear un nuevo orden por determinado tiempo. Para el presente siglo los Estados Unidos de Norte América, estableció los parámetros de la cotidianidad mundial a partir de un sistema económico, caracterizado por un capitalismo neoliberal globalizante que se expande a los ámbitos políticos y socio-culturales. La emergencia como potencia hegemónica con pretensiones de establecer modelos, normas y valores únicos, ha propiciado la crítica de diversas tendencias de pensamiento; algunas de manera moderada buscan la corrección del modelo, ante otras que con posturas más radicales propenden por descalificarlo, tildándolo de teoría inhumana y depredadora en aras de revivir y justificar la vigencia del marxismo y en especial de la vertiente humanista o neo marxista como un modelo global alternativo.

Com o objetivo de analisar como a ideologia neoliberal expressou-se nas políticas governamentais, este artigo apresenta as discussões parlamentares que originaram a reforma do sistema previdenciário, ocorrida na Argentina durante a década de 1990. Foram analisados os objetivos políticos contidos nos discursos dos legisladores, pronunciados em debates parlamentares, e em textos dos projetos em discussão. A abordagem metodológica dos dados e das fontes para a pesquisa implicou no uso de técnicas qualitativas de análise de documentos, sendo utilizadas as categorias constitutivas do pensamento neoliberal: liberdade, esforço próprio, equidade, solidariedade e eficiência.

Este artículo analiza la transformación del estado nacional colombiano bajo el gobierno de Álvaro Uribe, centrándose en el Plan Colombia y los proyectos estatales que se desprenden de él, a fin de dar cuenta de la militarización estatal y la represión social asociada a ambos. Se argumenta que políticas de gobierno amparadas en dicho Plan tienen como objetivo la consolidación de un régimen de acumulación de mercado extractivo y especulativo que, aunque vinculado a un impulso hegemónico transnacional centrado en los Estados Unidos, también está íntimamente ligado a desarrollos locales y al conflicto interno de Colombia. Estas interacciones ofrecen una ilustración ejemplar de la reconfiguración a múltiples escalas de la política en la economía del mundo actual.This article analyzes the transformation of the Colombian national State under the government of Álvaro Uribe, focusing on Plan Colombia and the State projects that flow from it, in order to reflect on the militarization of state and the social repression associated with both. It is argued that government policies under the Plan are aimed at consolidating a regime of market accumulation and speculation that, while linked to a transnational hegemonic thrust emanating from the United States, is also closely linked to local developments and Colombia's internal conflict. These interactions provide an exemplary illustration of the reconfiguration at multiple levels of the world political economy today.

O neoliberalismo é uma nova fase do capitalismo, que se impôs a partir do começo dos anos 1980. Considerando seus traços mais gerais nos países do Centro, como nos Estados Unidos e na Europa, destacam-se três características: uma dinâmica mais favorável da mudança tecnológica e da rentabilidade, a criação de rendas a favor das classes mais abastadas, e a redução da taxa de acumulação. O imperialismo na era neoliberal pode se caracterizar pela hegemonia dos Estados Unidos, que drenam fluxos enormes de renda do resto do mundo. Mas esse domínio é solapado pelos desequilíbrios externos crescentes do país, a expressão de uma onda extraordinária de consumo por parte das famílias.Neoliberalism is a new phase of capitalism which was asserted at the beginning of the 1980s. Considering its more general features as in the United States and Europe, it can be characterized by: a more favorable dynamic of technical change and profitability, the creation of income flows to the benefit of the most accommodated classes of the population, and diminished rates of accumulation. A central feature of imperialism in the neoliberal era is U.S. hegemony, a country which is draining huge flows of income from the rest of the world. This domination is, however, undermined by increasing external disequilibria, the expression of an extraordinary wave of consumption from households.

En este artículo se procurará poner en evidencia el carácter sobredeterminado del sentido de diferentes vinculaciones que establecen los residentes de las urbanizaciones cerradas en argentina con la ciudad abierta. A tal fin, se analizarán dos instancias a partir de las cuales la instauración hegemónica del discurso neoliberal se hace presente en el proceso de legitimación de las urbanizaciones privadas. En primer término, se mostrará cómo la cuestión de la inseguridad exterior es vivida como una amenaza constante, no sólo a la hora de salir

This study analyzes the problem of hegemony in the consolidation of a professional project capable of disputing an alternative social direction in our professional practice and of linking it to the social struggles of its time. This professional practice in the region is a legacy of the attempts at rupture found in a germinal form in the Reconceptualization Movement itself. It is currently renewed and sheds light on the political and social situation, and on the greater theoretical-methodological maturing of the profession in recent decades. The paper discusses the concepts or the frequent political uses of the idea of hegemony to compare them with the Gramscian notion. The article analyzes some relations that are established with the profession's ethical-political project and presents some working hypotheses about the current historic conditions of the consolidation of this hegemony at the interior of the heterogeneous Latin American Social Work.