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Bu çalışma, 2015 yılında Birleşmiş Milletler tarafından kabul edilen Sürdürülebilir Kalkınma Hedefleri (SKH) ile neoliberal politikalar arasındaki ilişkiyi incelemektedir. Odak noktası, "tam ve üretken istihdam ile insan onuruna uygun işlerin sağlanması" hedefidir. Araştırma, serbest piyasa güçlerinin ekonomik ve sosyal sorunları çözmedeki etkinliği inancının, bu hedefle olan uyumunu tartışmaya açmaktadır. İstihdamın iş güvencesi, sözleşmeler, ücretler, çalışma saatleri ve sendikal yapılarına dair makroekonomik analizler, neoliberal politikaların SKH'lerle çeliştiğini göstermektedir. Bu eksende, SKH'lerin mevcut politik yapıyla uyumlu olup olmadığı ve neoliberal politikaların sürdürülebilir kalkınma hedeflerine ulaşma üzerindeki etkisini tartışmaktadır. Veriler Dünya Bankası, ILO ve OECD'den alınmış, veri madenciliği yöntemleri kullanılarak Türkiye, OECD ülkeleri ve Dünya düzeyinde karşılaştırmalı analizler yapılmıştır. Bu bağlamda, çalışma sürdürülebilir kalkınma hedeflerine, özellikle iş yaşamına ilişkin boyutlarında, neoliberal politikaların etkilerini değerlendirerek özdüşünümselliğimizi geliştirmeye katkıda bulunmaktadır.

There is a clear tension in the neoliberal approach to individualism and freedom. Focusing on the process of individualization and individual self-determination in markets, neoclassical approaches recognize that individuals are committed to social mobility and responsibility to act within market rules on, individual autonomy and the ability to set self-determined goals appear to be limited to market participation. The market is seen as an inherently dynamic system developed over time. According to Hayek, individualism refers to social progress and conformity to society. The aim of this paper is to respectfully examine the apparent inconsistencies and limitations of how individual freedom and choice have been conceptualized by neoliberal thinkers, through an analysis of the works of Hayek and Friedman. Neoliberal policies articulate the notion of free will and question the definition of freedom from a purely economic perspective. By further examining these nuances, the study hopes to reflect on the personal and societal political implications associated with neoliberalism's more limited understanding of self-government and voluntarism. Finally, an examination of balanced perspectives can add to the ongoing discussion on how best to organize social policies that maximize individual dignity and collective well-being in the long run at in a constructive manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Journal of Academic Inquiries / Akademik Incelemeler Dergisi is the property of Akademik Incelemeler Dergisi (Journal of Academic Inquiries) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Egyptian revolution, which started with great optimism regarding country's future, after toppling 30 years long Mubarak regime and experiencing disappointments with first civil administration under Muslim brotherhood government, ended up with the restoration of authoritarianism as a result of a military coup. In this article when delving into the reasons of revolution's failures, orientalist and elitist theories argued that main issues of failure revolved around the immutable power of the army and political elites over resurrecting masses and lack of general faith in the country regarding the creation of a liberal democratic order. What was missing is, from a Gramscian background, important role that neoliberalism and its destructiveness over social and political life in the last four decades of Egypt, played. In here my basic idea is that after 2011 uprising, revolutionary groups could not settle accounts with neoliberal past and its institutions. Then, on that misconstrued basis, they tried to build a new order. While the Muslim brotherhood government criticized the establishment in terms of religion and cultural values, secular opposition missed the determining role of the army within the economic affairs of the country. Due to these reasons, El-Sisi, seems like an ordinary officer, was able to ensure the restoration of authoritarian rule in Egypt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This qualitative research critically explores the production of angry subjectivities within neoliberal society through a case study. Analyzing diverse written and visual materials detailing neoliberal philosophy and anger, the study aims to comprehend societal adaptation within the neoliberal rationality framework. Coined as the "anger economy," the research delves into the circulation of subjectivities shaped by anger discourse. Findings suggest that in the positive-emotion-centric neoliberal society, anger is negatively classified, associated with aggression and violence, portraying it as a menace to mental and physical health. Positioned as an emotion necessitating control, anger solidifies its role within neoliberal self-management skills. Anger management, as a discourse shaping neoliberal angry subjectivities, aligns with rationality emphasizing emotion regulation through reason. Themes of self-awareness, cost-benefit analysis, and body control integrate within the discourse, characterizing anger as a primitive and uncivilized emotion contrary to the civilized and health-oriented ideals of neoliberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Economics, Politics, Humanities & Social Sciences / Uluslararası Ekonomi Siyaset İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Dergisi is the property of International Journal of Economics, Politics, Humanities & Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This study holistically examines the process of neoliberal economicisation of social life as a management strategy of the digital society and the psycho-political patterns in the management of individuals through discourses and practices. On the other hand, another dimension of the study is the society of transparency. The study discusses how transparency functions as an effective administrative apparatus everywhere, from politics to everyday life, how it transforms society and the individual into a transparent structure, and how it transforms them into an important object of absorption in the control politics of neoliberal power. Digital technologies, which constitute an important layer in the formation of a society of transparency, have also paved the way for the emergence of the big data phenomenon, which advocates that everything should be calculable and plannable. Big data is not only a tool that feeds transparency, it is also the new marketing strategy of neoliberalism. Everything that can be calculated or turned into data has a commercial commodity value in the digital society. The present study attempts to understand how neoliberalism, transparency and big data, which are intertwined as the new administrative devices of the digital society, are the outputs of a techno-political logic at the point of absorbing society and the individual. In this context, in the axis of the possibilities offered by the qualitative method, the logic of the study is to address the absorption climate created by the equation of neoliberalism, transparency and big data in today's digital societies with an interpretive design. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Economic Policy Researches / İktisat Politikası Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Economic Policy Researches / Iktisat Politikasi Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of MEMLEKET: Politics & Administration / Siyaset Yönetim is the property of Local Governments Research, Assistance & Education Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This article examines the main motives and fundamental policy diffusion mechanisms behind the global neoliberal transformation. The main research question of the article is that through which policy diffusion mechanisms the neoliberal transformation has gained a global attribute in the international political economy, and both the unit of analysis and the level of analysis are international system. Thus, by connecting with the peak neoliberalism debates, the article contributes to the discussions about the post-neoliberal global political economic structure. It presents a critical review of neoliberal transformation literature from the combined perspectives of international political economy and International Relations and highlights current scholarly debates and loopholes in the literature. It utilises theories of International Relations and international sociology. Variants of liberal thought are touched upon from a historical perspective and, based on their similarities and differences, what makes neoliberalism 'neo' is explained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neoliberal transformation has led to the delivery of services, which were originally provided by the public, to be gradually rendered through the private sector. The state's effectiveness in providing public services in the welfare state era has changed in conjunction with the neoliberal era. Public services have started to be provided with the understanding of "limited state, unlimited market" and the areas where the state has pulled out have gradually become the subject of market relations. Public services, which have become the subject of market relations, made an impact on the urban area, too. Local public services provided by the local administrations have increasingly become the subject of privatization policies. Privatization practices show their impact on the provision of local public services under the duty and responsibility of the municipalities, and local public services, which the municipalities are responsible for are gradually provided by the private sector. However, the proliferation of the provision of local public services through the private sector brings out negative impacts on the citizens. In the study, the impact on citizens of the urban public transportation service, which is one of the local public services, provided by the private sector as a result of the increase in local public services being subject to market relations after the neoliberal transformation, was analyzed with a descriptive and interpretive approach, from qualitative research methods, in the case of Ankara Metropolitan Municipality. In this regard, today's aspect of the impact of services provided through the private sector on the citizens was assessed over the sample of "private-public bus" management, which started to be in service in Ankara Metropolitan Municipality during the years when neoliberal transformation had its impact on Turkey, and it was concluded that this impact continues to deepen today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Unlike the traditional governments, the neoliberal regime is fed by psychopolitics based on datacentered techniques. As a psychopolitical technique, psychometrics, which performs a profiling function, marks the critical stage in the transformation of the subject into a predictable object. Psychographic data provides personalized content production. Dark ads, which is produced based on psychometric data and instrumentalized in an area that extends from directing consumer behavior to affecting voter behavior, is one of these contents. The public sphere of the age, which has the ower to directly affect the voter behavior, which is seen as one of the shortest ways of mass control, turns into the field of activity of psychopolitical marketing. Simultaneously, the decision-making process is manipulated through dark advertisements based on hyper-personalization. Users are kept in streams of artificial information that are mutually exclusive by being imprisoned in fake agendas set up in accordance with their personal data. Healthy voting behavior is undermined by preventing the voters, who are placed in the position of marketing objects by psychometric calculations, from accompanying the political process freely. In this study, which focuses on the effect of psychopolitical marketing on voters, semi-structured interview technique was used. The findings led to the conclusion that the participants did not act consciously about the consumption of dark advertisements based on psychographic data and the false truth derived from the artificial agenda based on algorithms, and preferred to be exposed to such outputs instead of staying away from the aforementioned content. It is possible to make suggestions regarding the necessity of acquiring media literacy skills and social media usage skills. for the people of the age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Postmodern ve neoliberal anlayışlar moderniteye karşı açtıkları savaş sonucunda çoğulculuk ve görelilik iddiaları eşliğinde modernitenin uzun süre bastırmış olduğu mistik ve mitik algılama biçimlerinin geriye dönüşünü sağlamışlardır. 21. Yüzyılla birlikte neoliberal politikaların yarattığı hoşnutsuzluklar ve bu politikaları sürdüren küresel elitlere karşı artan tepkinin ise yeni sağ popülist hareketlerin yükselişlini beraberinde getirmiştir. Ancak, postmodern ve neoliberal hareketlerle yeni sağ popülist hareketler arasında, akıl ve modernite karşıtlığı bağlamında, bir karşıtlıktan çok bir devamlılık söz konusudur. Bu bağlamda neoliberal ve postmodern yaklaşımlar ve onlara tepki olarak ortaya çıkan yeni sağ popülist hareketler birbirinin devamı niteliğindedir. Postmodern ve neoliberal yaklaşımların eleştirel aklı tasfiye etme girişimi ve liderlik öğretileri yeni sağ popülist hareketler tarafından bir başka aşamaya taşınmıştır ve etno-dinsel hareketler 21. Yüzyıla damga vuran en önemli gelişmelerden biri olmuştur. Bu makale akıl karşıtlığının kökenlerini incelerken akıl karşıtlığının kuralsız/keyfi yönetimlere ve temel insan haklarının ihlaline yol açtığını göstermekte ve barış içinde birlikte yaşamak için akıldan vazgeçmek yerine aklı çoğaltmak gerektiğini öne sürmektedir.

Tarihsel olarak birçok afetler ve felaketler yaşayan insanlık tarihi, 2019 yılında Wuhan’dan dünyaya yayılan Covid-19 olarak tanımlanan bir pandemi ile birlikte yaşamın rutininde yeniden ciddi problemler yaşamaya başlamıştır. Bu problemin temelini teşkil eden pandemi küresel bir sağlık krizine neden olurken, bu kriz küresel düzenin egemen düşüncesi ve hâkim paradigması olan neoliberal politikaların ve onun taşıyıcı araçlarının pandemiye karşı cevap üretmekten oldukça uzak olduğunu bir kez daha ortaya çıkarmıştır. Covid-19 pandemisi, başta sağlık hizmetleri olmak üzere en temel kamusal hizmetlerin piyasalaştırılmasının devletleri ve toplumları ciddi anlamda etkileyen sonuçlar üretmesi, refah devleti anlayışına duyulan ihtiyacı yeniden gündeme taşımıştır. Bu çalışma; 1980’lerle birlikte neoliberal düşüncenin ve politikaların dominant hale geldiği, minimal devlet yaklaşımı üzerinden piyasayı egemen kıldığı bir küresel sistem içinde ortaya çıkan Covid-19 pandemisinin, toplumsal yaşam alanlarında yarattığı tahribat üzerinden refah devleti anlayışının yeniden bir ihtiyaç haline gelmesi gerektiği savı üzerine bir analiz denemesi yapmayı amaçlamaktadır. Bu bağlamda; neoliberal yaklaşımın kamusal hizmet ve kamu yararı gibi değerler üzerinden biçimlenen kamucu politikalar yerine serbest piyasa ve bireysel çıkarı önceleyen düşünce ve politikaları etkin kılarak “eşitsizlikler” yaratmasının toplumlar üzerinde ciddi olumsuz etkiler oluşturduğu üzerine bir yaklaşım benimsenmektedir.

Copyright of Er(r)go: Teoria, Literatura, Kultura is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Slaskiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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The phenomenon of globalization, which refers to societies entering a process of integration in economic, political and cultural fields, has accelerated since the last quarter of the 20th century and left its mark on the social relations of the recent period. The carrier of globalization has been the neoliberal economic policies that have been disseminated across the world since the end of the bipolar world order. The neoliberal economic policy imposed on national economies by supranational organizations aims to remove obstacles to capital. Throughout most of the 20th century, the nation-state, which was the dominant force intervening in the economy, was seen as the most important obstacle on this path, while attempts were made to weaken the functions of the nation-state by transferring them to market forces. In order to legitimize these practices, discourses that globalization will bring freedom, peace and prosperity come into play in this process, while social reality tells a different story. Contrary to the promises of neoliberal globalization, inequalities, ecological risks, wars and economic crises have recently gained visibility. However, the Covid-19 pandemic, which emerged as a result of globalization, has revealed that globalization itself has entered a crisis. The Covid-19 pandemic has been a declaration of the failure of the global market and global organizations. The fight against the pandemic has been carried out with the resources of states instead of global alliances and private initiatives, and this process has enabled the return of nation-state power and effectiveness, which had been in decline for some time. In this context, this study aims to discuss the political and economic paradigm of globalization on the basis of recent developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The Arab Uprisings have indelibly impacted the lives of people across the Arab world. Despite many movements facing major disappointments after more than one decade, the material and ideational aspects of the uprisings provide a satisfactory analysis of one of the most significant moments in the history of the region. This article focuses on the political-economic roots of the Arab Uprisings to see the gradual decline in regime security and the breakdown of the postcolonial social contract. It also takes the remarkable role of information technology in shaping new political actorness that managed to combine old and new methods of resistance and in broadening the sphere of political interaction without absolute control of the regimes. Within this context, it is organized as follows. First, it makes sense of the transformation of the state and the state–society relations within the neoliberal reformulation of politics. Second, it reveals the politics of the governed to see alternative forms of politics, solidarity, and information networks. Third, it examines the neoliberal reforms in the Arab world with specific respect to Egypt to see how the state undertook a structural change that eventually undermined the existing social contract which was at the base of the legitimacy. Lastly, the role of the Internet on the politics of the governed in times of political-economic crisis of the state is analyzed. It is argued that the neoliberal transformation of state-society relations and the alternative spaces of political activism both provide a comprehensive outlook to explain the Arab Uprisings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Journal of Emerging Economies & Policy is the property of JOEEP: Journal of Emerging Economies & Policy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Çalışma ve Toplum is the property of Calisma ve Toplum and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Yüzüncü Yil Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Van Yuzuncu Yil University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this research, the hegemonic discourse of Anatolian masculinities, which have been changed historically and socially in the context of gendered power relations, is examined through the perceptions of university students. In the field research, 537 male students were surveyed, and in-depth interviews were conducted with 44 male students. Within the framework of neoliberal policies that represent the current outcomes of patriarchal capitalism, it is possible to draw attention to the rapidly increasing population of male working-poor in Anatolia who are mostly university graduates. They are exposed to intense labor exploitation in order not to receive financial support from their families and thus to prove their masculinity. The traditional hegemonic masculinity discourse, which is unique to Anatolia historically, affects students' perceptions of masculinity in four areas: graduating from university and having a good job, fulfilling compulsory military-service, getting married and having children, and as the patriarchal sexual policy, women's honor and holy-motherhood discourse and perceptions. The formation of these patriarchal masculine values was constituted by the following historical and social dynamics of Anatolia: the cultural values of ancient Anatolian societies, the anti-imperialist struggle against the West, the military-nation discourse of the nation-state of the Republic of Turkey, and Islamic values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of PRAKSIS is the property of PRAKSIS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)