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Dehumanization and distrust can have devastating consequences for intergroup relations. Until now, few studies have examined the ways in which both (de)humanizing and (dis)trustful discourse are presented in popular media. Recognizing the detrimental effects of terrorism on intergroup attitudes and the power of media in influencing social and political attitudes, the present research examined the frequency of (de)humanizing and (dis)trustful statements in newspaper coverage of the July 7, 2005, London bombings in the aftermath and at the 10-year anniversary of the attack. Drawing from theoretical work on dehumanization, it was expected that (de)humanizing content in media coverage about a stereotyped outgroup would be linked to (dis)trust of that group, and would also be linked to political orientation of the media source. Primary analyses were conducted using an existing manual coding framework for frequency of (de)humanizing and (dis)trustful statements. Results from the coding show that dehumanizing and distrusting discourse was more frequent than humanizing and trusting discourse. Whereas dehumanization was significantly correlated with distrust only in the right-wing source, humanization was significantly correlated with trust only in the left-wing source. The findings advance theoretical understandings of (de)humanization and humanization as they manifest in media discourse following a terrorist event, and how these relate to outgroup (dis)trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing studies have examined the significance of UK media coverage of the 7/7 London bombings. This article seeks to widen this analysis by exploring the coverage of 7/7 in the leading newspapers of the United Kingdom, the United States, and Poland comparatively using a new agenda-setting perspective that is grounded within network analysis. The study is devised to respond specifically to the contrasting arguments about the influence of media globalization versus religion and ethnicity on this reporting. It finds that the diverse approaches to religion within the countries of the analyzed newspapers appear to mitigate the reproduction of shared religious narratives in this reporting. Nevertheless, the analyzed coverage does carry common attributes and these, it argues, can be explained broadly by the influence of a US-dominated 'lens on terror'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the increase number of death due to the incident of terrorism which triggered by religious differences of people living around the world. Topics mentioned include the coordinated terrorist attacks of the Islamic terrorist group al-Qaeda in the U.S. on September 11, 2001, the March 2004 bombing at the Atocha train station in Madrid, Spain and the bombing of underground train stations in London, England on July 7, 2015. It also cites the questions of immigration and culture among the Muslims due to their involvement in terrorism.

Since the 7/7 bombings of July 2005, Britain has experienced a domestic terror threat posed by a small minority of young Muslims. In response, Britain has initiated ‘Prevent’, a preventative counter-terrorism programme. Building on previous, general critiques of Prevent, this article outlines and critically discusses the ways in which Prevent has approached young Muslims and their educational institutions. The article argues that, rather than trust in broader and non-stigmatizing processes of anti-extremist education, the police-led Prevent has ‘engaged’ with and surveilled young Muslims. Within Prevent there is little evidence of educational processes that explicitly build youth resilience against extremism. Instead, Muslim youth are viewed as both a risk to society and at risk of catching the terrorist disease, with the contested model of ‘radicalisation’ and child protection concepts utilized to portray risks of exploitation by Islamist extremists that necessitate a deepening process of education-based surveillance. The article identifies non-stigmatizing alternatives to the approach of Prevent, approaches of anti-extremism education that learn from previously problematic anti-racist educational efforts with white young people. This enables the article to advocate for enhanced human rights-based approaches of citizenship education (admittedly, in themselves contested) withallyoung people as the most effective way of building individual and collective youth resilience against terrorist ideologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Muslim public opinion polls are mostly taken at face value as the direct and unbiased voice of British Muslims, but, as this article argues, most of the public opinion polls are commissioned by the media and suffer from similar framing effects to those seen in the general media coverage of Muslims. At a time of national crisis, following the London terrorist attacks in 2005, it has become especially clear that the media have been following their pre-existing narrative on Muslims rather than responding to public interest. We analyse all public opinion polls conducted in the 18 months following the 7 July attacks and all their broadsheet newspaper coverage to show that the media-framing effects influence both the creation of Muslim opinion polls and their reporting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Particularly since the London bombings in July 2005, Muslim communities in Britain have faced extensive criticism for their alleged inability to assimilate to British cultural mainstream expectations. Various government schemes have attempted to tackle ‘Islamic radicalism’ and ‘violent extremism’, thought to emanate from within Britain’s long-standing Muslim communities. Based on extensive ethnographic research conducted among a sizable Muslim community, this article questions the thesis that British-born Muslims represent a threat to social cohesion and embody the failure of multiculturalism. Observation of their everyday lives, particularly in the realm of work and during leisure time, suggests that for Luton’s young Muslims, apart from working for the family, religion and strong community relations act as innovative means to strengthen bonds of nationality and citizenship, despite perceptions of widespread hostility and detachment from society beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

There was conducted an experiment based on Grounded theory methodology. The research question was referred to the 07/07 London bombings under the perspective of a working British Muslim male. The aim was to look for an understanding about interpersonal implications on professional and social encounters. There was interviewed one participant and the qualitative data collected, formed the Grounded theory that prejudice and social status are interrelated and refer to the aspect of individual differences in a modern society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The London bombings of 7 July 2005 were a major event shaping the relationship between Muslims and non- Muslims in Britain. In this paper we introduce the idea of 'securitized citizens' to analyse the changing relationship between British Muslims and wider British society in response to this and similar events. Through an analysis of qualitative interviews with Muslims and non- Muslims of a variety of ethnic backgrounds in the areas where the London bombers lived in West Yorkshire we examine the popular perceptions of non- Muslims and Muslims' experiences. We show how processes of securitization and racialization have interacted with Islamophobic discourses and identifications, as well as the experiences of Muslims in West Yorkshire after the attacks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study presents experimental findings on the impact of media framing of the 2005 London bombings. A total of 371 American participants were exposed to one of two frames to test their effect on public attitudes towards civil liberties and Muslims, and support for counterterrorism policies. Results show that the “domestic homegrown” frame produces greater increases in fear than the “international” frame. This leads to greater support for restricting civil liberties of Muslims and, under certain circumstances, general feelings of negativity toward Muslims. The study also finds support for the hydraulic effect of framing in that the domestic homegrown frame suppresses party identification in attitude formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Samuel Huntington (1996) argued that the source of the great divisions and conflicts between peoples of global society would be cultural, and not necessarily ideological or economic as in the last century. Although, the validity of Huntington’s claim was not clear at the time, it certainly began to gain credence in western circles following recent terrorist attacks ranging from 9/11 in the US, 7/7 in London to the bombings in Madrid, the Philippines and Mumbai, all in the space of seven years. These events have undoubtedly reinforced hostile perceptions and attitudes towards ‘other’ cultures and the peoples that live in some distant countries. Drawing on a 2007 study of Germany’s Muslim community which revealed a consistently close link between radicalization and ‘vicarious’ experiences of marginalization and discrimination, this article critically analyses eight British newspapers’ coverage of the 7/7 London terror attacks to determine the extent of the stereotypical representations employed and their implications for intercultural communication and terrorism prevention. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The public performance of various and sometimes conflicting identities constitutes a recognisable part of the late adolescent and early adult period. Often such identities are transitional and interchangeable. For young Muslims in Britain, however, the performance of a recognisable ‘Muslim’ identity through religious practices and affiliations to named Muslim groups has frequently been read as the adoption of an oppositional identity in reaction to the increased stigmatisation and racialisation of the Muslim population. Exploring a range of spaces in which these Muslim identities are learned and adapted by young adults, this paper seeks to understand how Islam can be used as a vehicle through which to practise both rebellion and conformity. By interrogating the nuances in decision-making related to conformity and the management of deviant identities, it further attempts to understand the importance of the local context in the place of violent extremism and radical ideologies and their relation to ‘seditious spaces’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

It is widely agreed that the events which took place on 11 September 2001 have played a large part in reshaping global imaginings about contemporary acts of terrorism and their Islamic perpetrators. Given this transformation in the understanding of terrorism and terrorists, our objective in this article is threefold. First we want to present a discussion of the roots of the kind of neo-liberal politics that has grown up alongside acts of terrorism and its global media coverage which has, we argue, resulted in a politics of fear that acts to legitimate ever-increasing legislative controls. In an attempt to reveal how discourse works to support such regulation, in the second part of this article we offer a qualitative analysis of newspaper articles from the UK about acts of terrorism that have taken place since the suicide bombings on the London transport system on 7 July 2005. Together with an analysis of the political speeches of Bush and Blair, we examine how far these discourses can be said to have reframed notions of inclusion/exclusion for Muslim populations. Finally we present a discussion of the consequences of such terrorist acts and their varied representations for the future of the British multicultural imaginary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the social status of Muslim population in Europe. It mentions the negligence towards Muslim people which has provoked them to debate the status of religion and form political parties. Issues on Islam have made Christian to realize the importance of their religion. It mentions the religious discrimination towards Muslims as a consequence of the Madrid train bombings, on March 11, 2004 and London Underground and Bus bombing on July 7, 2005. The article also focuses on several issues that are held responsible for social inequality of Muslims including political agendas, mass media presentation of a stereotypic image as an anti-social group.

After the Madrid and London train-bombings, perceptions of the sources of Islamic terrorism changed. The British response to domestic jihadism was to apply community-policing principles to counter-terrorism enforcement. This essay describes the origins and intentions of the community-based policing of terrorism and partnership programmes with Muslim faith organisations. Collaboration with Muslim partners has helped to build confidence within government agencies that Muslim leaders are keen to curb terrorism, but has failed to build trust among the general Muslim public. The application of community-policing principles is, it is argued, an effort to bridge steep trade-offs between effective prevention and the social and political integration of Britain's Muslims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents surveys of Muslim opinions in Great Britain after the London transport bombing of July 2005 in London, England. The surveys provided unique insights into the thinking of the nearly 2 million Muslims in Londonistan. About one in 20 British Muslims has voiced overt sympathy for the bombings. Separate polls find that 6 percent said that the suicide bombers were acting in accord with the principles of Islam. A worrisome number of Muslims would not help the police if they suspected a fellow Muslim was planning a terrorist attack.