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This study investigates the factors that significantly constrain mood selection in Galician within uncertainty adverb constructions, applying a logistic regression model. This analysis identified several significant factors affecting the choice between the indicative and subjunctive moods, including the temporal context of the clause, the preceding adverb, and the interaction of fictional and nonfictional registers with the verb type of the predicate and the gender of the speaker/writer. Time reference and the preceding adverb emerged as primary factors conditioning mood choice, with present and future time frames and adverbs encoding weaker epistemic values significantly predisposing toward the subjunctive mood. This study also highlighted the influence of the gender of the speaker/writer, demonstrating the preference of women toward the indicative mood in fictional texts. Verb type and register interact in complex ways that only partially align with previous findings. The results of the present study contribute to a deeper understanding of syntactic variation in Galician, adding to a growing body of quantitative research on Galician grammar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In some finite clauses only one of the subjunctive and indicative moods might occur, while in others there is option between these two moods. This is the basic distinction between intensional and polarity subjunctive. This paper questions the sustainability of such division in Portuguese, providing a critical analysis of the major arguments sustaining that those two types of subjunctive need to be considered. Instead, it is shown that a semantic analysis of the indicative and subjunctive moods accounts for the distribution of these moods in European Portuguese (EP), no different explanations being needed for the cases of lexical selection and those of mood choice. In both cases Indicative signals that only p-worlds are taken in account, while Subjunctive signals the consideration of non-p worlds. This allows a comprehensive account of the EP data: Subjunctive or Indicative occurs depending on whether the meaning of the sentence leads to the consideration of non-p worlds or not. However, in other varieties of Portuguese, Indicative occurs in some sentences whose meaning involves the consideration of non-p worlds. Such is the case of Brazilian Portuguese (BP), where, in colloquial speech, the use of Indicative is common in complement clauses of querer ('to want'), a paradigmatic domain of Subjunctive. The conjecture is made that in this variety resorting to one or another mood is used as a pragmatic, discursive, strategy, even if the meaning of the sentence leads to the other mood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to Faulkner (2022b), in the case of Spanish, "indicative directive complements are strongly preferable to subjunctive clauses when a weak necessity and teleological matrix directive embeds a modal verb of equivalent strength and type" (p. 8). She explains that the exceptionality of this phenomenon relates to both predicates being interpreted in concord with one another. Having compared and analyzed several authentic examples of mood use in this context (see Faulkner 2021b, 2022a, 2022b), Faulkner, consequently, suggests that, in spite of being labeled core selectors of the subjunctive (e.g., Villalta 2008), if a modal concord construction is to come into play, the mood of the particular directive complement is affected. However, unbeknownst to Faulkner (2022b) at the time of publishing, this symbiotic relationship between modal concord and mood is not exclusive to matrix and subordinate directives that are weak necessity (of strength) and teleological (of type). Concord readings may, in fact, be evoked in contexts in which both the matrix and embedded predicates are, for example, either deontic and strong necessity or bouletic and strong necessity. In other words, if the two expressions parallel each other in strength and priority, an indicative modal complement, interpreted in concord with the main directive, is likely to result; and, most importantly, whether or not the two modal elements are teleological and weak necessity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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According to Faulkner (2022b), in the case of Spanish, “indicative directive complements are strongly preferable to subjunctive clauses when a weak necessity and teleological matrix directive embeds a modal verb of equivalent strength and type” (p. 8). She explains that the exceptionality of this phenomenon relates to both predicates being interpreted in concord with one another. Having compared and analyzed several authentic examples of mood use in this context (see Faulkner 2021b, 2022a, 2022b), she, consequently, suggests that, in spite of being labeled core selectors of the subjunctive (e.g., Villalta 2008), if a modal concord construction is to come into play, the mood of the particular directive complement is affected. However, unbeknownst to Faulkner (2022b) at the time of publishing, this symbiotic relationship between modal concord and mood is not exclusive to matrix and subordinate directives that are weak necessity (of strength) and teleological (of type). Concord readings may, in fact, be evoked in contexts in which both the matrix and embedded predicates are, for example, either deontic and strong necessity or bouletic and strong necessity. In other words, if the two expressions parallel each other in strength and priority, an indicative modal complement, interpreted in concord (or unison) with the main directive, is likely to result; and, most importantly, whether or not the two modal elements are teleological and weak necessity.

TYPY PREDYKATÓW I WYBÓR TRYBU W POLSKICH ZDANIACH DOPEŁNIENIOWYCH – BADANIE EMPIRYCZNE Często zakłada się, że występowanie trybu łączącego jest ograniczone tylko do języków, które mają osobny paradygmat odmian dla tego trybu. Takie założenia sprawiają, że tryb łączący nie może pojawić się w językach takich jak język polski ze względu na brak osobnych końcówek morfologicznych. Jednakże polska konstrukcja, która składa się ze spójnika zdaniowego żeby oraz imiesłowu przeszłego, wykazuje właściwości semantyczne oraz morfoskładniowe podobne do tych zaobserwowanych dla hiszpańskiego trybu łączącego. Konstrukcja ta pojawia się prawie wyłącznie w zdaniach podrzędnych, nie pozwala na koreferencyjność podmiotów, a także jest defektywna pod względem czasowym. Ponadto możemy ją znaleźć po tych samych typach predykatów, po których występuje tryb łączący w języku hiszpańskim. Z tego względu celem tego artykułu jest pokazanie, że można założyć istnienie konstrukcji koniunktywnej w języku polskim. To założenie potwierdzają dane uzyskane w wyniku badania korpusowego oraz testu gramatyczności.

This study investigates the factors that significantly constrain mood selection in Galician within uncertainty adverb constructions, applying a logistic regression model. This analysis identified several significant factors affecting the choice between the indicative and subjunctive moods, including the temporal context of the clause, the preceding adverb, and the interaction of fictional and nonfictional registers with the verb type of the predicate and the gender of the speaker/writer. Time reference and the preceding adverb emerged as primary factors conditioning mood choice, with present and future time frames and adverbs encoding weaker epistemic values significantly predisposing toward the subjunctive mood. This study also highlighted the influence of the gender of the speaker/writer, demonstrating the preference of women toward the indicative mood in fictional texts. Verb type and register interact in complex ways that only partially align with previous findings. The results of the present study contribute to a deeper understanding of syntactic variation in Galician, adding to a growing body of quantitative research on Galician grammar.

Directive predicates have meanings that are similar to 'order', 'require', 'recommend', and 'advise'. Being volitional in nature, directives are said to form part of the core group of subjunctive-taking predicates (e.g., Villalta 2008). This means that, like desiderative (e.g., querer que 'to want that') and purpose clauses (e.g., para que 'so that'), they are expected to, and generally do, take the subjunctive. However, findings from the present investigation suggest that, in spite of this description, there are certain contexts in which indicative, directive complements are strongly preferred. Analyses showed that indicative, directive clauses are strongly preferable to subjunctive complements when the matrix directive and embedded verb are both teleological and weak necessity. In such environments, a concord reading is elicited. In the case of subjunctive complements, they are preferable to indicative, only when there is no concord between the main and embedded, directive predicates. These findings are significant, not only because directives are normatively described as requiring the subjunctive, but also because no previous studies have examined a link between mood and modal concord. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper discusses two issues in two sections: one is allocated for modality and the other is devoted for mood. The issues of modality and mood are closely interrelated; so, they are studied and posed in the grammar books together. The concept of modality conveys the speaker’s view towards an event or about what is said. Modality is either realized by inflection of the verbs or through leaical items, viz, the modals. Mood is a grammatical component which indicates the degree or a type of fact of a proposition, as perceived by the speaker. Three moods are studied in this paper. They are: the indicative, the imperative and the subjunctive. These verb moods have semanticallyoriented notions. They have more to do with semantics than with their grammatical aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Standard Spanish grammar states that desideratives (querer que), directives (aconsejar que), purpose clauses (para que), causatives (hacer que), emotive-factives (alegrarse de que), negated epistemics (no creer que), dubitatives (dudar que), and modals (ser posible que) embed subjunctive complement clauses. However, in spite of these classifications, some predicates exhibit a certain degree of mood variation. For instance, emotive-factives can take indicative complements (Crespo del Río 2014; Faulkner 2021a). Similar variability between the moods may also come about in negated epistemic (Bolinger 1991), dubitative (Blake 1981), and modal clauses (Deshors and Waltermire 2019). I propose that such variation stems from the Spanish mood system involving a split between two types of subjunctives - one that is required in preference-based contexts, and another that is default and can be replaced by the indicative. I argue that, whereas preference-based expressions (desideratives, directives, purpose clauses, causatives) are inflexibly subjunctive, emotive-factives and verbs of uncertainty (negated epistemics, dubitatives, modals) may accept indicative if the speaker intends to add the affirmative or negated proposition to the common ground; i.e., if the speaker intends to assert the complement in question. I close these arguments by stating that assertion with the indicative is most likely to occur if the proposition (affirmative or negated) is informative (new or unknown to the addressee, important, contrastive, and/or highly probable).

Abstract In Spanish subordinate adverbial clauses containing cuando and a present-tense verb, it is assumed that the indicative is used for actions prior to or simultaneous with speech time, while the subjunctive is the only option for unrealized actions. However, in Porteño Spanish, the indicative may occur in future-framed adverbials, as in (1), conveying pragmatic meaning not otherwise encoded in the grammar. (1) Te aviso cuando llego [I]. 'I'll let you know when I arrive.' Here I pair naturally-occurring data with constructed examples evaluated by native-speaker respondents to identify the contextual factors conditioning variable mood selection. I demonstrate that, although native-speaker acceptance of the indicative is highly variable, the indicative is felicitous with immediate and temporally-specific actions, and when epistemic certainty is conveyed. The subjunctive, on the other hand, is preferred for distant and unrestricted future actions, or when the speaker is uncertain that the action will occur. These findings reveal previously unattested nuances in Spanish mood variation and lead to a conception of mood choice as a gradient means of conveying pragmatic information about speaker epistemic commitment. Furthermore, I argue for the importance of qualitative analyses that carefully examine and control for the role of context in laying the groundwork for subsequent quantitative analyses. Highlights • Mood use in Spanish future-framed adverbials is variable. • Use of the Indicative to refer to future actions is motivated by epistemic commitment. • Qualitative analyses that control for context are essential for laying the groundwork for quantitative approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this work is to find out more about the nature of the subjunctive by isolating a criterion on which the subjunctive/indicative opposition is based. In the present work, this distinction is viewed as a bipolar opposition between forms that are temporally anchored and forms that are not temporally anchored (in terms of Giorgi and Pianesi's elaboration of the notion of ‘temporal anchoring’). I propose that subjunctive forms can be viewed as temporally non-anchored forms in which the element responsible for the temporal anchoring has been substituted with an ExclF in the sense of Iatridou (2000) . The paper discusses the morphological occurrences of the subjunctive in several different language families. It accounts for the basic cross-linguistically attested semantic and syntactic properties of the subjunctive. It is argued that the overt morphological realizations do not always correspond to the core semantic properties of the subjunctive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the problem of the choice of the mood, indicative or subjunctive, in complement clauses in French. It focuses on the role of verbs, negation, interrogation, imperative, hypothetical subordination #8230; We show that current hypotheses on significations of moods lead to false prediction, and must be rejected. In the framework of the Modular Theory of Modalities (Gosselin 2010), we propose a new explanation in terms of convergence / divergence between constraints on modality, triggered by moods, verbs, negation, interrogation, etc. This explanation is grounded on the assumption that moods do not express modality, but only constraints on modality (taken in a wide sense). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the problem of the choice of the mood, indicative or subjunctive, in complement clauses in French. It focuses on the role of verbs, negation, interrogation, imperative, hypothetical subordination ... We show that current hypotheses on significations of moods lead to false prediction, and must be rejected. In the framework of the Modular Theory of Modalities (Gosselin 2010), we propose a new explanation in terms of convergence / divergence between constraints on modality, triggered by moods, verbs, negation, interrogation, etc. This explanation is grounded on the assumption that moods do not express modality, but only constraints on modality (taken in a wide sense). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this article is to provide an overview of the range of phenomena that in Spanish are related to modal interpretations, with particular attention to the distribution and analysis of subjunctive. The main questions that are discussed in this article are (a) whether subjunctive can be characterised uniformly; (b) what the proper placement of subjunctive is in the functional structure of the clause, and how subjunctive interacts with modals that are placed in different areas; (c) what kind of analysis is necessary to account in an appropriate way for the different aspects of the grammar of subjunctive.

Moods as inflectional paradigms can only have a very general value and function, similar to other verbal categories such as tense and aspect. A comparison with German shows that the subjunctive functions as a marker of subordination and signals that the proposition in which it stands is incomplete and must be interpreted with the help of other contextual elements, for example the meaning of the main or matrix verb, a characteristic that has also been called procedural. Therefore only the indicative can be used to express independent statements. All the communicative functions of the subjunctive, for example to express politeness, will be explained as a result of its procedural character. The article clarifies why the subjunctive is also used with factual propositions, for example after verbs of emotions and ‘aunque’. (37,402 characters with spaces)