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This article proposes to study the fears that involve the migratory process of Mexicans to the United States, through the analysis of two religious practices: 1) the orisons related to migration, which are difussed by different means; 2) the ex-votos that have been deposited for the last decades in two sanctuaries located at the municipality of Totatiche, Jalisco. This paper brings us near to the study of popular religious practices and the history of the present time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes to study the fears that involve the migratory process of Mexicans to the United States, through the analysis of two religious practices: 1) the orisons related to migration, which are difussed by different means; 2) the ex-votos that have been deposited for the last decades in two sanctuaries located at the municipality of Totatiche, Jalisco. This paper brings us near to the study of popular religious practices and the history of the present time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The geography Mexican migration to the U.S. has experienced deep transformations in both its origin composition and the destinations chosen by migrants. To date, however, we know little about how shifting migrant origins and destinations may be linked to each another geographically and, ultimately, structurally as relatively similar brands of economic restructuring have been posited to drive the shifts in origins and destinations. In this paper, we describe how old and new migrant networks have combined to fuel the well-documented geographic expansion of Mexican migration. We use data from the 2006 Mexican National Survey of Population Dynamics, a nationally representative survey that for the first time collected information on U.S. state of destination for all household members who had been to the U.S. during the 5 years prior to the survey. We find that the growth in immigration to southern and eastern states is disproportionately fueled by undocumented migration from non-traditional origin regions located in Central and Southeastern Mexico and from rural areas in particular. We argue that economic restructuring in the U.S. and Mexico had profound consequences not only for the magnitude but also for the geography of Mexican migration, opening up new region-to-region flows. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The geography Mexican migration to the U.S. has experienced deep transformations in both its origin composition and the destinations chosen by migrants. To date, however, we know little about how shifting migrant origins and destinations may be linked to each another geographically and, ultimately, structurally as relatively similar brands of economic restructuring have been posited to drive the shifts in origins and destinations. In this paper, we describe how old and new migrant networks have combined to fuel the well-documented geographic expansion of Mexican migration. We use data from the 2006 Mexican National Survey of Population Dynamics, a nationally representative survey that for the first time collected information on U.S. state of destination for all household members who had been to the U.S. during the 5 years prior to the survey. We find that the growth in immigration to southern and eastern states is disproportionately fueled by undocumented migration from non-traditional origin regions located in Central and Southeastern Mexico and from rural areas in particular. We argue that economic restructuring in the U.S. and Mexico had profound consequences not only for the magnitude but also for the geography of Mexican migration, opening up new region-to-region flows. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates Mexican immigrant incorporation by examining labor force participation and schooling among Mexican-origin adolescents in the United States. Theoretical perspectives on immigrant incorporation, labor migration-related cultural repertoires and adolescent development considered together imply that studying ethnoracial differences in schooling among adolescents without taking work into account can yield mis-leading pictures of Mexican-origin non-high school completion patterns, thus hampering the assessment of incorporation theories. To avoid this, we analyze Mexican-origin generational differences in the relationship between schooling and workforce participation among adolescents compared to non-Hispanic whites and blacks. Using micro-data from the 2000 US Census, we find that Mexican immigrant boys who are not enrolled in school are more likely to be in the workforce, and conversely that those who are enrolled in school are much less likely to be in the workforce, compared to whites and blacks. Such relative differences in school/work specialization, as predicted, diminish across Mexican-origin generations. Moreover, based on supplementary analyses, we find similar patterns for a cohort of young adults who failed to complete high school during the 1990s. Overall, the results are consistent with the idea that cultural orientations growing out of the nature and experience of Mexican labor migration are important for assessing school enrollment patterns among Mexican-origin youth and for gauging their implications for educational policy and immigrant-group incorporation. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Copyright of Migraciones is the property of Universidad Pontificia Comillas, Instituto Universitario de Estudios sobre Migraciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract: Mexican Nationals frequently visit border towns and other cities in the United States that are in close proximity to their areas of residence for the main purpose of shopping at popular malls and outlet centers. However, it is somewhat difficult to gather the necessary information in order to profile the visitors and develop marketing strategies for targeting the appropriate market segments. The purpose of this paper is to identify the key target markets for U.S. shopping malls based on the age and family life experiences (i.e., marriage and having children) of the Mexican visitors. First, a three-factor ANOVA analysis is used to examine the impact of these characteristics on shopping expenditures, including the interaction effects. Then, a cluster analysis is performed in order to segment the market using age and the family life experience variables. Finally, recommendations are provided based on the expenditures and trip behavior by family life cycle stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The welfare reform bill adopted in 1996 limited the eligibility of immigrants on federal funding for welfare use, while vesting states with the authority to create new state-funded substitute benefits for immigrants. This paper capitalizes on this inter-state variation in state welfare rules regarding new immigrants and estimates a triple difference-in-difference estimator that provides evidence on the impact of removing public assistance on Mexican immigrants’ infant mortality rates. Using the US linked birth and infant death cohort files from 1995 to 1996 and from 1999 to 2002, I find that infant mortality rates have decreased at a slower rate among children of low-educated Mexican immigrant women compared to their native Mexican-origin counterparts, especially for those mothers residing in less affluent metropolitan counties within their own state. These findings suggest that there may be unintended social costs associated with the Personal Responsibility Work Opportunity and Reconciliation Act, resulting in disparate impact on immigrant mothers and infants. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The 1861 "Settlers' War" of San Jose illustrates how ideals central to nineteenth- century American political culture undermined Mexican claims to land rights in California. This article argues that the dispossession of Californios must be understood within a larger context of anti-land monopolism and its relationship to race, unionism, and the crisis of secession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Mexicana is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Undocumented immigrant women who are abused and living in the United States are isolated in a foreign country, in constant fear of deportation, and feel at the mercy of their spouse to gain legal status. To ensure that immigration law does not trap women in abusive relationships, the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA, 1994) enabled immigrant women to self-petition for legal status. Qualitative research methods were used in this participatory action research to investigate the experiences of Mexican immigrant women filing VAWA self-petitions. Emotional, financial, and logistic barriers in applying are identified, and recommendations for practice research and policy are provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper documents the rise and fall of a micro-learning region in Philadelphia. The central actors in this region are undocumented Mexican immigrants who until recently were able to draw on the intensity of their workplace interactions and their heterodox knowledge to produce new and innovative building techniques in the city's residential construction. The new knowledge they developed was primarily tacit. More significantly, the learning practices through which immigrant workers developed skills and innovated new techniques were also heavily tacit. Because these practices were never made formal and were never made explicit, they remained invisible and difficult to defend. With the housing-market collapse and subsequent decline in housing renovation in the south-center region of Philadelphia, this tacit knowledge, and the practices that gave it shape and significance, are no longer easily accessible. We draw on this case to demonstrate the importance of access to the political and economic resources to turn learning practices into visible structured institutions that protect knowledge and skill. Whether or not the practices that support knowledge development are themselves made explicit can determine whether the knowledge they produce becomes an innovation that is recognized and adopted or whether it remains confined to a set of ephemeral practices that exist only so long as they are being enacted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ensayos - Revista de Economía is the property of Ensayos Revista de Economia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Mexican immigrant women in the United States are most likely to be working as domesticas (maids) more so than in any other occupation in the United States. This occupation provides some women with weak ties in which they gain knowledge about the social world of their employers, especially in areas with relatively large Mexican-origin populations. This paper examines the extent to which Mexican immigrant husbands gain economic benefits from their wives' employment as domesticas. Data from the 2000 5% Public Use Microdata Sample are used to conduct the analysis. The results indicate that there are no statistically significant differences in hourly wages between Mexican immigrant husbands whose wives are employed as domesticas and their counterparts whose wives are employed in other occupations. However, we find a significant interaction effect between domestica employment and the relative size of the Mexican population in the area of residence. As such, Mexican men whose wives are employed as domesticas and who live in areas with a greater presence of Mexicans have higher hourly wages than do their counterparts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the deportation of Mexican nationals from the United States, focusing on migrants with ties to a small, rural community in the Mexican state of San Luis PotosI and several locations throughout the U.S. West and Southwest. I trace the imagined futures of deportees, situating their forced removal within past returns and contemporary transnational lives. The narratives of deportees and those close to them repeatedly focus on uncertainty and insecurity: "¿Quien sabe? [Who knows?]" is a common refrain among deportees, family and friends of those deported, and undocumented migrants fearing deportation. While the U.S. state deports Mexican nationals with a sense of finality, those affected by deportation, including even deportees themselves, have few options outside of future migration to the United States. Agricultural hardship in home communities, a global economic crisis, and increasing violence throughout Mexico are likely to link the trajectories of deportees to continued transnational movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents Naomi Wolf's ten stages of fascism and applies them to an analysis of the murder of two Mexican workers in Georgia by members of the KKK in the early 1980's. The purpose is twofold; one to show that each of Wolf's ten stages, which she sees as being recent developments, are in fact typical of the ways in which racialized minorities have been treated throughout American history and two show the ways in which issues of class struggle are articulated through the violence of racism and sexism, both in language and in actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrant farm workers figure among the poorest people living in the agricultural counties of the United States and Spain. Migrant farm laborers live in remote areas; suffer from malnutrition, low pay, a high mobile lifestyle, difficult working conditions and precarious living environments. Furthermore, farming operates outside the formal labor market as it constitutes a refuge for illegal immigrants, and social isolation has been reported as one of the main causes of distress among immigrant farm workers. This paper analyses comparatively the situation of labor irregularity and social isolation of Tamaulipas' farm workers employed in US agriculture and Moroccan workers engaged in Andalusia's farming sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Although language and culture are important contributors to uninsurance among immigrants, one important contributor may have been overlooked – the ability of immigrants to return to their home country for health care. This paper examines the extent to which uninsurance (private insurance and Medicaid) is related to the ability of immigrants to return to Mexico for health care, as measured by spatial proximity. The data for this study are from the Mexican Migration Project. After controlling for household income, acculturation and demographic characteristics, arc distance to the place of origin plays a role in explaining uninsurance rates. Distance within Mexico is quite important, indicating that immigrants from the South of Mexico are more likely to seek care in their communities of origin (hometowns). [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This article reassesses John Sutter's role in borderlands history as a destabilizing influence in Mexican California and model for filibusters of the 1850s. Nominally a Mexican citizen, his national loyalties were slippery. In effect, Sutter was an independent filibuster before 1846; californios and the Mexican government regarded him as such. After 1848 his contributions to the American settlement and conquest of California (suitably sanitized and mythologized) made him a pioneer hero who had shown filibusters what might be done in Latin America with a small army and a lot of swagger. Sutter approved and supported Central American filibusters in the 1850s; at least one of his sons fought with filibusters. One of the most colorful characters in the history of the American West, Sutter had eccentricities and personal failings that make him easy to parody. This article shows him in a more serious light. His actions in California had lasting importance there and repercussions elsewhere in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration has and will continue to alter the composition of housing demand in the United Sates. In this article, we analyze results from a new survey of Mexican-heritage households to draw some inferences about tenure choice within that group. Some measures of attachment to the United States—residency status and the amount of money sent to relatives and friends in Mexico—suggest that, among Mexican immigrants, permanence is a key determinant of homeownership in the United States. More specifically, being a citizen increased the probability of ownership, whereas being undocumented reduces the probability. Surprisingly, after controlling for residency status, length of tenure in the United States does not predict tenure status, except that those who refused to report length of tenure were more likely to have higher tenure status. Those who sent remittances home to Mexico were less likely to become homeowners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New guest worker programs that promote temporary and documented immigration have been re-implemented by the United States. This is immigration policy that affects Mexican family organization within and across the border. Hence this paper examines first how Mexican male sojourners undertake their reproductive and productive work, by helping to sustain family life even though they are prevented from family reunification. Second, it explores how sojourners rearrange their parental responsibilities that have been disrupted by spatial-temporal family separation through transnational fatherhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mexican women, particularly married women, living in the United States appear to allocate far more of their time to waged work than do women in Mexico. The fierce debate among social scientists over the sources of American women's steadily rising labor force participation rates during the twentieth century provides hypotheses that all plausibly explain a part of this phenomenon, including a misapprehension of the phenomenon due to the failure of official sources to recognize nonwaged work, the importance of higher wages for pulling women into employment, the growth of work perceived as "women's work." the desire of women to provide for their families new goods that they cannot produce at home. the increasing competition of commodity production with home production, and the impact of different social norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Empirical studies in the migration literature have shown that enclaves (networks) negatively affect the language proficiency of migrants. Most of these studies do not address the choice of location as a function of language skills. Using data on Mexican migration to the US, we show that migrants choose smaller networks as their English language proficiency improves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors explore the experience and embodiment of nervios, a folk taxon of illness, among Mexicans immigrants to Chicago (USA). They claim that nervios is an ancient biomedical taxon, reelaborated in folk contexts, and present today in many western (or westernised) societies. First, taking into account the native point of view, they analyse the physical-emotional and social manifestations of illness and the etiological theories. They propose three etiological categories to include nervios' causal explication: organic or natural, emotional, and socio-emotional. Secondly, they focus on various papers on nervios to summarize the etiological theories, distinguishing the social actors assumptions from interpretation made by the authors, what permits the authors to contrast Mexicans immigrants etiological theories with the bibliographical data on this subject. Thirdly, the authors claim that both nervios manifestation and etiological theories are similar in different socio-cultural groups, discussing the affirmation of Low (1985 and 1994), who argues that although the reported bodilily sensations are similar in a variety of cultures, folk explanations of etiology and cultural meaning varied considerably. Then, the authors explore the pathway of healing in a case of study, in order to analyse the meanings of therapeutic complementariness and the medicines overlapped. Finally, they reflect on the role played by the ancient biomedical theories and the folk western tradition to explain nervios similarity in a variety of contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on in-depth interviews with sixty-three undocumented, 1.5-generation Korean-origin and Mexican-origin young adults in the United States, I bring attention to the deep-seated effects of immigration status that extend into the most intimate aspects of undocumented immigrants' lives. Findings show that the stigma of being undocumented leads undocumented young adults to be selective about whom they befriend and to whom they decide to disclose their status, feeling safer with those of shared immigrant descent. Furthermore, ethnoracial background shapes pathways of selective disclosure. Korean undocumented young adults in the study were more likely to be prompted to disclose their status to justify another personal circumstance, whereas Mexican respondents primarily sought empathy and community in times of distress. Moreover, Korean respondents more often created a distinction between individuals with whom they discussed the intimate details of their legal situation and those they deemed close but from whom they hid their status. This work demonstrates the ways in which undocumented immigrants engage in selective status disclosure as one of myriad strategies to mitigate the harmful affective and material effects of undocumented immigration status. By using a comparative qualitative approach, this study points to the nuanced and very personal ways in which ethnoracial background shapes everyday experiences of illegality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: This study aims to assess whether heterogeneity in cognitive functioning trajectories differ across racial/ethnic and nativity (REN) groups, as well as if gender, level of education, physical comorbidities, history of health behaviors, and functional limitations reflect the processes associated with cumulative advantage (disadvantage), persistent inequality, and age as leveler. Methods: The empirical work of this study is based on the 1996–2012 Health and Retirement Study (HRS). Growth curve modeling is used to assess the aims of this study. Results: Long-term change in cognitive functioning trajectories are shaped along REN lines. US-born whites have significantly better cognitive function but experience a faster rate of cognitive deterioration than foreign-born whites, as well as foreign- and US-born blacks, Mexicans, other Hispanics, and other racial ethnic groups, even after taking gender, level of education, health behaviors, and the relevant chronic and physical health conditions into account. Conclusion: There is a pressing need for more culturally appropriate and culturally adapted programs and preventive strategies that take the cultural, linguistic, and other specific needs and issues of individuals in different REN groups into account. There remains a pressing need for an integrated treatment and screening for physical comorbidities, functional limitations, and cognitive interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how fertility levels of Mexican-origin women vary across generational groups and how these levels compare with those of majority non-Hispanic whites. Methods. The data for this study were obtained by pooling the individual records of women of childbearing age from the June 1986 and June 1988 Current Population Surveys (CPS). Results. On balance, the findings show a picture of fertility behavior among Mexican-origin women that is not the consequence of self-identification or emigration selectivity and only partially the consequence of the operation of assimilation processes. Third-or-later-generation women show levels of cumulative and current fertility that are not only higher than those of non-Hispanic white women, they are also higher than those of second-generation women, thus illustrating the limitations of the assimilation perspective for explaining extant ethnic patterns of childbearing. Conclusions. The comparatively high fertility of Mexican-origin women (especially those involving the third-or-later generations) may have a significant impact on the future size and ethnic composition of the United States. If the differentials continue at the magnitude shown in this research, and if levels of life expectancy and immigration remain stable, then the major component of growth in the relative size of the Hispanic population over the next half century will be natural increase caused by differential fertility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Expands the human capital model to compare the migration propensities of Cubans, Mexicans and Puerto Ricans within the United States between 1985 and 1990. Examination of effects of personal factors, the economic environment and the presence of fellow nationals; Immigration history of each nationality; Influence of culture on migration behavior.

Objective: To qualitatively examine how precarious work contributes to parenting stress among Mexican immigrant women. Background: Mexican immigrants tend to be employed in low‐wage occupations with nonstandard work arrangements and schedules. Besides common strains associated with balancing work and family, they experience immigrant‐specific stressors due to their unique positions in society and differences in structural resources and cultural values regarding parenting. Method: Ten focus groups were conducted with 30 Mexican immigrant women living in Nashville, TN. An additional focus group was conducted with four key informants who served the local immigrant community. Transcripts were analyzed using inductive and deductive approaches. Results: Precarious working conditions were a major source of stress and a central contributor to parenting stress. Three themes related to parenting stress emerged: finding and paying for childcare, limited family time, and concerns about children's well‐being. Traditional gender expectations and the structural context of legal status shaped the challenges they experienced in the work and parenting realms. Conclusion: The narratives of women in this study reveal the impact that contingent, excessive, or exploitative workloads can have on immigrant families. Overall, women struggled to reconcile their better economic standing and their poor family life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

cholars have long demonstrated that laws convey messages to people about how government views them and that these messages impact targeted groups' political behavior. Drawing from this insight, this study asks if and how local immigration laws shape the political lives of undocumented Mexican immigrants in US cities. The article advances a tripartite theory of political engagement to demonstrate that the design of local immigration measures impacts the political socialization, political efficacy, and political participation of immigrant communities on the ground. This multidimensional model contributes a more holistic account of undocumented immigrants' political engagement than is available in the existing literature. With a matched case comparison of undocumented life in cities with divergent immigration laws, the article shows that local opportunity structures embedded within receiving locales profoundly influence the nature of political engagement for undocumented residents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Population & Development Review is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Portions of the United States near the Mexican border are experiencing massive inflows of both legal and illegal migrants of Mexican origin. The resultant concentration of low skill labor in these areas of the southwestern states supposedly has led to an excess supply of labor and subsequent depressed labor market conditions, particularly for blue collar workers and Mexican-American nationals. This paper analyzes the degree to which the labor market in this area is depressed. The results presented here tend to verify hypotheses suggested by several other authors but indicate that the magnitude of the problem as reflected by low wages along the border is much less severe than generally believed. The importance of this study is that it measures a phenomenon that heretofore has been accepted with very little empirical verification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on Mexican immigrants in Texas. The Mexican immigrant presents many of the problems which are found among any other immigrant group. But is with the specifically Mexican aspects of this immigration insofar as it is represented in Texas, that this paper is concerned here. The unusually casual character of a good deal of this immigration strikes us at first sight. No other immigration has come to us which shifts back and forth between the U.S. and the home country as much as does the Mexican immigration. It is not at all a serious undertaking for the Mexican to come to the U.S., certainly not nearly as serious as the undertaking of any other immigrant group that has come to the U.S. heretofore. This gives the Mexican population a kaleidoscopic character which strikes one very forcefully when he visits a Mexican community in Texas at an interval of eight months or even less. Texas is the corridor and clearing house for the majority of the Mexican casuals who are disturbed over the country. In matters of health they present a serious problem. Tuberculosis, syphilis and gento-urinary diseases take an exceedingly heavy toll among them. Of course, the terrific overcrowding has something to do with it, also the exceeding sensitiveness to cold of the Mexican and his insufficient and unwise clothing.

In this article the author discusses the relationship between Mexican migration to the United States and substance use in northern Mexico which was examined in the article "The Mexican Migration to the United States and Substance Abuse in northern Mexico" by G. Borges, M. E. Medina-Mora, R. Orozco, C. Fleitz, C. Cherpitel and J. Breslau. He is critical of a health disparity which exists in border towns in the U.S. Also discussed is the impact the illegal drug trade has on Mexico and the U.S.

Cultural-ecological frameworks posit that there are harmful effects of social stratification on developmental outcomes. In particular, awareness of aspects of social stratification in society and interpersonal experiences of discrimination, more generally and within specific contexts, may differentially influence outcomes across life stages; yet, few studies have examined the distal effects during adolescence on early adult developmental outcomes. The current study fills this gap by examining distal mechanisms linking adolescents' (Time 1: ages 13–15) awareness of and perceived general and school discrimination to young adults' (Time 3: ages 23–25) socioeconomic attainment (i.e., educational attainment, occupational prestige, earned income) through adolescents' (Time 2: ages 16–18) academic adjustment (i.e., grades and educational expectations). The study also examined variation by adaptive culture (i.e., English and Spanish language use behavior, familism values) and youth gender. Data are from the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study (N = 755 Mexican-origin adolescents and their foreign-born parents; 51.5% male adolescents; Time 1 M age = 14.20 years). The results revealed that adolescent's awareness of societal discrimination (Time 1) related to adolescents' higher grades (Time 2), which, in turn, related to higher educational attainment and occupational prestige in early adulthood (Time 3). For young women, but not men, sources of perceived discrimination within the school context during adolescence related to lower educational attainment. Additional variation by adaptive culture and gender was also found. Implications discussed are related to positive development among Mexican-origin youth in immigrant families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I introduce and analyze the Mexican Border Crossing Records (MBCRs), an unexplored data source that records aliens crossing the Mexico-US land border at diverse locations from 1903 to 1955. The MBCRs identify immigrants and report rich demographic, geographic and socioeconomic information at the individual level. These micro data have the potential to support cliometric research, which is scarce for the Mexico-US migration, especially for the beginnings of the flow (1884-1910). My analysis of the MBCRs suggests that previous literature may have inaccurately described the origin of the first Mexican immigrants. My findings diverge from historical scholarship because the micro data capture the geographic composition of the flow at the local level and across nine entrance ports, allowing me to characterize with precision the migration patterns during the 1900s. Overall, the micro data reported in the MBCRs offer the opportunity to address topics that concern the economics of migration in the past and present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In April of 1936, Governor Edwin "Big Ed" Johnson of Colorado declared martial law in a one-mile strip along the state's southern border with New Mexico, claiming that an invasion of "aliens and indigents" threatened the well-being of Colorado and its citizens. In addition to literally placing a militarized boundary between the more Anglo state of Colorado and the heavily Hispanic state of New Mexico, Johnson's blockade also heightened contestations over the social boundary between who belonged and who fell outside of citizenship and belonging. Those crossing the New Mexico-Colorado border for work included Mexican immigrants as well as New Mexican Hispanics who were long-time US citizens, most of whom were racialized as undesirable foreigners by many Anglo residents. Interestingly, during the blockade, many native-born Hispanics in New Mexico and Colorado also characterized Mexican immigrants in a negative light, while simultaneously and vigorously asserting their belonging as Spanish American citizens of the United States. The scholarly literature on the racialization of Hispanics has generally approached Mexican-origin people as a unitary group, explored their racial identity in contrast to Anglos, and, less often, taken into account tensions over racialization as they played out between different Hispanic groups. In response, this article details how Johnson's blockade contributed to the racialization--by both Anglos and Hispanics--of Mexican immigrants and Hispanics in the Southwest during the New Deal Era. This case study also offers a rare example of a state's attempt to usurp the federal government's plenary power over immigration during the twentieth century, a time when the federal government's control over immigration was relatively unquestioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The number of Mexican immigrants in the USA tripled between 1990 and 2015. In 2015, about 12 million undocumented immigrants lived in the USA, including 6.6 million undocumented Mexican immigrants. More than half of the undocumented immigrants in the USA enter the USA legally and overstay their visas. Therefore, it is essential to predict whether visa applicants overstay their visas or not. We use a set of pre‐immigration variables for more than 6,281 individuals from Mexico to predict their legal status in the USA. By using eight machine learning techniques, we conclude that we can predict correctly the legal status of 80 per cent of Mexicans who migrate to the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using an ethnographic case study of Mexican immigrant construction workers in two U.S. cities and in Mexico, the authors illustrate the contribution of immigrant skill as a resource for changing workplace practices. As a complement to explanations that situate the protection of job quality and the defense of skill to external institutions, the authors show that immigrants use collective learning practices to improve job quality from inside the work environment-that is to say from the inside-out. The authors also find that immigrants use collective skill-building practices to negotiate for improvements to their jobs; however, their ability to do so depends on the institutions that organize production locally. Particular attention is given to the quality of those industry institutions, noting that where they are more malleable, immigrant workers gain more latitude to alter their working conditions and their prospects for advancement [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To understand Mexican heritage mothers' positive emotional experiences raising their children with autism spectrum disorder (ASD), we examined whether mothers' positive emotions varied by their household income, educational attainment, and their occupational and marital status. We also examined how emotions varied by mothers' interpersonal context (i.e., adults potentially available to provide support at various times of the day). Thirty-two Mexican heritage mothers who cared for at least one child with ASD completed five daily diary surveys over five days within a variety of interpersonal contexts. HLM analysis of 697 surveys showed that employed mothers reported less confidence than unemployed mothers (p < 0.05). Mothers who earned more than $25,000 annually reported being more confident (p < 0.05) and calmer (p < 0.01) than mothers who earned less than $15,000 annually. Mothers who experienced positive emotions (excitement, confidence, and calm) tended to report a higher household income and were more likely to be married. Notably, mothers' education status did not predict positive emotional states possibly due to limited variability within the sample. Contrary to our expectation, mothers reported being more excited when they were alone with their child than when they were not with their child (p < 0.05), or when they were with their child and other family members (p < 0.01). This methodology provided a rich understanding of the heterogeneity of mothers' positive emotional experiences in a population that is marginalized and understudied. Highlights: This study used a time-sampling method to examine Mexican-heritage mothers' positive emotional experiences during daily interactions with their children with autism spectrum disorder. HLM analyses suggest that mothers with more financial resources and those who are married reported more positive emotional states throughout the day. Mothers reported more positive emotions (i.e., excitement) when they were alone with their child than when they were with their child and other family members. Autism interventions should incorporate activities in which mothers and their children can be alone together. Interventions should include culturally meaningful daily routines that build on family capacity and cultural assets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Venegas family letters at Loyola Marymount University present an unusual opportunity to document the work trajectories of their authors, Dolores Dávalos de Venegas and Miguel Venegas, after their exile to Los Angeles in 1927 because of the Cristero conflict in their home state of Jalisco, Mexico. Like many Mexican migrants to Los Angeles, Miguel began work in a blue-collar job, but within six months he had acquired a modest grocery store in central Los Angeles. Miguel's middle-class business background in Jalisco provided him with the skills, worldview, and probable capital to move into business in Los Angeles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the 1950s, the criminal justice system had long combined with other systems, institutions, and individuals to target all the residents of East LA--particularly Mexicans--as criminals. In equating Mexicans with criminality, these networked forces and actors regarded and treated these residents as exceptions--as morally requiring and legally meriting authoritarian rather than accountability practices. These practices did not require invocation of the president's emergency power and did not occur outside the rule of law. Instead, authoritarian practices targeting exceptions like the residents of 1950s East LA reflect routine choices made from (and always available) within the rule of law, made across eras and regions and colonial outposts of the United States, representing the paradigmatic instances of authoritarianism in a constitutional democracy. Contrary to time-honored wisdom, we cannot eliminate the availability of clashing choices within law. Authoritarian practices--every bit as much as accountability practices at the other end of the same continuum--are and shall remain legally legitimate action. Contrary to pacifying speeches, lectures, and sermons, we cannot eliminate fierce struggles over rival visions of the national community. Every discretionary choice each of us makes within networks of systems, institutions, and individuals expresses a view about how we wish to live in our neighborhoods, this country, and across the globe, including which people we feel justified in targeting as exceptions, often for racist reasons. Yet we can and should challenge and aim to obliterate widely hailed and deeply delusional orthodoxies about the criminal justice system, about networked authoritarian practices, about the rule of law itself. Those who insist we must remain loyal to these lies offer a horrific but familiar endorsement of life in 1950s East LA and of the current status quo. Living as we still do in the United States routinely degrades, devastates, and destroys certain groups of people. Living as we still do regularly benefits certain others, especially those within the networked systems targeting exceptions and the bipartisan mainstream enablers who rarely, if ever, put themselves on the line against authoritarian practices. "Enough," as many people I knew growing up in 1950s East LA would say. "Enough." Let's unflinchingly face ourselves-- and our networks, institutions, and systems (including the rule of law in a constitutional democracy). Let's get on with discovering the possibilities and the limits of coexistence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Cultura Latinoamericana is the property of Universidad Catolica de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the beginning of this century we have witnessed the development of studies critically analyzing deportation and deportability. However, little is known about the post-deportation trajectories of deportees. This can be better understood by employing a comprehensive typology of post-deportation strategies of mobility. This article analyzes the case of Mexicans deported from the United States and draws on ethnography among former deportees in Oaxaca. Post-deportation mobility anticipates or stems from the absences and suffering experienced by the deported people. It is a form of mobility that is often an example of agency and resistance, especially in the context of unauthorized return to the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across two studies, U.S. participants read a fictional transcript of a law enforcement officer who observed a speeding infraction and made a discretionary traffic stop. The car carried occupants who displayed either high or low fit with Anglocentric constructions of U.S. identity and were of presumptive Mexican (Studies 1 and 2), Canadian (Study 1), or Irish (Study 2) origin. The officer decided over the course of the traffic stop that the occupants' behavior aroused "reasonable suspicion" about documentation status, so he asked them to produce identification documents and detained them when they failed to do so. Participants indicated their suspicion about occupants' documentation status and rated the appropriateness of law enforcement actions. Results indicate effects of origin across both studies for all outcomes: participants considered occupants of Mexican origin (vs. Canadian or Irish) as more suspicious, and rated law enforcement actions related to traffic and immigration violations as more appropriate when the interaction involved occupants of Mexican origin (vs. Canadian or Irish). Results indicate effects of fit across both studies for all outcomes: participants considered occupants who showed low‐fit (vs. high‐fit) as more suspicious, and rated law enforcement actions related to traffic and immigration violations as more appropriate when occupants showed low‐fit (vs. high‐fit). Discussion focuses on how participant support for punitive anti‐immigration measures is less about neutral enforcement of law than about racialized exclusion to defend an Anglocentric construction of U.S. identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers two periods in American history and one in Canadian history to discern the ways in which Mexican farm labour experiences were uniquely shaped by employer preferences and desires, as well as needs and prejudices. More specifically is considers how definitions of the other were constructed around national idealizations that sought out a reshaping of labour migration or labour's repatriation in accordance with officially-oriented programs of transnational labour management. It begins with the Great Depression (ca. 1929-39), then considers the Bracero Program (1942-64) and concludes with a review of the Canadian Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program (1974-Present). It explores the three selected time periods together with a view towards the ways in which Mexican workforces were maintained, managed, viewed, appreciated and/or derided, as far as is discernable through the archive, a reading of secondary literature, and a selection of media studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I study how relative wages and border enforcement affect immigration from Mexico to the U.S. To do this, I develop a discrete choice dynamic programming model where people choose from a set of locations in both the U.S. and Mexico, while accounting for the location of one's spouse when making decisions. I estimate the model using data on individual immigration decisions from the Mexican Migration Project. Counterfactuals show that a 10% increase in Mexican wages reduces migration rates and durations, overall decreasing the number of years spent in the U.S. by about 5%. A 50% increase in enforcement reduces migration rates and increases durations of stay in the U.S. and the overall effect is a 7% decrease in the number of years spent in the U.S. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The cultural assimilation of Mexican-Americans in the Southwest is assessed by comparing their food consumption patterns with those of income-matched Anglos living in the same region and those of income-matched Mexicans living in Mexico City. Rather than relying on self-report data as indicators of consumption patterns, data concerning the contents of the garbage of these three types of households are used. The results suggest that, contrary to predictions based on the traditional model of assimilation. Mexican-American consumption patterns are not a simple blending of Mexican and Anglo patterns. Rather, Mexican-American consumption patterns suggest the emergence of a unique cultural style. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]