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Local medical systems (LMSs) are complex and dynamic, encompassing local perceptions of diseases, prevention and treatment strategies, and evaluations of therapeutic responses. These systems are not isolated and interact with other medical systems, such as the biomedical system. The interaction between these systems creates a "contact zone", which some authors refer to as intermedicality, involving both competitive and complementary interactions. However, there is limited discussion in the literature regarding the complexity of these interactions. Some studies seek to understand this interaction through the lens of hybridization, a concept introduced to ethnobiology by Ana Ladio and Ulysses Albuquerque. The authors conceptualize hybridization as "discrete structures and practices coming together to form a new practice not necessarily implying homogenization." They discuss hybridization in the context of medicinal plants used in urban settings and propose seven hybridization subprocesses to gain a deeper understanding of this phenomenon. In this study, we update these hybridization subprocesses, expanding the concepts to comprehend the specific interaction of resources from LMS and biomedical systems known and used by different human groups. In this context, we propose a new subprocess and have made adjustments to the existing subprocesses to encompass the diversity of possible interactions between medicinal plants and pharmaceuticals, providing evidence from the literature demonstrating interactions that can be classified within the proposed subprocesses. Furthermore, we discuss, from a theoretical standpoint, how these subprocesses may have implications for the resilience of medical systems. Moreover, we propose a flowchart that can be utilized to identify these hybridization subprocesses in intermedicality contexts in future studies. These classifications are crucial because they enable us to comprehend the complexity of interactions between medicinal plants and pharmaceuticals, as well as the impacts that these different interactions can have on the resilience of LMSs., (© 2023. The Author(s).)

When the COVID-19 pandemic struck and China reported the first case to the World Health Organization in December 2019, there was no evidence-based treatment to combat it. With the catastrophic situation that followed, materialised by a considerable number of deaths, researchers, doctors, traditional healers, and governments of all nations committed themselves to find therapeutic solutions, including preventive and curative. There are effective treatments offered both by modern medicine and traditional medicine for COVID-19 today. However, other therapeutic proposals have not been approved due to the lack of effectiveness and scientific rigour during their development process. Proponents of modern medicine prefer biomedical therapies while in some countries, traditional treatments are used regularly because of their availability, affordability and satisfaction they bring to the population. In this paper, we propose a transactional medicine approach where the interaction between traditional and modern medicine produces a change. With this approach, the promoters of traditional medicine and those of modern medicine will be able to acquire knowledge through the experience produced by their encounters. Transactional medicine aims to be a model for decolonising medicine and recognising the value of both traditional and modern medicine in the fight against COVID-19 and other global emerging pathogens.

Competing Interests: Declaration of interests We declare no competing interests.

Phyllanthus emblica is a kind of traditional medicine and medicinal and edible plant, with rich variety resources and high development value. It is a key poverty alleviation variety in China at present. As P. emblica processing industry is rising gradually in recent years, in order to fully develop and utilize its industrial resources, this paper systematically introduces current comprehensive development and utilization of P. emblica, discusses the problems in P. emblica processing industry, and puts forward comprehensive development and utilization strategies and industrial models in terms of cultivation, breeding, grading, quality evaluation and waste recycling, so as to provide a certain reference for promoting the high-quality development of P. emblica industry in China.

"Microcosmic syndrome", "treatment based on syndrome differentiation", and "combination of disease identification and syndrome differentiation" generally refer to a mode: following the syndrome if with no disease identified, following the disease if with no syndrome type differentiated. For example, Chinese medical treatment of hypertension, high blood lipids, increased transaminase, and so on candirectly use Chinese recipes, but no longer with syndrome differentiation. Clinical application of Chinese patent medicine can also obtain favorable clinical. Western doctors need not follow syndrome differentiation. The invention of artemisinin was screened from more than 40 000 kinds of compounds and herbs, but with no reference of any traditional Chinese medical theory. A lot of folk remedy and empirical recipes have obtained effective efficacy but unnecessarily with profound Chinese medical theories. Various evidences showed that disease can also be cured without syndrome differentiation. I held that it might be associated with the same mechanism of Chinese medicine and Western medicine. Any disease can be cured or alleviated by Chinese medicine is a result from its modern pharmacological effect, which is achieved by improving etiologies, and pathogeneses. I was inspired by whether we can directly use traditional Chinese medicine with modern pharmacological effects to treat symptomatic disease. So I raised an idea of microcosmic Chinese medicine used by Western medicine, i.e., we find and use Chinese herbs with relatively effective modern pharmacological effect to treat diseases targeting at patients' clinical symptoms and signs, as well as various positive laboratory results (collectively called as microscopic dialectical indicators). More Western doctors would use it to treat disease due to omission of complicated and mysterious syndrome differentiation. This will promote extensive application and expansion of Chi- nese medicine and pharmacy, enlarge the team of integrative medicine, improve Western doctors' interest in Chinese medicine and pharmacy, thus pushing the career of integrative medicine in a brand new development era.

Background: Interest in ethnomedicine has grown in the last decades, with much research focusing on how local medicinal knowledge can contribute to Western medicine. Researchers have emphasized the divide between practices used by local medical practitioners and Western doctors. However, researchers have also suggested that merging concepts and practices from local medicinal knowledge and Western science have the potential to improve public health and support medical independence of local people. In this article we study the relations between local and Western medicinal knowledge within a native Amazonian population, the Tsimane'., Methods: We used the following methods: 1) participant observation and semi-structured interviews to gather background information, 2) free-listing and pile-sorting to assess whether Tsimane' integrate local medicinal knowledge and Western medicine at the conceptual level, 3) surveys to assess to what extent Tsimane' combine local medicinal knowledge with Western medicine in actual treatments, and 4) a participatory workshop to assess the willingness of Tsimane' and Western medical specialists to cooperate with each other., Results: We found that when asked about medical treatments, Tsimane' do not include Western treatments in their lists, however on their daily practices, Tsimane' do use Western treatments in combination with ethnomedical treatments. We also found that Tsimane' healers and Western doctors express willingness to cooperate with each other and to promote synergy between local and Western medical systems., Conclusion: Our findings contrast with previous research emphasizing the divide between local medical practitioners and Western doctors and suggests that cooperation between both health systems might be possible.

In the Caribbean as in many other areas costly biomedical resources and personnel are limited, and more and more people are turning to alternative medicine and folk practitioners for health care. To meet the goal of providing health care for all, research on nonbiomedical therapies is needed, along with legal recognition of folk practitioners to establish standards of practice.

This paper initiates a discussion of some viable approaches to a critically applied as opposed to a clinically applied medical anthropology. The old question of the role of the intellectual man or woman is at the heart of this enquiry. Analogies are drawn between the current relations of anthropology to medicine and the history of anthropology's relations to European colonialism. The dilemmas of the clinically applied anthropologists 'double agent' role is discussed and alternatives offered in the form of three separate and to some extent contradictory projects, each of which, however, demands that the anthropologists cut loose his or her moorings from conventional biomedical premises and epistemologies. Ours must be an anthropology of affliction and not simply an anthropology of medicine. Praxis must not be left in the hands of those who would only represent the best interests of biomedical hegemony.

This paper examines the relationship between traditional and modern medicine with reference to an experimental research study conducted in South Africa, which focused on interviews by traditional Zulu healers and modern clinical psychologists with the same group of psychiatric patients. Results indicated that while traditional and modern practitioners worked from different theoretical orientations, they were in significant agreement as to both diagnosis and treatment of patients when faced with the same limited choice of options. Furthermore, patients perceived both traditional and modern practitioners as being more or less equally helpful. Results are compared with those of other studies. Local and international implications for the relationship between traditional and modern medicine are discussed.

As a minor part of a more comprehensive anthropological research project in a Black township in the Western Transvaal, special attention was paid to the regard senior high-school students have for the curing abilities of different categories of medical practitioners. These categories include traditional practitioners (so called witchdoctors). Black "prophets' who belong to the independent churches, and the Western type of medical practitioner. The results of the study showed that although most of the respondents have a high regard for contemporary Western medicine, a high percentage (more than 80%) of the respondents consider the curing abilities of both "prophets' and traditional practitioners as being moderately to very effective. If the fact that traditional medicine still exists is regarded as a problem, it will simply have to be accepted or at least tolerated. It wil most probably play a more or less important role among Blacks in South Africa for some time to come. Traditional medicine does not exist as a separate entity, it is entrenched in a complex network of norms, cultural values and social circumstances and cannot be willed away overnight.

This paper reviews the development over the last 15 years of a broadening critical trend in the field of medical anthropology by: (1) examining shortcomings of conventional medical anthropology that led to interest in critical alternatives; (2) examining historical and occupational factors that tend to conservatize the subdiscipline; (3) reviewing the body of literature produced thus far by its adherents; and (4) suggesting directions for future work.