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Support for democracy is based on warmth, inclusiveness, and a general belief that others are well-intentioned. It is also related to a willingness to respect the rights of outgroups which do not necessarily share the views of one's ingroup. In this research, we analysed the relationships between different types of national identity and support for democracy. In two surveys (Study 1; American participants, n = 407 and Study 2; Polish participants; n = 570), we found that support for democracy was negatively linked to collective narcissism, measured in relation to the national group, previously associated with negative intra- and inter-group outcomes. The effect of national narcissism on democracy support was present even when accounting for national identification. In Study 2, we also found that this effect was mediated by social cynicism - a negative view of human nature. In both studies, support for democracy was positively linked to a secure national identity, that is national identification without the narcissistic component, which tends to be associated with positive attitudes towards others. We discuss implications for understanding the role of national identity in support for (il)liberal politics.

Collective narcissism is a belief in one’s in-group greatness that is underappreciated by others. Across three studies conducted in the context of the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, we found that collective narcissism, measured with respect to the national group, was related to support of policies that protect the national image at the expense of in-group members’ health. In Study 1, British national narcissism was related to opposing cooperation with the European Union (EU) on medical equipment. In Study 2, American national narcissism predicted opposition to COVID-19 testing to downplay the number of cases. In Study 3, American national narcissism was related to support for releasing an untested COVID-19 vaccine, to beat other countries to the punch. These relationships were mediated by concern about the country’s reputation. Our studies shed light on collective narcissism as a group-based ego-enhancement strategy in which a strong image of the group is prioritized over members’ well-being.

We investigate the relationship between vaccination hesitancy and the way people feel about their national groups. Antivaccination attitudes are associated with conspiracy beliefs, which have been linked to group-based defensiveness. Thus, we hypothesized that defensiveness about one’s national identity, operationalized as collective narcissism measured in relation to one’s national group, might be related to antivaccination attitudes. We found that national narcissism, but not national identification, predicted support for a voluntary vaccination policy both in a general population sample ( N = 361) and among visitors of antivaccination discussion forums ( N = 178). In two further studies involving national quota samples, national narcissism was also related to vaccination conspiracy beliefs ( N = 1,048), and these beliefs mediated its association with support for a voluntary vaccination policy ( N = 811). By highlighting the link between antiscience attitudes and collective narcissism, we demonstrate that group defensiveness can be linked to support for decisions that may undermine the health and well-being of present and future ingroup members.

In this research, we investigate the role of partisan identity in predicting political skills, performance, and intragroup behavioural intentions among political elites. We differentiate the strength of partisan identification from partisan narcissism—a belief in the greatness of one’s political party that is not appreciated by others. We recruited active political party members who had run for office in recent elections in Iceland (N=214) to participate in an online survey. We found that partisan identification was related to higher levels of political skills and political performance, including higher analytical skills and ability to represent others. Partisan identification also predicted higher party loyalty and more time spent volunteering in party activities. Meanwhile, partisan narcissism was only related to politicking—the inclination to engage in secrecy, deception, and political blood-sport. Cumulatively, these results suggest that partisan identification is associated with meticulousness and representation of others in politicians’ work. Conversely, partisan narcissism seems to contribute to being cunning in the political arena.

Changing collective behaviour and supporting non-pharmaceutical interventions is an important component in mitigating virus transmission during a pandemic. In a large international collaboration (Study 1, N = 49,968 across 67 countries), we investigated self-reported factors that associated with people reported adopting public health behaviours (e.g., spatial distancing and stricter hygiene) and endorsed public policy interventions (e.g., closing bars and restaurants) during the early stage of the pandemic (April-May 2020). Respondents who reported identifying more strongly with their nation consistently reported greater engagement in public health behaviours and support for public health policies. Results were similar for representative and non-representative national samples. Study 2 (N = 42 countries) conceptually replicated the central finding using aggregate indices of national identity (obtained using the World Values Survey) and a measure of actual behaviour change during the pandemic (obtained from Google mobility reports). Higher levels of national identification prior to the pandemic predicted lower mobility during the early stage of the pandemic (r = -.40). We discuss the potential implications of links between national identity, leadership, and public health for managing COVID-19 and future pandemics.

Conspiracy theories related to COVID-19 have propagated around the globe, leading the World Health Organization to declare the spread of misinformation an ‘Infodemic’. We tested the hypothesis that national narcissism —a belief in the greatness of one’s nation that requires external recognition— is associated with the spread of conspiracy theories during the COVID-19 pandemic. In two large-scale national surveys (NTotal = 950) conducted in the US and the UK, and secondary analysis of data from 56 countries (N = 50,757), we found a robust, positive relationship between national narcissism and proneness to believe and disseminate conspiracy theories related to COVID-19. Further, belief in COVID-19 conspiracy theories was related to less engagement in health behaviors and less support for public-health policies to combat COVID-19. Our findings illustrate the importance of social identity factors in the spread of conspiracy theories and provide insights into the psychological processes underlying the COVID-19 pandemic.

People seek high positions not to gain influence over others but to satisfy their need for personal control. Personal control tends to have positive interpersonal consequences. If this is the case, does power indeed corrupt? We argue that holding a high position is associated both with perceptions of power (influence over others) and personal control (influence over one’s life). Three studies showed that these two aspects might have opposite consequences: Power over others positively predicted aggressiveness (Study 1, N = 793) and exploitativeness (Study 2, N = 445), whereas personal control predicted these outcomes negatively. In Study 3 ( N = 557), conducted among employees at various organizational positions, the effects of holding a high position on exploitativeness and aggressiveness were differentially mediated by power over others and personal control. We discuss these findings in light of contradicting evidence on the corruptive effects of power.

We examined the longitudinal associations between self-esteem and narcissism in a three-wave panel study (N = 557). In a standard cross-lagged panel model, self-esteem had a positive bidirectional relationship with narcissistic admiration. Narcissistic rivalry predicted increases in narcissistic admiration, but the corresponding reciprocal cross-lagged effect was not significant, nor were the cross-lagged associations between self-esteem and narcissistic rivalry. However, a random-intercept cross-lagged panel model (which partitions between- and within-person variance) failed to identify significant cross-lagged relationships between self-esteem and admiration or rivalry. Rather, self-esteem correlated positively with narcissistic admiration (but not rivalry) only at the trait level. Furthermore, we observed positive bidirectional associations between admiration and rivalry, suggesting that the within-person fluctuations in these two sub-dimensions of narcissism mutually reinforce each other.

Doravirine is a novel nonnucleoside reverse transcriptase inhibitor for the treatment of human immunodeficiency virus type-1 (HIV-1) infection. In vitro and clinical data suggest that doravirine is unlikely to cause significant drug-drug interactions via major drug-metabolizing enzymes or transporters. As a common HIV-1 infection comorbidity, type 2 diabetes mellitus is often treated with metformin. Perturbations of metformin absorption or elimination may affect its safety and efficacy profile; therefore, understanding potential drug-drug interactions between doravirine and metformin is important. An open-label, fixed-sequence, 2-period trial in healthy adults was conducted. Single-dose metformin 1000 mg was administered in period 1; in period 2, doravirine 100 mg was administered once daily on days 1 to 7, and single-dose metformin 1000 mg was administered on day 5. Plasma pharmacokinetics for metformin alone and coadministered with doravirine were assessed. Fourteen participants enrolled and completed the trial. Least-squares geometric mean ratios and 90% confidence intervals of metformin AUC0-∞ , and Cmax following coadministration of metformin and doravirine compared with metformin alone were 0.94 (0.88-1.00) and 0.94 (0.86-1.03), respectively; metformin Tmax and half-life were also minimally impacted. These data indicate that doravirine did not have a clinically relevant effect on the pharmacokinetics of metformin. Metformin alone and coadministered with doravirine was generally well tolerated. These data support coadministration of doravirine 100 mg and metformin 1000 mg without dose adjustment.

Past research indicates that national narcissism (but not national identification) predicts support for anti-environmental policies, and that this effect is driven by national narcissists' need to defend the group's image. We hypothesized that although national narcissists might not support proenvironmental actions, they would support promoting a proenvironmental image of their nation (i.e., greenwashing). In five studies (overall N = 2231), we demonstrated that individuals high in national narcissism were less likely to support actual proenvironmental actions (Studies 2–5), but more likely to support greenwashing campaigns (Studies 1–3, 5), although not when greenwashing would involve financial costs incurred by the ingroup (Study 4). In Study 5, national narcissism predicted support for greenwashing as a political strategy—it was related to the preference for green image enhancement over green actions (controlling for proenvironmental attitudes and individual narcissism). We did not observe similar effects for national identification or right-wing political ideology. Implications for promoting proenvironmentalism across distinct groups are discussed.

This umbrella review analysed the relationships between family variables and child/adolescent body weight, diet and physical activity. In line with theories of health behaviour change, it was assumed that behaviour-specific family variables (i.e. beliefs, perceptions and practices referring to food intake or physical activity) would have stronger support than more general family variables (i.e. socio-economic status or general parental practices). Data obtained from 18 systematic reviews (examining 375 quantitative studies) were analysed. Reviews of experimental trials generally supported the effectiveness of reward/positive reinforcement parental strategies, parental involvement in treatment or prevention programmes, and cognitive-behavioural treatment in reducing child/adolescent body mass and/or obesity. Results across reviews of correlational studies indicated that healthy nutrition of children/adolescents was related to only one parental practice (parental monitoring), but was associated with several behaviour-specific family variables (e.g. a lack of restrictive control over food choices, high intake of healthy foods and low intake of unhealthy foods by parents and siblings, low pressure to consume foods). With regard to adolescent physical activity, stronger support was also found for behaviour-specific variables (e.g. physical activity of siblings), and for certain socio-economic variables (e.g. parental education). Child and adolescent obesity prevention programmes should account for behaviour-specific family variables.

This umbrella review analyzed the effectiveness of school-based interventions, applying body weight or behavioral outcomes. Twelve systematic reviews and five meta-analyses (examining 196 trials) were included. Results indicated that the effectiveness was usually referred to body weight or BMI change, with 1/3 of trials (per review) indicating significant changes in BMI or obesity prevalence. Meta-analyses yielded mixed effects (three showed significant changes in weight, BMI, or obesity). Interventions were more effective if they aimed at a reduction of sedentary behaviors, incorporated moderate-to-vigorous physical activity, and parental involvement. The inclusion of a nutrition component moderated the long-term effects of interventions. More efficient interventions lasted at least 3 months, did not aim solely at environmental changes, and were implemented in general population. Female and younger participants may benefit more from the interventions. The role of psychological theories and behavioral or cognitive mediators was rarely investigated.

Two studies examine the interaction of political conservatism and need for cognitive closure in predicting aggressiveness toward out-groups. In the first study, Polish participants indicate their preference for conflict resolution strategies in the context of a real-life conflict between in-group (Poles) and out-group (Germans). Only among participants who identify themselves as conservatives need for cognitive closure is significantly related to preference for aggressive actions against the out-group. In the second study, the predicted interaction was investigated in the context of the terrorist threat in Poland. The findings indicate that high in need for closure conservatives support aggression against Arabs and Muslims only when they believe their in-group is threatened by possible terrorist attacks inspired by Islamic fundamentalism.

The aim of the present study was to evaluate the effect of chronic total occlusion (CTO) localization in nonifarct-related artery (IRA) on 12 months mortality in patients with NSTEMI and multivessel coronary artery disease (MV CAD) treated with PCI We analyzed consecutive records of 991 patients

This umbrella review analyzed the relationships between social and physical micro-environmental (neighborhood, school) characteristics as predictors of child and adolescent diet, physical activity, and body weight. Eight systematic reviews, discussing 132 original studies (97% correlational, 3% experimental) yielded 98 social, physical, and socio-economic characteristics, as categorized in the original reviews. Among micro-environmental predictors stronger support (i.e., replicated results) was obtained for 12 out of 98 original micro-environmental variables, with physical activity as the outcome in 10 out of 12 cases. In particular, replicated significant relationships were found for several physical activity-specific neighborhood and school characteristics (e.g., community opportunities to exercise, lower costs of physical activity facilities, physical activity build environment) and adolescent physical activity. Among more general (i.e., not behavior-specific) micro-environmental characteristics, stronger support was found for low crime level, school type, and child/adolescent physical activity.

It has been proven that presence of chronic total occlusion (CTO) in other than infarct-related artery (IRA) in patients with NSTEMI is associated with higher rates of in-hospital and long-term mortality than in patients without CTO. However, there is a lack of data regarding the influence of the