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Data from the 1987-1988 National Survey of Families and Households are used to provide national estimates of cohabitation trends and levels. The rapid increase since around 1970 is documented over both birth cohorts and marriage cohorts. Almost half of the persons in their early 30s and half of the recently married have cohabited. Changes in the proportion ever married are compared with changes in the proportion who have either married or cohabited. Much of the decline in marriage has been offset by increased living together without being married. The stability of unions of various types is compared. Cohabitations end very quickly in either marriage or disruption. About 60 percent of all first cohabitations result in marriage. Cohabiting unions and marriages preceded by cohabitation are much more likely to break up than are unions initiated by marriage. Multivariate analysis reveals higher rates of cohabitation among women, whites, persons who did not complete high school, and those from families who received welfare or who lived in a single-parent family while growing up. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-1980 decline in the crude divorce rate must be interpreted in the context of the long-term trend and in terms of what we know about composition effects on crude measures-particularly given shifts in age at marriage and the age composition effects of the baby boom. Data from the June 1985 Current Population Survey permit more detailed, exposure-specific measurements as well as the use of separation as the event terminating marriage. Estimates from these data suggest a decline followed by a recovery. Taking into account well-known levels of underreporting, we find that recent rates imply that about two-thirds of all first marriages are likely to end in separation or divorce. We examine the persistence of major differences in marital stability and evaluate the comparative stability of first and second marriages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The straightforward tests we have conducted lead to two major conclusions. First, parameter estimates, such as the proportions that practice contraception or that breastfeed, can be biased in data restricted to the last closed and open interval. This is particularly true the further back in time one goes. However, the second conclusion is that these restrictions do not bias estimates of the structure of the relationships predicting fertility. This may seem surprising, and perhaps even magical. The reason is that multivariate life table techniques allow one to reach the same conclusion even if the proportions in various categories are altered by a criterion such as limiting the analysis to intervals begun by the last and next-to-last live births. Limiting the analysis in this way means that there are fewer short intervals and thus fewer cases of intervals with characteristics associated with short intervals (e.g., no contraceptive use, no breastfeeding, or infant mortality). As long as the model specified in the multivariate life table is an appropriate one, that is, it is not misspecified, and as long as the skew produced by the WFS restriction is not too extreme, then the multivariate life table procedures can produce unbiased estimates of the structure of the relationships predicting birth interval dynamics. Thus even though the WFS data are in fact inappropriate for some simple parameter estimation procedures, they appear to be adequate for the more complex multivariate procedures of the sort used here. Several caveats must be added to the foregoing results. First, we have performed this test in only one country, Korea; it is possible that the same results might not be obtained in other countries. We expect, however, that they would. Second, our procedure only looks at the first 40 months of experience in the birth interval. A procedure that incorporates the long tails of the birth interval distribution may obtain different results. In fact, we caution against analyzing the tail of the distributions using data from the normal WFS sample, since these would be most affected by the restriction to last closed and open intervals. Third, the extent to which these results are generalizable to other types of substantive problems is unknown at present. We suspect, however, that examining the determinants of lengths of breastfeeding will produce similar results. Finally, even with multivariate procedures, it would be highly misleading to impose the WFS restrictions and then examine trends in the length of birth intervals.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Data from the 1980 June Current Population Survey are used to estimate the incidence and duration of marital disruption as experienced by children. Rates during the 1977-1979 period suggest that about two-fifths of children born to married mothers will experience the disruption of that marriage while they are children. When children born before their mothers' first marriage are included, half of recent cohorts are likely to spend some time in a single parent family. These rates increased consistently over the 1970s. For the majority of those who experience a marital disruption, over five years are likely to elapse before the mother remarries. Furthermore, about half of the children who go through a divorce and remarriage will experience the breakup of the new family as well. At the same time, the interval between separation and divorce is less than a year for most children involved. There are major differences in these rates by race and important differences as well by education and age of mother. Replication of our earlier estimates for comparable periods was quite good for the estimates of the experience of marital dissolution, but somewhat less so for the analysis of mother's subsequent remarriage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking care to minimize the truncation bias inherent in cross-sectional data and controlling for other variables, this paper demonstrates the strong effects of both age and marital status at first birth on the pace of subsequent fertility. These effects are particularly strong in the interval immediately following the first birth but persist even into the fourth interval. Important differences are found with respect to the experience of rapid fertility, rather than in the mean lengths of intervals. These results add to the growing attention to the social dimensions of age as a variable in fertility processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There was an impressive increase between 1965 and 1970 in the prevalence of contraceptive sterilization, an increase that accelerated in the later years of the period and was shared in by virtually all subgroups considered, Among couples in 1970 for whom sterilization had been an option (recognizing that it is a terminal method), about one of every five had chosen this method of contraception. About half of all sterilizations were vasectomies, though vasectomies have outnumbered tubal ligations in recent years. Differentials in prevalence and in increases during 1965-1970 are reported for a number of life-cycle and social variables. In addition, a profile of the contraceptive sterile is presented for recent sterilizations. Significant proportions are relatively young and, of low parity at the time of sterilization. In the context of the continued diffusion of the pill and IUD and increases in legal abortion, the net demographic effect of increasing sterilization is regarded as low, though sterilization is an important component of an effective fertility control regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]