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Concepts and terminology are our tools and habitual mode for thinking about the world, forming groups and group identities and thereby also acting politically. Thus, a system of order is established and stabilised which, alongside its factual significance in economics and politics, is furthermore reflected in the order of discourse (Foucault 1970 1974 Hayer), above all by means of exclusion mechanisms.

Vamos con todo is a mixed-genre entertainment programme transmitted in Ecuador on a national television channel. The segment of the programme that we examine in this paper focuses on gossip and events surrounding local/national celebrities. Talk as entertainment is central to this segment which is structured around a series of ‘news’ stories announced by the presenters and mostly conveyed through (pre-recorded) interviews. Extracts of these interviews are ingeniously presented to create a sense of confrontation between the celebrities concerned. Each news story is then followed-up by informal ‘discussions’ among the show’s 5-6 presenters who take on the role of panellists. While Vamos con todo incorporates various genres, the running thread throughout the programme is the creation of scandal and the instigation of confrontation. What is of particular interest, however, is that no sooner the scandalous stories are presented, the programme presenters attempt to defuse the scandal and controversy that they contributed to creating. The programme thus results in what viewers familiar with the genre of confrontational talk shows in Spain, for example, may regard as an emasculated equivalent. In this paper we explore linguistic and other mechanisms through which confrontation and scandal are first created and then defused in Vamos con todo. We consider the situational, cultural and socio-political context of the programme as possibly playing a part in this disjointedness. The study draws on the literature on television discourse, talk shows and (im)politeness in the media.

The study aims to research the historical dynamics of the notions political correctness, inclusive language and freedom of speech, as well as to reveal the mechanisms and new tendencies of their realization in public discourse. The sources of practical material are represented by: a) 126 journal and Internet articles; b) 12 speeches of famous US and British politicians, scholars and celebrities reflecting the notions under study. The leading methods include critical discourse analysis, definition and contextual analyses. The research indicates that during its long and contradictory history, the term political correctness had both positive and negative connotations. When the negative attitude started to prevail, it was replaced by the notions inclusion and inclusive language based on similar mechanisms: ban on the use of offensive terms denoting different aspects of peoples identity; avoidance of stereotypes and false semantic associations; abundant use of euphemisms, etc. The paper reveals the new trends in the English language (non-binary expression of gender; changes in the conceptualization of race, age and disability) and social practices meeting the requirements of inclusive communication. Whereas political correctness and inclusive language aim to protect vulnerable social groups and improve the social climate, they produce certain undesirable tendencies: breach between social groups caused by inefficient communication; reverse racism; complex relationship of political correctness with science, literature and education; its speculative use; and restrictions on freedom of speech. The study also sheds light on the problems of politically correct intercultural communication caused by the non-stop language change, differences in social norms, values, grammatical structures, semantics, and cultural associations.

Following a critical discourse analysis (CDA) approach, the present study reports on the analysis of 49 texts from the Hellenic Parliament Proceedings, where the term λαθρομετανάστης “illegal migrant” is used. The texts under scrutiny date back to 2015 (i. e., the year the migration crisis reached its peak) and reveal the recontextualized use of this term, which is identified with the hegemonic national-racist discourse of the 1990s perceiving migrants as criminals. Since the 1990s, the term has been stigmatized by political correctness as racist and inaccurate. We consider political correctness as a type of corrective practice, since it detects naturalized language uses reproducing stereotypes and power relationships. We will examine how the re-emergence of the older, racist use of the term in question as a reaction against the guidelines of political correctness is anew connected with national-xenophobic discourse and, in particular, with framing migrants as invaders and a national threat. Overall, tracing the semantic trajectory of the term λαθρομετανάστης “illegal migrant” allows us to explore how language use at the micro-level is dialectically connected with discourses at the macro-level.

The interpretation of archaeology is inevitably affected by the social, cultural and intellectual background of researchers. This is certainly the situation in the study of early Chinese civilisations and their material remains, particularly in regard to the Erlitou culture in the middle Yellow River region in China (c. 1900-1500 BC). The spatial and temporal definitions of the Erlitou culture are partially coincident with those of the Xia dynasty as recorded in ancient texts. The type-site of Erlitou, in Yanshi, Henan province, has revealed much evidence indicating the development of a large and complex political centre there. But the historical or dynastic affiliation of the Erlitou site/culture has generated much debate among archaeologists and historians in recent years. A general tendency in the debate, as seen in publications, is that most Chinese archaeologists and historians believe that the Erlitou site represents the material culture of an early dynasty, Xia or Shang, while most scholars in the West have reservations regarding such interpretations (Liu & Chen 2003: 26-35; Liu 2004: 223-38; Liu & Xu 2007).

This article attempts to present selected phenomena of contemporary German culture in the context of political radicalism, multiculturalism and ethnic conflicts. Starting with the criticism of the student protests of 1968 (using the example of the novel Örtlich betäubt by Günter Grass) and discourses on Europe in the early 1990s (Grass, Enzensberger), and ending with debates on freedom of expression, political correctness or “cancel culture” (Wallraff, Pirinçci, Nuhr, Eckhart), this article analyses the consequences of left- and right-wing radicalism, anti-Semitism and Islamism for literature and cabaret in Germany on selected examples.

This article discusses the representation of race in Otto Bathurst’s Robin Hood through an examination of Yahya, one of the pivotal figures of agitation for social reform in the film. It traces Yahya’s ancestry from his on-screen avatars to note a significant change that is displayed in the power dynamics between Yahya and Robin. Through this examination, the article will assert that dismissing the film’s commitment to diversity as “political correctness gone mad” not only fundamentally misunderstands what medievalism is and what it does, but also attempts to police Black bodies in a made-up past.

Sara Gabriela Baz Sanchez. Doctora en Historia por El Colegio de Mexico, maestra en Historiografia de Mexico por la UAM, maestra en Estudios de Arte por la Universidad Iberoamericana y licenciada en Historia del Arte por la misma institucion (1998). A partir de 1999 se ha desempenado como docente, investigadora, documentadora y coordinadora de mas de 30 exposiciones nacionales e internacionales. Actualmente es profesora de tiempo completo en el Departamento de Arte de la Universidad Iberoamericana, con lineas de investigacion en la historiografia y la emblematica.

This article sets to examine some of the impacts the notion of “political correctness” has on the art world today. It argues that what started as the noble attempts to compensate for the grievous history of racism by way of inclusive speech and affirmative action has, in the end, generated new forms of discrimination and closure. In this context, instead of pushing the boundaries of what is considered acceptable in social, moral or aesthetic terms, art is itself being pushed back within these boundaries and rendered inert and ingratiating.

In a world increasingly trying to erase past inequalities and discriminations, words must communicate intent as much as ideas. We live in politically correct cultures, where unspoken rules of respectability govern conduct in cross-cultural interactions, meaning interactions among people of different races, genders, or religions. Therefore, it is essential to use politically correct language to avoid offending the audience. Even if it is not intended, failing to do so can have devastating effects professionally and personally. As it is frequently seen in the media, writing or speaking without using politically correct or inclusive language can have a negative impact that proves impossible to take back, especially in today’s age of social media and online content sharing. Politically correct means expressing yourself using neutral, unbiased, and inoffensive language that does not degrade, demoralize, or discriminate against another person or group. Inclusive language considers all perspectives without exclusion, inferiority, or stereotyping. Conspicuous prejudice and discrimination in the workplace are far less acceptable today. Laws now protect traditionally underrepresented groups from flagrant discrimination in hiring and promotion, and political correctness has reset the standards for politeness and respect in people’s daily interactions. Yet, in spite of the progress mentioned, political correctness is an equivocal term. While it has helped many traditionally underrepresented employees to experience their workplace as more inclusive, the rules of political correctness can prevent employees from developing effective relationships across differences that might divide groups. The paper attempts to analyze the rise and enforcement of political correctness rules related to the ongoing economic processes in the new economy of the world. In this new economy, the organizational boundaries between states and firms become unclear and, apart from conceiving a new vocabulary able to express the changes the firms are undergoing, when speaking or writing, all members of the audience should be included and addressed using inclusive language.

This introduction explores the relationship between Law and Political Correctness (PC), considering different stages (from culture wars on campus to narrative outsider jurisprudences), as well as diverse (contextually instable and often contradictory) narrative webs. This reflective path opens three main different problems: the first concerns the way how the sensitivity to political correctness is programmatically (contingently) pursued through statutory law; the second identifies the difficulties which plurality and fragmentation create, when we consider Law’s vocation for comparability; the third denounces specific institutionalizing procedures and social effects associable to the culture of political correctness. Acknowledging that the integrated discussion of these themes, in their juridical systematic implications, is fundamentally encore à faire, the last part of the text introduces in detail the seven chapters which follow, highlighting the stimulant plurality of perspectives and approaches which they manifest.

In this paper I argue for the general duty to refer to transgender people by their preferred pronouns when they are conventional. In the case of non-conventional, tailor-made pronouns, there is no such duty because those so-called “designated pronouns” are not actually functional pronouns. Last, but not least, even though there is a duty of civility to use the designated name and conventional pronoun of trans-people, individuals retain the right to speak out their belief in that sex and gender are biological facts, and thus, the right to state in reference to a transwoman: “She is not a woman”.

The author shows two uses of language manipulation: positive — in relation to the phenomenon of political correctness, the implementation of which he also considers a kind of manipulation, and negative — manifested in hate speech. Political correctness generally eliminates to some extent aggressive language — hate speech. Its influence can be seen in various spheres of social life (attitude towards other nationalities, sexual preferences, religion — non-denominationalism, etc.). The area where hate speech is spreading is widely understood politics. The conclusion is that while in many spheres of social life diplomacy is in force or is beginning to apply, politics is in a state of an ever worsening war.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the censorship function of political correctness. According to the authors, this issue requires, first of all, conceptual clarification, since the qualification of political correctness as censorship is not obvious to many and is even paradoxical. Based on the concepts of "invisible censorship" by P. Bourdieu and "symbolic power" by T. van Dijk the authors show how the concept of political censorship expands to include the practice of political correctness. On the other hand, it examines how the phenomenon and concept of political correctness converges with censorship practices as it evolves. Special attention is paid to the discursive features of political correctness as a kind of symbolic political censorship; moreover, the sociopolitical risks associated with this phenomenon are assessed.

The aim of the article is to define the status of political correctness in the Polish language and its re-lationship with linguistic politeness. An important element is to describe the various approaches and attempts to define political correctness and to reflect on the ideologization of the studied phenomenon. The first step is to develop a theoretical basis, discussing the issue of linguistic politeness and political correctness. In the next part, both phenomena are confronted and their relationships are discussed via the example of the lexeme Murzyn (Black). The analysis of the problem showed the ideological entangle-ment of political correctness and a negative evaluation of this phenomenon, despite the assumptions convergent with linguistic politeness, which does not raise objections from language users.

Постановка задачи. В работе рассматривается историческая трансформация представлений о политкорректности в англоязычной культуре, являющейся в настоящее время доминирующей «глобальной» культурой. В отечественной лингвистике существует ряд синонимичных терминов для номинации данного явления: коммуникативная корректность, языковая толерантность, языковой такт. Результаты. Отношение к политкорректности значительно эволюционировало с момента ее зарождения в англоязычной среде в 1980е гг. Изначально явление рассматривали в качестве способа обеспечения взаимоуважения и терпимости в международном поликультурном и мультилингвальном пространстве. В начале XXI в. отмечается ироничное восприятие политкорректности, вызванное гиперкорректностью, желанием завуалировать все неоднозначные проявления действительности. Тем не менее политкорректное отношение необходимо для таких социальных категорий индивидов, как люди с ограниченными возможностями. Выбор паралимпийского дискурса в качестве источника материала по политкорректности обусловлен статусом английского языка, выступающего единственным официальным языком паралимпийского движения. Международный паралимпийский комитет - управляющий орган паралимпийского движения и посредник между спортсменами с инвалидностью и общественностью - также выполняет функцию субъекта языковой политики. Данная организация стала инициатором лингвистических экспериментов по поиску подходящих номинаций для спортсменов-участников данных соревнований. Выводы. Динамика номинаций спортсменов с инвалидностью демонстрирует эволюцию от лексем с негативной коннотацией, распространенных до 1960 гг., чрезмерно осторожных номинаций, употребляемых в 1980е - 2000е гг., до откровенных и эксплицитных лексических единиц, используемых в настоящее время. Паралимпийский дискурс представляется питательной средой для генерации и апробации таких номинаций, откуда они позже распространяются на людей с инвалидностью в целом. Изменения интралингвистического характера повлияли на трансформацию в мировоззренческих установках и отношении к людям с ограниченными возможностями. Таким образом, через лингвистические новшества осуществляется пропагандистская деятельность паралимпийского комитета, вызывающая в конечном итоге изменения экстралингвистического порядка. Formulation of the problem. The article looks into the changes in attitudes to political correctness in English linguistic culture, presently considered the dominant “global” culture. Russian linguistics offers a range of synonymous terms to nominate this phenomenon: communicative correctness, language tolerance, language ethics, etc. Results. The attitude to political correctness has evolved significantly since its appearance in English-speaking environment in the 1980s. It was initially viewed as the means of providing and securing tolerance and respect in the international multicultural and multilingual community. The turn of the 21 century showed ironic perception of political correctness caused by hypercorrectness and desire to conceal the controversial facts of the real life. However, tolerant attitude is crucial for such social categories as people with disabilities. The decision to analyze the Paralympic discourse in search for the examples of politically correct nominations is caused by the status of English language - the only official language of the Paralympic movement. International Paralympic Committee - the managing structure of the Paralympics and the intermediary between para-athletes and society also performs the function of the agent of language policy. This organization initiated linguistic experiments to search the appropriate nominations of para-sportspeople. Conclusion. The range of nominations demonstrates evolution from the lexemes with negative connotations, widely used up to the 1960s, extremely cautious nominations, spread in English throughout 1980s - 2000s to explicit lexical units used nowadays. Paralympic discourse has become the medium that stimulates emergence and practical evaluation of such nominations. It is also the platform for their further spread to be used as the nominations of all people with disabilities. Intralinguistic changes have influenced the mentality of English-speakers and their attitude to people with disabilities. This is an example of the propaganda performed by the International Paralympic Committee, which leads to the extralinguistic changes.

The value systems established by centuries have been reversed under the pressure of the political correctness. I intend to talk about a way of communicating and transmitting messages in the public space nowadays. I write about post-truth, arguing that it is a lie cosmeticized, hidden in a language that astounds and is supported by ideas that challenge not only refined intelligence, but also common sense. When I write the word truth, I do not consider the concept of truth, which philosophy strives to define it, but I refer to the instrumental truth, the objective truth with which we operate daily, the truth as a benchmark of stability. And I put this truth in relation to the lie. I offer some concrete examples from the last three decades, from different environments, about events or statements that have been the subject of scandals that have started from the claim of some people to present a lie as a truth. I also refer to the fact that there is a whole Neo-Marxist literature that nullifies the natural hierarchy of things, so that objective truth loses its value, becomes irrelevant, flexible, until it is despised, because it is the instrument of „the conservative” individual, the class enemy of the progressives.

Identity politics, like Krisis, has its origins in the early 1980s. This coincides with Michel Foucault’s rejection of demands or claims of identity as ‘to be left to the police’. In a strange but perhaps inevitable twist of fate, identity politics has later one become affiliated precisely with policing, leading to political correctness in which identity claims are both mandatory and subject to politically motivated censure. While initially in the service of emancipation, identity has thus become weaponized, which reflects an important shift in political and cultural sensitivities between the 1980s and the 2010s.

Over the past two decades, politicians and intellectuals have lent support to rising anti-immigrant sentiments, ethno-nationalist integralism and far-right populism by coining expressions such as ‘cultural exclusion’ and claiming to be speaking in the name of the ‘people’, often under cover of anti-political correctness. In this article I identify a series of recurrent features of such ethno-nationalist identitarian theories. The book I am critiquing, PC Worlds: Political Correctness and Rising Elites at the End of Hegemony (2019) by Jonathan Friedman, is a clear example of these trends. The scholar who had previously critiqued racialized politics and the reification of cultures now offers a book in favour of anti-immigrant ethno-nationalism and radical cultural othering. The article shows how this is the result of contradictions related to the evolution in his own thinking and situates these contradictions in regard to different theories of the nation-state. It also demonstrates how Friedman has proceeded to hollow out his own previous model, by making a distorted and normative use of it, and points out a number of weaknesses, particularly regarding the notions of ‘elites’ and ‘hegemony’. Finally, it questions the very project of conducting a study of political correctness.

The article is devoted to the study of evaluative tools used in modern French media in order to form the media image of a representative of the political elite. The techniques used in the creation of a memorial media portrait of Jacques Chirac (1932—2019), President of France from 1995 to 2007 are considered. The research material was the most prestigious French print media of various political orientations, published in late September — early October 2019 in connection with the death of the ex-President of the French Republic. The relevance of the research topic is dictated by the close attention of modern linguistics to axiological phenomena, differently presented in different types of discursive practices. The novelty of the study is due to the appeal to the analysis of the complex of evaluation tools used in the French print media when characterizing the former leader of the state during the nation’s farewell period. The estimated potential of the title of the article and its influence on the formation of the estimated vector of the entire text of the publication are shown. A systematic analysis of the assessment expression means, reflected in the memorial media portrait of the politician, is given. The factors that influenced the peculiarities of their use in this type of media portrait are revealed.

For all the news stories devoted to individuals taking offense to various issues, little is known about these individuals or their work-related habits. To address this important gap in organizational and societal knowledge, the reported research draws on cognitive interference theory to define and measure the proclivity to be offended (PTBO). This measure was hypothesized to serve as an off-task stimuli, and results of a time-separated multi-source study found PTBO negatively relates to employees’ task performance and citizenship behavior, and positively relates to counterproductive behavior, as rated by one’s supervisor. PTBO also had implications for employees’ self-reported job satisfaction and workplace engagement. Building on the idea that PTBO may also influence the way employees view their organization’s actions, overall organizational justice was hypothesized and found to mediate the relationship between PTBO and both employees’ behavior and attitudes. Implications for managers and organizations concerned with modern societal movements are discussed.

How and why the social limits of racist speech have become obscure and ‘outdated’ for a YouTube star PewDiePie and his over 100 million fans? How have the policies of YouTube affected the general understanding of the limits of racist discourse in the digital media context? In this article, I argue that the case of PewDiePie shows how YouTube exercises a neoliberalist understanding of freedom of speech. In my analysis, I contextualise PewDiePie’s own comments and YouTube’s publications into the history of Internet culture and introduce the development of YouTube into a neoliberalist sphere. I illustrate how neoliberal ideology is now implemented on three levels on YouTube: through creating an illusion of intimacy between a creator and his/her fans, through the promise of equal opportunity on YouTube and through a neoliberalist interpretation of the marketplace-of-ideas principle. The analysis reveals how YouTube’s policies and practices as ideological choices contribute to the normalisation of racism on social media.

In his analysis of the qualities of a good international manager for the EU financed INCA (Intercultural Competence Assessment) Project, Professor Michael Byram of Durham University in the UK identified ‘respect for otherness’ as one of six key areas. In his INCA Framework he identified proficiency in this area at three levels of competence, basic, intermediate and full. At the Basic level managers and teachers decide too quickly what is good and bad but develop tolerance and learn gradually to adapt. At the Intermediate level they accept that values, norms and behaviours may be different and accept the difference provided their own cultural assumptions have not been violated. Their motivation is to put others at ease and ultimately avoid causing offence. At the Full level they work to ensure equal treatment in the workplace or classroom and can deal tactfully with any issues raised. This paper explores the issues raised by cultural diversity in the workplace and in the classroom, both in terms of behaviour and the use of language in training, and suggests ideas and strategies that teachers can use to manage diversity positively in the classroom.

The inspiration source for writing this article became the detected in scientific literature fusion of terms and concepts denoted by them. The object of this research is the concepts of “taboo”, “political correctness” and “euphemism”. The subjects is the key characteristics: functional and semantic peculiarities that allow correlating these concepts. The analysis captures the contamination of dictionary definitions, as well as examples from the texts of modern media. The author examines such aspects of the topic, as the general characteristics of taboo, political correctness and euphemism, their semantic structure and function. Special attention is given to interpretation, search of the meeting points, and demarcation of the notions. The scientific novelty lies in the fact that for the first time these concepts are being analyzed “in tandem”, and that taboo is viewed in relation to euphemism and political correctness as a linguistic phenomenon (word-taboo) and non-linguistic phenomenon (rule-taboo). The main conclusions consist in the following: firstly, reasoned confirmation of the diversity of the concepts of taboo, political correctness and euphemism; secondly, correlation between the word-taboo and euphemism as the “replaced” and “replacing”; and thirdly, the determination that rule-taboo and political correctness are two powerful boosts for creation and utilization of euphemisms.

Britain’s unexpected vote to leave the European Union (Brexit) in June 2016 has proved divisive and damaging both within the UK and internationally. Across two correlational studies the current research proposed a model to explain the Brexit vote, with attitudes to immigration and Willingness to Disagree (WD) as direct predictors of the referendum result, and internal (IMS) and external (EMS) motivation to respond without prejudice as indirect predictors. Study 1 (N = 353) and Study 2 (N = 363) both showed good fit with the model and respectively explained 48% and 46% of the referendum result. More positive attitudes to immigration predicted a vote to remain. Higher IMS and lower EMS predicted a vote to remain, fully mediated by attitudes to immigration. In Study 1, lower WD also predicted a vote to remain, both directly and indirectly via attitudes to immigration, although this was not replicated in Study 2. These results are discussed both in relation to the Brexit result, and the implications for motivation to respond without prejudice, willingness to disagree and political correctness more generally.

Identity politics has become a crucial feature of the transformation of modern social and political relations in many countries around the world. Representatives of “progressive” structures actively engaged in such a struggle, trying to undermine the foundations of the existing conservative social system and the established balance of institutions and relative powers of actors. Largely initiated by civil society organizations representing social minorities, this policy has become an instrument for the realization of the tasks of the state power. At the same time, identity politics, showing disparity approach to various social groups, while demanding the increasing powers of the State in its implementation, remains deeply contradictory and generates ideological hybrids such as “eco-authoritarianism” or “liberal authoritarianism”.

The article discusses the manifestations of the ideology of political correctness in the current Lithuanian and Latvian languages. It features a more detailed analysis of the usage of words referring to persons by health, race and nationality (invalidas – neįgalusis, invalīds – nespējnieks [invalid – disabled]; negras – juodaodis, nēģeris – melnais [negro – black]; cigonas – romas, cigāns – roms [gipsy – Romany], etc.). At first glance, the intentions of the supporters of that ideology seem honorable: their substitution for ordinary words can be seen as a euphemism of a language, which is promoted by tolerance of otherness, empathy, and the pursuit of non-offending communication. However, the implementation of that ideology introduces a new language and is often accessible to extremes, absurdity. The authors of the article agree with linguists and other cultural figures who believe that imposing political correctness for a language is essentially harmful. One characteristic consequence of this interference with language is that a certain, usually negative, connotation of the word, naturally or fancifully conceived by ideology enthusiasts in English-speaking society, is transferred to other languages irrespective of their established meanings and shades. Thus, neutral words unreasonably attribute to a negative evaluation of the subject matter. Recommendations for the usage of words in one way or another should be guided by linguistic science and one’s own cultural tradition, not by an unconditional adherence to any ideology. Keywords: contemporary speech, the Latvian language, the Lithuanian language, political correctness

Actuality. Our time is characterised by the penetration of egalitarian ideas of Western liberalism and political correctness in the sphere of language. Language, speech, communication practices are reviewed and revised to determine if they are politically correct. Religious and sacred texts of Christianity and Judaism do not stand aside from the careful examination of the followers of the ideas of compiling a politically correct Bible. The purpose of this article is to find out if it is possible to change the texts of English translations of the Christian Bible, from a theological and linguistic point of view, and if it is possible to consider gender-neutral versions of Messianic passages of the English Bible as authentic, suitable for the correct transmission of meaning, i.e. reading, theological and historical analysis, as well as liturgical practice. The object of the research is represented by the texts of several widely used in modern Anglicanism gender-neutral English versions of the Bible: The Inclusive Bible: The First Egalitarian Translation by Priests for Equality (IBFET, 2009); New English Translation (NET, 1998); New International Version Inclusive Language Edition (NIVI, 1995). King James’ Bible original version (KJV) of 1611 edition is used as a reference point. Research techniques include the method of contextual analysis, comparative method, structural method, comparative historical method. Such taxonomic units of sacred Messianic texts as son of God, son of man, the lord, the master, the king, heaven kingdom , constructions of common grammatical gender are analysed. It is demonstrated that in almost all cases of gender-neutral constructions use, the meaning of the text changes: from insignificant changes to the reproduction of openly heretical views from the viewpoint of traditional Anglicanism. Our study shews that gender-neutral language introduces new feminist meanings into Messianic sacred texts, which were not previously contained there. Gender-neutral English translations of the Christian Bible cease to be canonical from the point of view of Christian theology. Nevertheless, gender-neutral philological strategies of modifying the ways of modern Anglican preaching can be an extremely interesting and instructive example of the fact that in the modern world certain social and political discourses can stand behind Christian homiletics.

Adoption of Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic children has long been deeply controversial in the UK, with tensions over racial/ethnic matching and transracial adoption into white families respectively. Media organisations have been key participants in these struggles, as commentators but also campaigners, yet there has been negligible research into their framing of the issues. This article explores press coverage in five national newspapers (plus Sunday sister papers) of the coalition government’s adoption reform programme. In particular, it focuses on patterns of deracialization and racialization of debates as they relate to identities, family dynamics and wider social currents with respect to race and ethnicity. While in some senses adoption represents a complex and atypical case study, coverage nonetheless reveals a powerful combination, simultaneously downplaying the significance of race, while amplifying the threat posed by ethnic matching. Findings are discussed in relation to the concept of ‘moral panic’.

In Norris’s Clybourne Park – being inspired by Lorraine Hansberry’s 1959 play A Raisin in the Sun – a battle over race and real estate rages across two generations in a suburban Chicago neighborhood. With a modern twist on issues of race, class, property ownership and community, Clybourne Park revolves around discrimination, gentrification and political correctness. The idea of the play came to Norris when he was a child. He said that the first play he saw at school was Hansberry’s A Raisin in the Sun. In an interview with Beatrice Basso (2011), he speaks about the play and says: I was obsessed with that play [A Raisin in the

Research on language and masculinity has been imbued with a paradoxical juxtaposition of seeing White heterosexual men and their language as a 'default' and the paucity of empirical studies on what these men actually do in their everyday linguistic practices. This article examines the multivoicedness of masculinities in a specific local context. We analyze Hungarian male university students' spontaneous conversations, recently recorded in the Budapest University Dormitory Corpus. Drawing on the Bakhtinian concept of voice, we argue that individual and social voices of masculinity, as well as the contrasts between them, are embedded in gendered and sexualized inequality relations. Even pro-feminist and 'gay' voices in the interactions are structured by social inequalities. The voicing of a homosexual figure does not only evoke negatively valued unmasculine behaviors, but also helps in creating homosocial (same-gender and non-sexualized) intimacy. It always happens as a stylized image of 'another's language'.

This article examines the rhetoric used by President Trump and his administration with respect to immigrants and immigration policy. We argue that Trump’s anti-immigrant rhetoric can be understood as (1) a response against current norms associated with political correctness, which include a heightened sensitivity to racially offensive language, xenophobia, and social injustice, and (2) a rejection of the tendency to subordinate patriotism, U.S. sovereignty, and national interests to a neoliberal political economy that emphasizes “globalism” and prioritizes “free trade” over the interests of working Americans. In order to highlight how much of Trump’s anti-immigrant rhetoric is developed as a response to political correctness and the neoliberal tendency toward globalism, we employ the concept of “collective action frames” to suggest that Trump’s (and much of the Right’s) efforts to legitimize their strict agenda on immigration relies on frames related to (1) crime and the threat immigrants pose to Americans’ safety, (2) the notion that immigrants and free trade deals lower Americans’ wages and compromise their job security, and (3) the claim that Democrats and other liberals are driven by a politically correct orthodoxy that hurts American workers by being “weak on immigration” and supportive of “open borders.” The article concludes with recommendations for fighting the normalization of scapegoating immigrants.

In January 2018, Philip Roth said about the #MeToo movement in an interview with The New York Times, “none of the more extreme conduct I have been reading about in the newspapers lately has astonished me” (McGrath). At the height of the #MeToo movement, which had indicted media and business tycoons, as well as political leaders, Roth said that his lifelong novelistic concern in “depicting these men each as he is, each as he behaves, aroused, stimulated, hungry in the grip of carnal fervor” had meant that he had confronted the “hard facts” of such male lustful drives (McGrath). This paper rereads The Human Stain, in which Roth criticizes the effects of political correctness in the enclosed institution of academia, to comment on the perspective of human existence as “inevitably stained” (Roth 242). In rereading the tragic dimensions of the novel, this paper seeks to grapple with the effects of political correctness and the limitations of public opinion (represented through the academic institution, including the flawed feminist scholar Delphine Roux) on the lives of characters like Coleman Silk and Faunia Farley.

The article explores translation processes behind diplomatic negotiations between Japan and the Spanish overseas empire in the sixteenth and seventeenth century. It applies a multi-layered approach that integrates the translations of original diplomatic documents with their re-translation as historiographical source compilations in the nineteenth and twentieth century. Analyzing the different connotations and nuances of friendship as a diplomatic concept, it highlights the impact of translation, both linguistic and cultural, as well as the strategies behind terminological choices, on intercultural encounters.

Este artigo visa apreender ataques ao politicamente correto, em particular, a negação de conflitos identitários. A partir do contexto eleitoral brasileiro de 2018, exploramos as batalhas atreladas a tal regulação discursiva, que possui efeitos variados na esfera pública. Para tanto, comentários (N=2.614) nas páginas de Facebook de Bolsonaro (ex-PSL) e Haddad (PT) são investigados mediante análise de conteúdo. Os principais achados indicam que os apoiadores de Bolsonaro, ao atacar o politicamente correto, em sua maioria, também negam as diferenças entre grupos identitários, enquanto os defensores de Haddad reconhecem essas diferenças. O primeiro tipo é, portanto, tóxico ao pluralismo social.

La corrección política, que se manifiesta en relación con los comportamientos y actitudes de los ciudadanos pero sobre todo con sus usos lingüísticos, es considerada como la «censura posmoderna» ejercida en principio desde instancias diversas, pero siempre vinculadas a la sociedad civil. Mas se está detectando la aplicación de algunos de sus principios por parte de los poderes públicos, especialmente el ejecutivo y el legislativo, lo que podría representar, en el contexto de la ya denominada posdemocracia, la reinvención de la censura de siempre, ejercida desde el Poder.

Racism is the belief that humans are subdivided into distinct hereditary groups that are innately different in their social behavior and mental capacities and that can therefore be ranked as superior or inferior. Racist thinking presumes that differences among groups are innate and not subjective to change. Although beliefs in the superiority and inferiority of different groups have been historically persistent in human societies, the belief that such differences are linked to racial types is a relatively new idea, which did not arise forcefully until the eighteenth century in Europe. Slavery in America started in 1619, when a Dutch ship brought 20 African slaves ashore in the British colony of Jamestown, Virginia. Throughout the 17th century, European settlers in North America turned to African slaves as a cheaper, more plentiful labor source than indentured servants, who were mostly poor Europeans. Though the U.S. Congress outlawed the African slave trade in 1808, the domestic trade flourished, and the slave population in the U.S. nearly tripled over the next 50 years. By 1860 it had reached nearly 4 million, with more than half living in the cotton-producing states of the South. Relations between blacks and whites took on a more confrontational and violent tone during the early 1900s than at any previous time. Nowadays we use political correctness as an instrument that disguise “tolerance”, an instrument that is no longer “correct”, but abusive.

The issue of Islamic civility, as well as the related problem of Islamic political culture and behaviour within the condition of modernity, cannot be left to wishful thinking or agendas of political correctness. Both the issue and the problem require rigorous and systematic critical examination in order to assess in the most representative way the possibilities and limitations involved therein and also the reasons that lie at the basis of their manifestation. By necessity an interdisciplinary approach is the best option: an option that can yield interesting insights into the prospect of enriching the Western legacy of civility—most significantly through the alternative proposal of an “eschatological civility”—and the probable dangers that such an enterprise might hold.

This research aims to expose how South Park, a polemical entertainment program, deals with some of the most socially divisive topics from 2015 onward, thus establishing a new type of criticism that had been, for a long time, specific to news media only. The methodology used for analyzing the reflection of the political correctness paradigm is scientific narration. The actions of an autocratic persona, PC Principal, are interpreted during three relevant episodes (#1, #5, and #8) of the 19th season. The personification of censorship through the naïve Butters, an obedient schoolboy turned into a humble clerk serving PC Principal's overzealous fight for his idea of equal rights, can remind one of Hanna Arendt's work "Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil." Thus, people who blindly follow orders without questioning the imposed regime might have a more significant negative influence than dictators themselves. As tolerance is becoming a feature of selfishness rather than a noble human attribute due to increased competitiveness, abnormally creating the circumstances to make one more socially visible, South Park often sanctions the excessive flaws of the liberal doctrine, exposing the various absurdities can arise from such biased behaviors. Even though the show depicts thoroughly grotesque images, the authors seem to balance them with moral teachings. The present study intends to highlight the need for an alternative to formal debates regarding social issues to avoid ideological bias.

In 1988 the 'Hughes Report' of the Aboriginal Education Policy Task Force, chaired by South Australian Aboriginal educator Dr Paul Hughes, made 57 specific recommendations to change education systems. Unlike the Hughes Report, the policy was widely seen as fitting Aboriginal education into existing systems-there was not a word on teacher education or racism. If they were taught at all, it was mainly by imported teachers with little knowledge of the local Aboriginal language or culture. The 1991 Commonwealth languages policy, Australia's Language: The Australian Language and Literacy Policy, stressed the urgent need to preserve and maintain Aboriginal languages. Racism and stereotyping of Aboriginal people must be addressed-issues that were particularly acute when Australians were forced to confront the real history and nature of Australia, and a White Australia backlash released 'free speech' from the constraints of so-called 'political correctness'.

Until the 1980s, the teaching of history in Australian schools almost always represented the nation’s past from a very narrow perspective. Through more than 100 years of compulsory universal education, Australian children had been taught little about Aboriginal people and culture and even less about the history of the relationship between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people. Despite the fears of some conservatives that the new syllabus would represent a return to some form of political correctness in teaching the nation’s history in Australian schools, the proposed new History syllabus suggested that the Rudd Government was as adventurous as its predecessor in its determination to return to the basics in Australian education. Aboriginal people have insisted that the diversity of these experiences be recognised. As well, teachers must be prepared to give equal emphasis to Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal perspectives. All must be recognised, for to prefer one is to make others feel marginalised, excluded or under-valued.

In recent decades, more and more scholars and reporters have gone to Africa to unveil the “true nature” of Chinese involvement. Consequently, being interviewed has become one of Chinese migrants’ routine activities. While the Chinese authorities remind migrants that they are the representatives of China and demand that they keep politically vigilant when talking to “strangers,” hosting “ethnic others” (Western journalists, researchers, etc.) suddenly becomes problematic. Based on my fieldwork in a Chinese farm in Zambia, this paper is a study of how Chinese migrant workers engage with “ethnic others” diplomatically. I argue that speech formalization provides them with a space of communicative maneuver to exercise diplomacy on the ground.

RESUMEN Este estudio buscar identificar la relevancia que tiene la problemática de los líderes sociales en la agenda digital de los congresistas colombianos en la plataforma Twitter. Aquellos que abordaron el tema, en los primeros cien días del gobierno de Iván Duque, tienen una postura política de izquierda y centro-izquierda, contraria a la del gobierno presente. Se identificó un patrón relativamente mayoritario que privilegia opiniones o informaciones de terceros a través de retweets. Igualmente se evidencia que, aunque se habla del tema, predomina un cierto grado de corrección política con relación a los patrones de victimización y a la atribución de responsabilidades. ABSTRACT The aim of this study is to identify the relevance of the social leaders issue on the Colombian Parliament members´ digital agenda on Twitter. Those who addressed the issue, during the first hundred days under the government of Ivan Duque, have a left and center-left political stance, contrary to that of the ruling parties. A pattern with a slight majority was identified; it privileged opinions or information from third parties through retweets. It is also evident that, although the issue is discussed, a certain degree of political correctness prevails in relation to the patterns of victimization and the attribution of responsibilities.

La libertad de expresión en el siglo XXI se ve de nuevo amenazada, no tanto por parte del Estado (que también lo hace) sino más bien por parte de la sociedad civil. Identifico a John Stuart Mill como uno de los que se dio cuenta de este problema. Analizo este problema junto con dos que van unidos a él. El primero es la censura, tanto del Estado como de la sociedad civil. El segundo, la corrección política. Analizo este fenómeno e ilustro el caso concreto de las universidades americanas y de James Flynn. Por último, hago consideraciones sobre la difamación partiendo de las ideas del célebre profesor Walter Block.