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Bu araştırma, Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti yazılı basınında çocuk içerikli gazete haberlerini, çocuk hakları ve çocukluk imajları doğrultusunda incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Araştırmada durum çalışması deseni kullanılmıştır. Araştırmanın örneklemini; Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti’nde günlük olarak yayınlanan ve siyasi bir partiye ait olmayan 8 gazete oluşturmaktadır. Gazetelerin incelenmesinde doküman inceleme yöntemi kullanılmıştır. Verilerin analizinde, içerik analizi ve çocukluk imajlarının analizinde betimsel analiz yöntemi kullanılmıştır. Araştırmanın bulgularına göre, incelenen gazetelerde en fazla adli türdeki haberler bulunmuştur. Çocukların, istismar, ihmal gibi olumsuz durumlarda genellikle mağdur ve kurban temsilleri ile sunuldukları saptanmıştır. Çocuk Hakları Sözleşmesi’nde yer alan katılım hakkının, çoğu haberde görmezden gelindiği ve çocukların kendilerini ilgilendiren haber içeriklerine katılımlarının olmadığı sonucuna ulaşılmıştır. Çocukların korunma haklarına yönelik çok fazla olumsuz haber elde edilmiştir. Çocukluk imajlarına göre çocukların en fazla ‘masum’ ve ‘kurban’ imajları ile sunuldukları saptanmıştır. Elde edilen bulgular, literatür desteği ile tartışılmıştır. Çalışma, toplumdaki bütün bireylere öneriler ile son bulmuştur.

This article is devoted to activities of the prominent figure of the global and Turkey’s Crimean diaspora, statesmen and politician, Ahmet Ihsan Kirimli (1920-2011) to unite Turkey’s Crimean diaspora, to institutionalize the diaspora’s movement, to create conditions for an effectual support for the repatriation process of the Qirimli nation from the former places of the exile to their historical Motherland – Crimea by the Crimean associations of Turkey at the end of 20 century. His role and contribution to processes to restore the Qirimli’s rights and freedoms, to revive their culture, language and education have been evaluated too. Also it have been studied little known in Ukraine historical facts on A.I. Kirimli’s cooperation with the World Ukrainian diaspora and his activities to develop fruitful relations between the independent Ukraine and the Turkish Republic. Using his hugh prestige of the former lawmaker and minister, he managed to unite various associations and establish the powerful and influential umbrella organization of the Crimean centres in Turkey at the end of the 1980s. However, the principal accomplishment of A.I. Kirimli, as the Chairman of the General Centre of the Association of Culture and Mutual Aid of the Crimean Turks, in the first place, he reversed the direction of the Crimean associations’ activity: not to meet their own needs and wishes, as to learn the folklore or conduct entertainments, but, to work for the sake the assistance for their own nation and the historical Motherland. Moreover, A.I. Kirimli made a significant contribution to develop the Turkish-Ukrainian relations as the head of the Turkish-Ukrainian friendship association. At the present time, the Association of Culture and Mutual Aid of the Crimean Turks is continuing to work based on the principles of A.I. Kirimli as a bridge between our countries.

The article highlights a little-studied problem – the history of the formation and current situation of the nogai diaspora in the republic of Turkey, which arose as a result of the migration waves of nogai societies from the territories of the North Caucasus and the Northern Black Sea region from the end of the XVIII century to the beginning of the XX century. The relevance of the study is due to the complexity and inconsistency of the topic of russian-turkish relations and their influence on the causes and nature of the migrations of the nogai to the territory of the Ottoman empire, which laid the foundation for the formation of the foreign nogai diaspora. The relevance of this study also lies in the absence of generalizing publications on this topic. The article presents the periodization of the nogai exodus to the Ottoman empire, which makes it possible to build a certain logical connection between the different stages of the emergence and development of the nogai diaspora in the Turkish republic. The factors that influenced the resettlement of nogai societies to Turkey in different periods are shown. Socio-economic, political and psychological reasons played a key role in this process. The processes of adaptation of nogai societies in the regions of the Ottoman empire, as well as the specifics of the settlement of nogai in Turkey and its regions in the period under review, are partially covered. The author of the article touches upon the problem of the division of the foreign nogai diaspora, in which the nogai found themselves after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire at the beginning of the 20th century. Today, representatives of the nogai diaspora live in Turkey, Syria, Jordan, Bulgaria and Romania. Part of the turkish nogai in the middle of the XX century emigrated to Western Europe.

The issue of Cyprus remains one of the longest unregulated international dis­putes. For nearly half a century of the island’s de facto division, it has been one of the factors destabilizing the situation in the eastern Mediterranean. It has periodically led to tensions, not only between members of the two Cypriot communities, the Greek and Turkish Cypriots, but also between Greece and Turkey, and finally, Turkey and the European Union. The purpose of this article was to present the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus as an exam­ple of a so-called unrecognized state and to assign it to an appropriate type of unrecognized states. The selected case was examined on the basis of the attributes of an unrecognized state, formulated by a leading researcher of this issue, Nina Caspersen, and a selected typology of unrecognized states., Kwestia cypryjska pozostaje jednym z najdłużej nieuregulowanych sporów międzynarodowych. Od blisko pół wieku faktyczny podział wyspy jest jed­nym z czynników destabilizujących sytuację w regionie wschodniego Morza Śródziemnego. Okresowo doprowadza do napięć nie tylko pomiędzy człon­kami obu cypryjskich społeczności, Grekami cypryjskimi i Turkami cypryj­skimi, ale także między Grecją i Turcją oraz Turcją i Unią Europejską. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie Tureckiej Republiki Cypru Północ­nego jako przykładu tak zwanego państwa nieuznawanego oraz przypisanie jej do właściwego typu państw nieuznawanych. Wybrany przypadek został przeanalizowany na podstawie atrybutów państwa nieuznawanego, sformu­łowanych przez czołową badaczkę tego zagadnienia Ninę Caspersen oraz wybranej typologii państw nieuznawanych.

Fruit de l’exploration d’une documentation impressionnante, l’ouvrage de Stephan Winter analyse la fabrique de la communaute alaouite en Syrie et en Turquie, mais aussi celle de ses mythes fondateurs et de ses spectres qui hantent une partie du Proche-Orient depuis plusieurs decennies. Minorite opprimee depuis un millenaire ou, a l’inverse, minorite ayant confisque le pouvoir dans la Syrie, pays qu’elle a brutalise notamment depuis la guerre civile des annees 2010 ? Pour comprendre la formati...

International relations system is getting more complicated day by day. There are several actors within the international relations system currently which creates the complex relations. Limited recognized states within the system are one of the reasons for the emergence of the complex relations. The foundation of Abkhazia, TRNC (Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus), South Ossetia etc and taking their roles with their patron states have broken the traditional perceptions within the international relations system. In this study, the picture of Abkhazia, a limitedly recognised-de-facto state is drawn economically, socially and politically. Inside of the picture, the independency process of Abkhazia is discussed by focusing on internal and external dynamics (Russia, International Organizations). Abkhazia has the capabilities to provide the necessities of being a state and established its foreign affairs as well. Russia is the most important and effective actor on these foreign affairs with Abkhazia. Under this framework, Russia’s foreign policy orientation and its role in Abkhazia-Georgia Conflict is discussed analytically by indicating the geopolitical priorities of Russia. Russia’s role in Abkhazia since 2008 conflict which increased economically, politically and militarily is also under investigation in this study. Finally, the Sui Generis status of Abkhazia is discussed with a deductive and qualitative methodology in this study.

In this study, the legal proposals of the Turkish Republic governments, which were voted by the TGNA (Turkish Grand National Assembly) during the twenty-sixth legislative period between 17 November...

Osmanlı Devletindeki salname geleneğinin Türkiye Cumhuriyetindeki uzantısı sayılabilecek devlet salnameleri merkez ile taşra arasında iletişimi sağlayan birer araç olarak önemli bilgiler ihtiva ederler. Vilayet Salnameleri de devlet salnameleri gibi illerin idari, demografik ve sosyo-iktisadi durumlarına dair bilgileri sunarlar. Bu eserlerde tek tek illere ait bilgilerin yanısıra devletin idare mekanizması ve bölgelere atanan idareciler ve mülki teşkilat da yer alır. Sal:yıl ve name:mektup, kitap kelimelerinden oluşan salname kelimesi yıllık, nevsal anlamına gelmektedir. 1847-1912 arasında düzenli olarak yayınlanan devlet salnameleri savaş yıllarında çıkarılamamış, 1918’de sonuncusu yayınlanmış; Cumhuriyet döneminde 1925’ten itibaren tekrar yayınlanmaya devam etmiş; 1928 yılından itibaren Latin harfleriyle çıkarılan devlet salnameleri 1941’e kadar yayınlanmıştır. Bu salnamelerde her ile ve kazaya ait coğrafi, tarihi bilgilerin yanısıra illerin sosyal ve ekonomik yapısı hakkında detaylı ve istatistiki verilerin bulunması önemlerini artırmaktadır. Bu çalışmada 1925’ten 1929’a kadar çıkarılan dört Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Devlet salnamesinden faydalanılmıştır. 1925-26 salnamesi 884, 1926-27 salnamesi 1127, 1927-28 salnamesi 1300, 1928-29 salnamesi ise 759 sayfadan oluşmaktadır. Bahsedilen salnamelerde yer alan bilgiler ışığında Cumhuriyetin ilk yıllarını kapsayan bu dönemde Rize ilinin durumu aydınlatılmaya çalışılacaktır., State yearbooks as an extension of “salname” tradition in Ottoman Empire to Republic of Turkey, contain important information as a tool for communication between the center and the provinces. The provincial yearbooks also provide information on the administrative, demographic and socio-economic status of the provinces, such as the state yearbooks. In addition to the information of the individual provinces, these works include the administrative mechanism of the state and the administrators assigned to the regions and the civil service. The word salname, which consists of the words sal: year and name: letter, book, means annual. State yearbooks, which were published regularly between 1847-1912, could not be issued in the war years, the last one was published in 1918; It continued to be republished in the Republican era from 1925; State yearbooks, issued in Latin letters since 1928, were published. This study has been benefited four state yearbook issued in 1925 until 1929. The 1925-26 yearbook consists of 884, the 1926-27 yearbook is 1127, the 1927-28 yearbook is 1300, and the 1928-29 yearbook consists of 759 pages. In the light of the information in the aforementioned yearbooks, in this period covering the first years of the Republic, the situation of Rize province will be tried to be clarified.Keywords: Yearbook, State yearbook of Turkish Republic, Rize.

İnanç Turizmi özel ilgi turizmi kapsamında yer almakta olan ve insanların dini inanışlarından dolayı veya farklı dinleri meraklarından dolayı ziyaret etmeleri olarak değerlendirilebilir. İnanç Turizmi bakımından büyük zenginliklere sahip olan Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti, geçmişten günümüze kadar farklı medeniyetleri ve devletleri içinde barındırmış, kültür ve inanç merkezi olan köklü tarihi geçmişe sahip bir ülkedir. Farklı medeniyetlerin kalıntıları hissedilen ülkenin bazı bölgeleri, tarihi dokuları korumayı başarıp inanç turizmi açısından ülkenin önemini artırmıştır. Çalışmanın amacı, ülke turizmi için öneme sahip olan inanç turizmin kavramsal önemine değinmek ve yerel halkın inanç turizmi hakkında görüşlerine ve düşüncelerine yer vererek inanç turizmin önemini vurgulamak ve farkındalık yaratmaktır. Çalışmanın yöntemi, iki farklı metot kullanılmıştır. Birincisi, elde edilecek veriler SWOT/GZFT analiz yöntemiyle değerlendirilmiştir. İkincisi, istatiksel programlardan SPSS ve AMOS programıyla analiz yapılmıştır. Çalışmanın sonucunda, ülke turizmin gelişimi açısından önem taşıyan inanç turizmine, yerel halkın olumlu baktığı ve desteklediği sonucuna varılmıştır. Ayrıca, araştırmaya katılan 296 bireyden, 96 erkek, 89 kadın katılımcının, Venedik Sütunu, Girne Kapısı, Selimiye Cami, Yeşil Hat, Girne Kalesi, Bellapais Manastırı, St. Hilarion Kalesi, St. Barnabas Manastırı, Kertikli Hamamı, Namık Kemal Müzesi, Salamis Harabeleri, Othello Kalesi, Lala Mustafa Paşa Camii, vb. dini eserleri ülkenin inanç turizmi açısından önemli olduğuna dair düşüncüleri hem fikir olma yönünde olduğudur.

This volume provides an intellectual and historical discussion on the concept of Kemalism, including its interpretations after the foundation of the Turkish Republic and on-going problems in schola...

In the Turkish Republic, especially in the 1960s and 1970s, Foreign Investment was regarded as a very suspicioııs subject in Turkey as a result of the capitulations and a substantial amount of Ottoman Debt. There were many debates about the issue in the press and most of the studies in the period had generally a normative way of looking at the Foreign Direct Investment issue. During t/this period, a very small amount of Foreign Direct Investment entered into Turkey. This study focuses especially on the period 1950 and 1980 in which the negative attitude toıvards FDI was at its peak. The study examines the FDI in the Turkish economy and argues the reasons of a low level of FDI flow into Turkey in comparison with Brazil (which is very similar to Turkey w İten market size, population and growth strategies are considered) in this period

Societies have special days marking their history. Thus, the developments that brought forth the birth of a new Turkish State also created new commemoration festivities. The Commemoration of the proclamation of the Republic Day - one of the nation-state symbols - as a national holiday, marks an important turning point in the history of the Turkish Republic. In particular, the Kemalist governement’s usage of the national holiday as an ideologic element should be regarded as a move towards the concept of nation. Initiated by the proclamation of the Republic, the commemorations are held since 1925 with official ceremonies in the country, as well as at the diplomatic missions abroad. The objective of this study is to examine how the commemorations of the Republic Day held from 1934 to 1949 were carried out, who were the participants and the socio-cultural effects of these celebrations on the society of Diyarbakir. This will constitute the main parameter of the study. These ceremonies, whose main purpose was to have people embrace the revolutionary regulations and to ensure a rapprochement between the government and the people of Diyarbakir, were closely monitored by the General Secretary of the Republican People's Party. The General Secretary’s instructions reaching out as far as villages, were executed in a planned manner The study utilised the official correspondence stored in the Turkish Republic Archives and local newspapers published in Diyarbakir. Keywords: The Republic Day Festivities, Diyarbakir, Celebration, The Republican People's Party, the People’s House.

Akademikcamiamızda duyuru/tanıtım afişlerinin göstergebilimsel analizi konusunu elealan araştırmaların “Türkiye’de kütüphane ve kütüphanecilik tarihi” bakımındanmevcut araştırmalar dikkate alındığında yetersiz oluşu muhtemelen yönteminbizde henüz yeni olmasından ve bu sahada henüz yeterince tatbik edilmemesindenkaynaklıdır. Devlet kurumları ya da özel kurumlar, topluma ve insanlara vermekistedikleri mesajları çeşitli araçlarla ulaştırabilmektedir. Bilhassa 20.yyiçinde bu araçlardan biri de “tanıtım afişleri” olmuştur. Halen tesirinimuhafaza eden tanıtım afişleri, toplumun kültürel ve sosyal yapısınıaksettirmek bakımından mühim bir rol üstlenmektedir. Göstergebilimselanaliz metoduyla yazılı ve görsel materyallerin hangi amaç/amaçlar içinkullanıldığını, ne türden açık ve gizli mesajlar içerdiğini ve bu mesajların anlamkatmanlarının deşifre edilmek ya da tefsir edilmek suretiyle niyetini(intentio) açık etmek mümkündür. Bu makalekapsamında T.C Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı’na bağlı Kütüphaneler ve YayımlarGenel Müdürlüğü web sayfasında yer alan Kütüphane Haftası tanıtım afişlerindenyedisi göstergebilim (semiyotik metot) açısından incelenmiştir. Bu bakımdan makalenin amacı “kütüphane haftası”duyuru/tanıtım afişlerinin semiyotik analiz yöntemi kullanılarak içeriğindekiverilmek istenen mesajların çözümlenmesidir. Kütüphaneler ve Yayımlar GenelMüdürlüğü web sayfasından seçilen toplam afiş sayısı yedidir. Araştırmakapsamında amaçlı örneklem tekniği kullanılmış, Research on thesemiotic analysis of announcements/publicity posters in our academic communityis inadequate because the method is new in terms of “library and LibraryHistory in Turkey”. State institutions or private institutions can convey themessages they want to give to society and people through various means. Thesetools was “promotional posters” especially in the twenty century. Promotionalposters, which still maintain their influence, play an important role inpromoting the cultural and social structure of society.It is possible toexplain the purpose of the written and visual materials for whichpurpose/purposes are used by the method of semiotic analysis, what kind ofclear and secret messages are used, and the intention of the meaning of thesemessages to be deciphered or interpreted.In this articleseven of The Library Week publicity posters on the web page of the TurkishRepublic General Directorate of libraries and Publications of the Ministry ofCulture and Tourism have been examined from semiotics. In this regard, thepurpose of the article is to analyze the messages that are intended to beconveyed in the content by means of the semi-analytical method ofannouncement/advertisement posters. The total number of posters on the Web pageof the General Directorate of libraries and Publications is 7. Purpose samplingwas performed within the scope of the research. In semiological analysis,Roland Barthes’s method was used.

WOS:000493309400003 “Kadın” ve “erkek” kimliklerinin toplumsal bir kategori olarak yeniden inşa edildiği 20. yüzyılın başlarından itibaren modern devletler, uluslaşma süreçlerinde “kadın bedeni”nin modernleş(tiril)mesi ve özgürleş(tiril)mesi sloganıyla yeni cinsiyet politikaları üretmeye yönelmiştir. Türkiye’nin Cumhuriyet tecrübesinde de benzer şekilde, hedeflenen toplum düzenine erişmek üzere inşa edilen yeni kadın kimliği, toplumsal reformların itici gücü olarak seferber edilmiştir. Tanzimat döneminden itibaren Batılılaşma hareketlerinin merkezinde yer alan ve yüksek bir misyon atfedilen kadın kimliğinin dönüşümünü Cumhuriyet döneminde devlet eliyle gerçekleştirilen daha somut ve radikal adımlar izlemiştir. Bu çerçevede erken Cumhuriyet döneminde hayata geçirilen köklü reformların esaslı bir parçası da “asri” ve “hür” “Türk kadını” idealidir. Bu makalede, Tanzimat’tan itibaren Batılılaşma çabalarının merkezinde yer alan kadın kimliğinin dönüşümü ile Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin kuruluş sürecinde kadına yüklenen rol ve misyon, modern ulus devlet ve laiklik politikaları açısından ele alınmaktadır. Since the beginning of the 20th century when the identities of men and women were reconstructed as a social category, modern states have been directed to produce new gender policies in the processes of nationalization through the slogan of modernizing and liberating the female body. In the experience of the Republic of Turkey, this has also similarly been mobilized as the driving force of social reform by constructing a new female identity in order to reach the targeted new social order. Since the Tanzimat Era, the transformation of the female identity that had occurred at the center of Westernization movements and had been attributed to a lofty mission was followed in the Republic period by more concrete and radical steps carried out by the state. In this context, an essential part of the deep-rooted reforms implemented during the early Republic period was the ideal of the contemporary and independent Turkish woman. This article addresses the transformation of the female identity that took place at the center of Westernization efforts from the Tanzimat and the role and mission imposed upon women in the process of establishing the Republic of Turkey in terms of the modern nation state and secularist policies.

The article considers the role of ideology and values in the formation and implementation of the current foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. Taking into account the increasing role of regional actors such as Turkey in international politics, studying their tactics and mechanisms of influence on the global political environment is necessary to explain the further transformation of the international system.The study reveals the strengthening role of the ideology and values in world politics in general and in individual states, such as Turkey, in particular. Under the rule of the Justice and Development Party headed by the current President R.T. Erdogan the country began a gradual transition from «Kemalism», which includes the preservation of secularism, ProWestern democratic values and a gradual departure from the Ottoman heritage, to a more conservative domestic and foreign policy, characterized by the strengthening of Islamist and nationalist sentiments, as well as the transition to the policy of «neo-Ottomanism», «neo-pan-Turkism». The return of the idea of «aggrandizement» of the country to the official political discourse has affected the conduct of Turkey's foreign policy towards both the regional states and the world arena as a whole.The Republic not only began self-restoration as an autonomous actor of international relations in the eyes of the key world powers, but also started to spread its own values and ideas among the population of both the Middle East and among the states which constitute a national interest for Turkey (Russia, the post-Soviet space, etc.), thus influencing them at various levels and involving them in its orbit of influence – both politically, economically and from a humanitarian point of view.Using «hard power» abroad no longer meets the current Turkey’s policy. Instead it relies on forging humanitarian ties, combining initiatives in the cultural, educational and scientific fields to achieve a long-term influence. The Republic of Turkey is trying to spread the following values among the world community:«Justice». International relations must be just and fair. For Turkey it means conformity with its national interests.«Religious fatalism».Government actions both at home and abroad are legitimized through references to religion and fate.«Democratic values».The Republic of Turkey considers itself the most democratic state in the world and contrasts itself with “Western democracies”, which, according to the Turkish leadership, are spreading hegemony rather than democracy.«State-centrism»and collectivism. The interests of the state, society, and especially the Muslim Ummah, are placed above the values of the individual.«Traditional values».Given the Islamization and conservatism of Turkish society as a whole, traditional values also begin to play a major role in the general political discourse of the state.«Culture».Turkey also makes adjustments to the concept of «culture» in very inclusive terms, presenting its culture as a «melting pot» that can turn anything into Turkish.«Respect».In the eastern tradition, it is customary to show respect to elders, as well as neighbors and guests. Turkey uses a demonstration of respect in foreign policy instrumentally and pragmatically. An example of this is the address of the President of Turkey in relation to the leaders of other states: Nursultan Nazarbayev – «aksakal» of the Turkic world, Vladimir Putin is a «dear friend».

During the early republican period, especially until the 1950s, all affairs were carried out in a manner of chain of military command for the purpose of ‘reaching the level of contemporary Western civilization.’ Both religious and Turkish classical music got their share from this rush to “westernization” which was carried out from top to bottom manner. During the early years of the Republic, the instruction of Turkish Art Music/Alaturka Music was excluded from curricula (December 1926), for about two years (November 2, 1934 - September 6, 1936) radio stations were banned from playing Turkish Folk Music and Turkish Art Music. Moreover, various attempts were made so as to produce music in the western sense. In the same period, the education and practice venues of religious music education and were reduced to next to nothing, and any efforts to foster this genre of music were to be regarded as attempts to perform banned rituals. The present study deals with the effects on music of the modernisation movement staged in all areas during the early years of the Republican era.

This study was carried out so as to determine how classroom teacher trainees perceive Ataturk’s principles, which shows the philosophy and underlying structure of Turkish Republic, as a metaphor. The present study was carried out on 176 teacher trainees comprised of freshmen and senior students from Department of Elementary Education, Classroom Teaching Department, Gazi Faculty of Education at Gazi University during 2010-2011 academic year. The participants were given some concepts related to Ataturk’s principles and asked to write a metaphor about these concepts. The obtained data were analyzed by using content analysis, which is one of the quantitative research methods. As a result of study. It is found of that classroom teacher trainees could not define and comprehend of Ataturk’s Principles, metaphors.

The relations between Turkey and Vatican had started to be spoken more frequentlyafter Pope Francis’s visit to Turkey in 2014. Turkey-Vatican relations which were established formally in 1960 embody an important historical past. Formal relations, which were tried to be established substantially during the reign of Sultan Abdulhamit II,-especially to reduce the impact of France over the Catholics and for many other reasons-, were not established due to many different reasons, each different than the other.In this study, we will try to examine the reasons why the Turkish-Vatican relations that started at high friendship level in the second half of the 19th century, hadn’t been realized at formal level until the second half of the 20th century. Furthermore, we will examine the effective factors over these relations both for the Ottoman and the Republic periods. We will also discuss to what degree the Catholics and the Orthodox in Turkey were influential over these relations. In this sense, main part of our work will be within the frame of first-hand sources and documents obtained from the Turkish Republic State Archives., Papa Francis’in 2014yılındaki Türkiye ziyareti ile birlikte, Türkiye Vatikan İlişkileri sıkçakonuşulur olmuştur. Resmen 1960 yılında kurulan Türkiye Vatikan İlişkileri,içerisinde önemli bir tarihi geçmişi barındırmaktadır. Ciddi anlamda Sultan II.Abdülhamit zamanında Fransa’nın Katolikler üzerindeki etkisini azaltma gibibirçok nedenden dolayı kurulmaya çalışılan resmi ilişkiler, her defasındafarklı bir nedenden dolayı gerçekleşememiştir. Bu çalışmamızda 19. yüzyılın ikinciyarısından itibaren yüksek dostane bir seviyede başlayan Türkiye Vatikanilişkilerinin niçin resmi seviyede 20. yüzyılın ikinci yarısına kaldığınıirdelemeye çalışacağız. Bununla birlikte hem Osmanlı döneminde hem de daha sonrakiCumhuriyet döneminde bu ilişkilerde etkili olan unsurları ele irdeleyeceğiz. Resmi ilişkilerin kurulmasından itibarengünümüze kadar Türkiye Vatikan İlişkilerindeki gelişen süreci, Katolik Ortodoksilişkileri üzerindeki etkisiyle birlikte ele alacağız. Bu bağlamda araştırmamızıngeneli, birinci elden kaynaklar ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Başbakanlık DevletArşivi’ndeki belgeler çerçevesinde olacaktır.

Objective: The aim of this study is to evaluate the attitudes, behaviors, and beliefs of medical faculty students about the covid-19 pandemic. Methods: Between 29/03/2020 and 04/13/2020 a total of 1,332 students had been questioned in three Turkish speaking countries (Turkey, Azerbaijan, Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus). Results: The average age of the students were 20.1 ± 1.6. Among all 895 (67.7%) of them were female and 427 (32.3%) were male. 1020 (77.2%) of the studens were in Turkey, 195 (14.8%) were in Azerbaijan and 107 (8.1%) were in the TRNC. 104 of the students (7.9%) had a chronic disease. It was found that number of alcohol and cigarette users decreased significantly during the pandemic. (p

Çalışmamızda, muharebe eğitiminin önemli bir parçası olarak kabul edilen arazi talimleri, diğer bir deyişle mevsimlik manevralar ve bunların Osmanlı askeri mekanizması içindeki yeri tartışılacaktır. Tartışmanın ekseninde, 1910 senesinin Ekim ve Kasım aylarında icra edilen ve Osmanlı ordusunun ilk kez düzenlediği sonbahar manevrası yer almaktadır. I. ve II. Kolordu’nun katılımı ile gerçekleştirilen manevra için İstanbul-Edirne hattı arasında Lüleburgaz ve Babaeski mevkileri seçilmiş ve dört gün süren çarpışmaların ardından görkemli bir resmigeçit töreni ile son bulmuştur. 1910 Sonbahar Manevrası, arazinin analizi ve coğrafi imkân ve imkânsızlıkların önceden belirlenmesi açısından da ehemmiyetlidir. Bu bağlamda araştırmamız, gerçek savaş koşulları kurgulanarak düzenlenen manevranın Balkan savaşlarına giden süreçte ordu teşkilatının kapasitesi ve sınırlarını, savaşın patlak vereceği muhtemel coğrafyada tecrübe edebileceği yegâne faaliyet olduğunu ortaya koymaktadır. Temel kaynaklarımız, manevraya bizzat iştirak eden Von der Goltz Paşa’nın raporları, mektupları ve görüşleri ile 1910 Sonbahar Manevrasının konu edildiği Osmanlıca eserler ve T. C. Cumhurbaşkanlığı Devlet Arşivleri Başkanlığı Osmanlı Arşivi’nden edinilen belgelerdir.

The “Kurdish issue” in Turkey, as it is often dubbed by scholars and commentators, dates back to the early years of the Turkish Republic. By now there is a rich literature on it and it still contin...

The purpose of this study is measuring the communication skills of the coaches coaching in individual and team sports through perceptions of athletes and the effect of success through perception of the athletes. The focus of the research is the communication between the two main groups of the study, the athletes who are competing in individual and team sports and their coaches. The study includes determination of the effects of demographic specifications of these groups in the communication between them, training times of athletes and his/her coach on the skills of communication of the coach over the athlete and the communication skills of the coach on the athletes’ success by the perception of athlete. At the end of the study, the communication skills of coaches will be more effective in the individual sports, a lower education level of the athletes provides better communication development between them and their coaches, and women coaches developing better communication has been observed.

This article examines the history of official institutions, which were created to solve migration/migrant problems in the period extending from the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic. It demonstrates an interesting paradox; the tradition of institutionalization was very weak, despite the size and frequency of immigration. Indeed, the institutionalization in immigration issue was partly unsystematic, unstable, discontinuous, personal, exclusive, non-collective and insufficient. Yet despite...

This manuscript describes the historical background of gastronomy and culinary culture from ancient time to the present day of Konya, which is a world city. Konya is an important historical center that has witnessed various civilizations since ancient times to the present day. Anatolia's doors opened to the Turks after the Battle of Manzikert in 1071, and Konya then became their capital of Seljuks. Konya was annexed into the borders of the Ottoman Empire in 1465. The city has become one of the most developed cities in modern Turkey. Turkish cuisine culture is one of the most ancient ones and today and has one of the world's richest cuisines. From the historical point of view, Konya is evaluated as Prehistoric, Seljuk, Ottoman Empire and today's Turkish Republic periods. Konya's cuisine has been very famous in the past and is even now today. The combined effects of Seljuk, Persian, and Mevlevi cuisines reaching from Central Asia to Konya form one of the roots of today's Turkish food culture. After the Turks settled in Anatolia, combined with the materials they brought from Central Asia and the geographical regions they passed through, the cuisine has reached a high status, which continues even today. Mevlevi cuisine was also influenced by Seljuk palace kitchen. Some of the foods that Mevlana mentioned in his books named “Mesnevi” still exist in Konya's cuisine today. Nutritional needs of people visiting the city have also influenced the development of Konya's cuisine. In this article, the most famous dishes of Konya's culinary culture are introduced. Keywords: Culinary culture, Eating-drinking, Konya, Ottoman, Seljuk, The Turks

On 25 July 1950, a month after the beginning of the Korean War, the newly elected Democratic Party (DP) in Turkey announced that a brigade would be sent to assist South Korea as part of the UN miss...

In late 1912, the Ottoman imperial armies suffered a series of quick defeats at the hands of the Balkan League, comprising Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Montenegro, resulting in significant territorial losses. The Ottoman defeat in the Balkan Wars (1912–13) often stands at the center of teleological accounts of a neat and linear transition from Ottoman Empire to Turkish Republic. These teleological readings see the Ottoman defeat as a historical turning point when Ottoman elites turned nationalist, discovered Anatolia, and embraced the Turkish core. This article contends that such approaches frame late Ottoman history in anticipation of the later reality of nation-states, and overlook the messy and historically complex nature of the collapse of empire and the emergence of the nation-state. Although the defeat was certainly shocking for the Ottoman ruling elite, I argue that it initiated an era of debate rather than one of broad consensus. Similarly, the defeat neither marked the end of the Ottoman Empire nor heralded the coming of the Turkish Republic, but rather reinvigorated the Ottoman imperialist project.

The reading rate is an important indicator of the development level of a country. The fundamental condition of being a developed country is having a sufficiently educated workforce, which, in turn, is directly related to reading abilities and habits. In modern society, which has been termed the “information age”, the fastest way to acquire knowledge is through reading. Reading habits are initially formed within the family. Subsequently, the desired reading objectives can be achieved through the positive contribution of the school and the child’s environment. A child with developed reading skills will have the targeted accumulation of knowledge and will be suitably positioned to attain success in their future education and professional lives. The ability to reach this objective easily is directly related to the guidance and encouragement of families in this regard. The results of this study indicate that there is a strong correlation between the levels of education of parents in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and the reading habits that are given to children. For example, the results revealed that the children of 27 families with university and higher education levels read a total of 115 books, which is an average of 4.25 books per child on a monthly basis, whereas this figure was found to be 42 books, or an average of 1.82 in the 23 families with an education at high school level or below. The general purpose of the study is to determine the relationship between the reading habits of children and the education levels of their parents as well as the level of awareness of families in this respect. This is a qualitative study. The aim is to obtain in-depth and detailed data. The research is based on a case study, which is a qualitative research model. The examined case is that of North Cyprus.

The current article delineates the qualified nature of citizenship in the Turkish Republic. Its primary argument is that the content of citizenship in Turkey has been shaped and reshaped since its ...

This article focuses on the novels and short stories written about the ethnic cleansing of Dersim in the Turkish Republic in 1937–1938. Dersim 1937–1938 has become increasingly popular both as a political debate as well as a storyline in cultural productions over the last decade. The historical episode, once kept a secret, is almost an “industry” (“Memory: Concepts and Theory,” 2014) and an example of “memory boom” [Winter, Jay. (2002). Remembering War: The Great War Between Memory and History in the Twentieth Century. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press]. The aim of this article is to analyze the politics of memory and identity through literary works. It examines novels and short stories that focus on Dersim 1937–1938, or consider the ethnic cleansing in Dersim in a specific part of their storyline. By examining competing descriptions of Dersim memory and identity in these works, my purpose is to understand the mechanisms of literary competition, as well as Dersim’s fragmented collective memory and iden...

The following article analyzes the Venice Commission Opinion on the Turkey’s constitutional reform that is deemed to be one of the most important political events of the recent times. On 16 April 2017 many Turkish citizens living in Turkey as well as numerous Turkish Diaspora took part in the referendum to determine the country’s development path for at least a decade ahead. The results of the referendum in a literal sense have split the Turkish society in two parts: 51% said “Yes” to the proposed amendments, while 49% voted against them. The Venice Commission of the Council of Europe could not overlook this crucial constitutional reform introduced in the state of emergency, since one of the Commission’s areas of focus is provision of world-class expert opinions on draft amendments to the Constitutions of the Member States of the Venice Commission. On its 110th Plenary session the Commission adopted Opinion on the amendments to the Constitution adopted by the Grand National Assembly on 21 January 2017 and to be submitted to a National Referendum on 16 April 2017 (CDL-AD (2017)005-e), that gives an independent expert assessment of the recent changes taking place in Turkey. The Venice Commission’s conclusions as the result of the deep legal analysis of the text of the amendments may appeal to a wide range of readers, including lawyers and those interested in significant political events, abundant in the modern politics.

In 2013, Gezi Park housed perhaps the most significant democratic protest of the Turkish Republic’s history. The Gezi protests have drawn the attention of many democratic theorists since then. What is surprising about these theorists’ commentaries on Gezi is that in none of them is it possible to find an account of political practices that enabled actors with such different interests and worldviews to act in concert during this moment of popular action. This article argues that to attend fully to the unique features of events such as Gezi, we need to develop an alternative conceptualization of democratic action that brings to light such mediatory political practices. To develop that alternative, I turn to Aristotle and creatively appropriate his notion of “political friendship.” Interpreted as an ethico-political notion, which refers to a set of mediating practices, political friendship becomes a rich conceptual resource that lays bare the dynamics of democratic popular action.

This article challenges two established views in the literature on Turkish nationalism. First, that Turkish nationhood in the early republican era was civic and ethnic and, second, that, while Turkish nationhood was inclusive and egalitarian in constitutional texts, in the early years of the Turkish Republic and in the case of Turkish citizens of Muslim origin, it became exclusive or discriminatory in citizenship practices once the Republic was consolidated and in the case of non-Muslim Turkish citizens. Contra these two established views, I first argue that Turkish nationhood was not civic and ethnic, but it was actually civic and ancestral and cultural. Secondly, relying on an examination of legal texts produced and citizenship practices pursued in the years between 1918 and 1924, I argue that the Turkish nationhood was exclusive and discriminatory both theoretically and practically, on paper as well as in practice, both at the time of the foundation of the republic and once the regime had become consol...

The role of great powers in processes of secession and recognition has attracted increasing attention from scholars in recent years. This article examines how Britain rallied international opposition to the November 1983 unilateral declaration of independence (UDI) of the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus” (“TRNC”). As is shown, the British Government tried hard to prevent the UDI. Once it occurred, Britain led efforts to condemn the move. This resulted in UN Security Council Resolution 541, which declared the “TRNC” to be illegal and called on states not to recognise it. As well as exploring the diplomacy behind the counter-secession efforts, the article also answers a long-standing question as to whether any countries aside from Turkey ever recognised the TRNC. It also challenges the widely-held view amongst Greek Cypriots that Britain invariably supports the Turkish Cypriots on the Cyprus Problem.

The Old City located in the centre of Nicosia, the capital of Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, has become an area where the locals do not choose to reside and rather the immigrants from the low-level income group who came to the island to work for a long time. It has turned into a non-investment zone. Therefore, the living standards of the area had deteriorated when compared with the other areas of the Turkish republic of Northern Cyprus- even Nicosia; and the immigrants get on with their lives in various challenges. On the other hand, due to some cultural differences, there has been an increase in the criminal cases together with the problems and economic challenges that might even arise in case of immigration to a bigger city in Turkey. As there has been no scientific research on the Old City, this study has a unique nature in addition to allow the identification of problems of immigrants as well as the problems caused by the immigrants in such areas through data collection in general and area-specific, performance of observation, utilisation of questionnaires and press screening, and concrete solutions are provided accordingly. The problems of immigrants and problems caused by the immigrants can only be solved through increasing the state support by positive discrimination and enhancing the cultural differences of immigrants in the positive way and enduring integrated living standards rather than disintegration in compliance with the structure of country and values of society.ÖzKuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti’nin başkenti Lefkoşa’nın merkezinde bulunan Surlariçi bölgesi, uzun bir dönemdir, yerel halkın genellikle ikametten kaçındığı, daha ziyade, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nden adaya çalışmak amacı ile gelen düşük gelir grubundan göçmenlerin, ikamet etmekte olduğu bir bölge haline gelmiştir. İlgili bölge, -deyim yerinde ise- yatırımlardan mahrum bölge halini almıştır. Bu kapsamda da bölgenin yaşam standartlarında, Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti’nin, hatta Lefkoşa’nın, diğer bölgelerine kıyasen, gerileme söz konusu olmuş; bölgede yaşayan ilgili göçmenler, çeşitli zorluklar içinde yaşamlarını idame ettirir hale gelmiştir. Diğer yandan, bazı kültürel farklılıklar nedeni ile, geldikleri bölgeden, Türkiye içinde büyük bir şehre göç etmeleri halinde dahi söz konusu olacak kültürel farklılığa dayalı sorunlar ve göç etmelerine yol açan bir takım ekonomik sorunlar beraberinde, adli olaylarda artışı da getirmektedir. Surlariçi bölgesine ilişkin, bilimsel çalışma yapılmamış olması, çalışmayı özgün niteliğe taşırken; genel ve bölgeye ilişkin veri toplanması, gözlemler gerçekleştirilmesi, anket çalışmalarından yararlanılması ve basın taraması gerçekleştirilmesi ile, çalışmada gerek göçmenlerin sorunları gerekse bölgede göçmenlerin yol açtığı sorunların tespiti sağlanmakta ve somut çözüm önerilerine yer verilmektedir. Göçmenlerin sorunlarının ve göçmenlerin yol açtığı sorunların çözümü, bölgeye verilen devlet desteğinin, pozitif ayrıma gidilerek arttırılması ve bölgede yaşayan göçmenlerin kültürel farklılıklarının olumlu yönde geliştirilerek, ülke yapısına ve toplumun değerlerine uygun hale gelmesi ve ayrışma yerine, entegre yaşam standartlarının sağlanmasından geçmektedir.

This article examines the treatment of Armenians by the late Ottoman and Turkish republican state with a special focus on the social and political roles of the Armenian clergy, especially the patriarch. After giving a brief account of the historical evolution of the millet system – the principles and practices applied by the Ottoman state in its treatments of non-Muslims – the article tries to understand whether the new regime kept it or adopted a modern approach during the transition from empire to nation-state. It concludes that the republican state has created a deliberate inconsistency in its treatment of the Armenian community and patriarch. Although it has avoided recognizing them as a group and their group’s rights it continuously discriminated against them because of their group identity. The republican state has tried to downgrade the patriarch to a mere religious figure without any social or political role which is defined de jure. However, it has continued to accept him as de facto leader of the Armenian community on some occasions.

Built in 1884 as part of the building complex called Cercle d’Orient, Emek Theater (Emek Sinemasi in Turkish) was the oldest cinema in the history of the Turkish Republic. Located in the Beyoglu district of Istanbul, the building, which was designed by the Levantine architect Alexandre Vallaury, was used in various functions, before being converted into a movie theater in 1924. In 2009, the Emek Theater was shut down and emptied due to gentrification plans called Grand Pera project and demolished completely in May 2013. In her 2016 animation film Cinema Emek, Cinema Labour, Cinema Travail, Turkish visual artist Ozlem Sulak reconstructs the famous interior design of the Emek Theater. This chapter offers an ontological analysis of Sulak’s film and its particular techniques by using Anabelle Honess Roe’s ideas on animation as a mimetic substitution. Second, it focuses on Sulak’s intention to remind her audience of the symbolic status of the Emek Theater as a lieu de memoire by grounding the analysis in Pierre Nora’s theories, as well as in Mark Crinson’s concept of posturbanism.

The Arakanese Muslims (Rohingya), considered by the UN to be the world’s most persecuted minority, were subjected to horrific ethnic cleansing in August 2017. In those critical days, the Republic of Turkey, in a forceful move, called for Bangladesh to “open its doors.” The decisive difference in Turkey’s response from that of others was its generosity in offering to assume any and all costs Bangladesh would face as a consequence of this action. Throughout this process, Turkey has also continued its intensive efforts toward finding a diplomatic solution to the problem. The Turkish Republic’s efforts for the Rohingya people have primarily been to assist the hundreds of thousands taking refuge in Bangladesh. However, Turkey has also continued its efforts at cooperation and activities within the Myanmar borders. This chapter covers the details of Turkey’s humanitarian and diplomatic actions for the persecuted Rohingya in the 2010s.

This chapter aims to portray the Armenian community from the establishment of the Turkish Republic through to the victory of the pro-Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP) in 2002. This chapter covers the changing strategies and identity politics employed against Armenians between 1923 and 2002, emphasizing how Armenians as minorities have been perceived as second-class by the Turkish state throughout the twentieth century.

1308 yilinda Ilhanlilar zamaninda yapilmis olan Amasya Bimarhanesi, mimarlik tarihi arastirmalarinda sikca konu olmus Anadolu’daki onemli anitsal yapilardan birisidir. Selcuklu medrese gelenegini surdurdugu kabul edilen yapinin plan ozellikleri hem de tackapisindaki zengin bezemeleri, yapiyi cagdaslari arasinda ozel kilmaktadir. Yapinin onemi sadece mimarlik tarihi kapsaminda olmayip, ayni zamanda Turkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin onarim tarihinin bir belgesi sayilabilecek bir koruma surecine konu olusudur. 20. yuzyil ortasinda yapilan onarimindan dolayi bircok calismada yer bulmustur. Bu onarimda tackapisinin eksik kismi, diger tackapi orneklerinin hepsinde oldugu gibi eksik taslari tamamiyla butunlenmemistir. Bunun yerine tackapinin yalniz bir kosesinden kademeli olarak tamamlama yapilmistir. Baska ornegi olmayan bu tamamlama yaklasiminin sadece donemi baglaminda degil, gunumuz icin de gecerli olan modern bir koruma yorumu tasidigi kabul edilmektedir. Bu onarim, donemin Eski Eserler ve Muzeler Mudurlugu Abideler Subesi Muduru Ali Saim Ulgen tarafindan yapilmistir. Son yillarda Ali Saim Ulgen’in kisisel arsivinin erisilebilir hale gelmesi sayesinde yapinin onarimi ile ilgili yeni bilgiler elde edilebilmektedir. Bimarhane’nin onariminin bilinenden farkli bir kurguda oldugu ortaya cikmistir. Ali Saim Ulgen’in tackapinin her eksik tasini tamamlamak istedigi hatta bezemelerin bile yeniden yapilmasini hedefledigi gorulmektedir. Yapmak istedigi isler, onarim icin hazirladigi kesif belgelerinden ogrenilmektedir. Bu zamana kadar bilinenin aksine, Ali Saim Ulgen’in Viollet le Duc’u hatirlattigi uslupsal butunleme niyetinin nasil olustugu tam olarak aydinlatilamamaktadir. Onarim surecinde isi alan muteahhitle yasanan sorunlar dikkate alindiginda, isin hedeflendiginden farkli bir sekilde gerceklesmesinin arkasinda bircok ihtimal vardir. Eldeki veriler isiginda, Bimarhane’nin tackapisinin benzeri tackapilardaki tekrar eden bezemelerden farkli bir kompozisyona sahip olmasi Ali Saim Ulgen’in deneme olarak ise basladigi fikrini akla getirmektedir. Bu calismada Ulgen’in arsivinden elde edilen yeni bilgiler isiginda yapinin onarim tarihinin 1948-51 yillari onarim surecinde tackapinin butunleme uygulamasi anlatilmaktadir. The Incomplete Reintegration of Amasya Bimarhane’s Portal Bimarhane of Amasya, built in 1308 during the time of Ilkhanate, is one of the most important monument in Anatolia that has been frequently mentioned in the researches of history of architecture. The building design features have been considered as the traditions of the Seljuk madrasah. The importance of Bimarhane is not only about history of architecture, but also about history of restoration of Turkish Republic. In the middle of the 20 th century, the monument was restored by Ali Saim Ulgen, Director of the Department of Antiquities and Heritages, who conducted many conservation projects. Contrary to what had been known until this time, it was planned to reintegrate the missing part of the portal like the similars. Even it was decided to replace the ornaments in the reintegrated parts of the portal by him. But at end of the restoration, only one corner of the portal was reintegrated level by level instead of planning initially. It has been accepted that this type of reintegration carries a modern conservation concept which is valid not only in the context of the period, but also in the present. Although the first decision of the restoration has been discovered through Ulgen’s archives documents; the reason of changing its direction, has not been immulinated yet. In this paper, according to the new information obtained from Ulgen's archive, the reintegration project of Bimarhane’s portal during the restoration of 1948-51 is explained.

Through a comparative analysis of two contested states – Kosovo and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), the paper analyses the impact of internal and/or external statehood contestation on the scope of citizenship rights. It does so by introducing the concept of liminality in the study of citizenship in contested states. It contends that while the negative impact of contested statehood on citizenship rights is inevitable, the degree of impediment depends on the nature and level of contestation of statehood, the wider (regional) citizenship constellations, and on the ability of contested states to use different strategies to overcome sovereignty deficits.

The 1908 Assembly of Deputies (Meclis-i Mebusan), which opened on December 17th 1908 after the proclamation of the second Constitutional Monarchy, witnessed a colorful parliamentary life. While the things happened in this assembly created the first examples in terms of the democracy adventure of Turkey, the applications to be performed or the ongoing ones later served as a model for the Turkish Republic. Particularly the things that happened in the assembly after 1910 have the characteristics of setting an example for the following periods. The Assembly of Deputies in the Ottoman State, which opened in 1908 after a long period of thirty years, had a solemn opening ceremony on December 17th. The opening ceremony was prepared days before by considering even the smallest details, and the ones who would attend the ceremony, the places where the invitees would stand and the marches to be sung were all determined. Many domestic and foreign viewers came to the opening ceremony to which Sultan Abdulhamid II also attended and due to the crowd, there were no vacancies left in the hotels and inns in Istanbul. Therefore, many mosques and schools were assigned to the visitors as places to stay. 230 deputies were present at the opening ceremony of the 1908 Assembly of Deputies, where 281 deputies were elected. 281 deputies were elected as members of the 1908-1912 Assembly of Deputies and about 324 different deputies took part in the Assembly during the four working periods. In this study, within the scope of the statistical information, we will lay emphasis on the 43 deputies that differed. Before proceeding to the by-elections, it would be beneficial to emphasize the election system in the Ottoman State and the working period of the Assembly of Deputies in this period in order to better understand the subject matter.

In his “Theses in the Philosophy of Curating” curatorial theorist Jean-Paul Martinon makes a distinction between curating as merely a kind of “pointing” activity and the “curatorial,” which he explains as a rethinking of those pointings, or a renewed effort to encounter bodies of knowledge. Curating entails persuading bodies to move through a designated space in a certain direction and manner; persuading eyes and minds to see and think within a certain framework. From the outset, the exhibition at the Pera Museum was an art historical survey of the nude spanning the late-nineteenth-century Ottoman era to the early-twentieth-century Turkish Republic, a visual chronicle of styles from academic Realism to Impressionism, Expressionism, and Cubism. There are currently three public museums of painting and sculpture in Istanbul, Ankara and Izmir, and their holdings are considered the richest in terms of art historical significance, especially regarding the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

Globalization processes significantly increase in the modern world, the scientists more often deviate from regional researches to more extensive territorial researches, comprising not only the region of their habitation. Black Sea region the territory, which originally was a centre of a highly developed culture, science and medicine. An attempt to give historiographic review of researches, produced mainly in Istanbul in the period from the end of XIX century, when the first publications appeared according to the theme ofTurkish medical history, and to the first part of ХХ century is undertaken in the given writing, dedicated to medicine history in Turkey. The subject matter is formation, historical evolution and the modern state of medicine history in Turkey, predominantly published in Istanbul. The problems of medicine history teaching touched upon in Turkey, connected with language and linguistic peculiarities, creation of dictionaries, which helped to use the basic medical terms and conceptions. It is shown how medicine history education in Turkish language and also history of development and formation of this process were important for the students and listeners. The emersion of Turkish books on medical history, as of Turkish authors (for instance, MekhmetEminFekhmi), so the translated writings (Huseyin Ramsey “Tarih-iTıb”) is very significant. It is interesting that even the workers of various Istanbul hospitals could be the authors of the books. The first years of ХХ century were marked by the works, where the researches of medical historical societies (RysaTahsin “Mirat-iMektebiTıbbiye”) were described. The works on Turkish medicine history were actively developed in 20-s of ХХ century under conditions of young Turkish republic formation. The challenges in the given work are: to generally consider the biographies of outstanding Turkish medicine historians and their writings, wrote in the first part of ХХ century, which contributed to Turkish science.

Ethnic civil wars tend to spread to adjacent countries, yet the processes whereby diffusion takes place remain obscure. Quantitative studies point to a wide range of factors and dynamics that drive ethnosectarian conflicts across international borders with no consensus regarding the causal potency of these variables or the ways in which they interact with one another. Surveying the most influential theories that have been advanced so far clarifies the logic of disparate arguments and offers hypotheses that can be tested against particular cases. The civil war in Syria represents one notable instance in which fighting along ethnosectarian lines provoked a revival of political violence in a neighboring state, the Turkish Republic. Applying existing theories to this empirical case clarifies promising directions for future research.

The first Vessel Traffic Service (VTS) started in 1949 in the Liverpool Port (UK) and it continued in Netherlands in 1956. In Turkey, planning and management of the marine traffic using the waterways and ports in Turkey started with Turkish Straits VTS which came into service in 2003 due to the increase in traffic density enhance its effectiveness and necessity every year. Feasibility studies in five new areas have been initiated for the establishment of the VTS system by force of the strategic decision taken by the maritime authority in 2008. These areas are; Izmit Bay, Izmir Bay and Aliaga Region, Gulf of Iskenderun and Mersin. Monitoring the marine traffic has an important place as the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) is an important transition point in the Eastern Mediterranean region. For this reason, in this study the impact assessment and necessity of the establishment of a VTS to be located in the TRNC were evaluated by using Environmental (PEST: Political, Economic, Social, Technological) and SWOT (Strengths, Weakness, Opportunities, Threats) Analyses. In addition, the suitability of the possible locations of Traffic Monitoring Stations (TMS) has been examined by the field study. Evaluation of TRNC VTS in geographical and strategic terms will benefit from the opportunities and facilities that both the Republic of Turkey and the TRNC will have as a part of the effect of VTS against the embargo imposed on the TRNC in the world. Three appropriate VTS TMSs have been chosen as a result of the field study carried out for 10 determined TMSs; Cape Kormakitis, Cape Apostolos Andreas and Famagusta. It is also concluded that it would be appropriate to plan the Famagusta Station as VTS Centre. It is assumed to monitor and track the vessels in the zones out of the coverage area of these stations by Automatic Identification System (AIS). Safety and security in the shipping, protection of navigation, life, property and the marine environment of the region will be enhanced by monitoring the vessels passing particularly through this region and by making use of the opportunities provided by technology in accordance with national and international regulations.

The article examines the causes of the permanent political instability in the Turkish Republic, which leads to frequent change of governments, degradation of political parties and changing of policies. On the example of the activities of different cabinets it is showen that the basis of their instability is the frequent creation of coalition governments consisting of parties that stand on different ideological positions. Inter-party antagonism, in its turn, is a consequence of the split of the Turkish society along civilizational, ethnic and religious grounds, which determines the different political orientation of the various layers of the Turkish society. At the same time the article shows the examples of the undoubted efficiency of one-party governments, however they never get support from the opposition parties, and eventually also fail to effectively and consistently implement their proposed policies. The author also deals with a policy of the ruling today in Turkey, the Islamist Party of Justice and Development, which after several years of successful political and economic reforms to date entered the period of deep crisis and is increasingly losing its authority and influence both in Turkey and in neighboring countries.

With the introduction of the horse-drawn tramway in 1871, the citizens of Istanbul were forced to reckon with a new type of public space—the crowded confines of the tramcar. This article focuses on the removal of a curtain that separated men and women on public transit in 1923, analyzing the discourses that shaped the decision and the way in which gendered discourses around public transit were altered at the outset of the Turkish Republic by the curtain’s removal. Building on the work of Lauren Berlant and Alev Çınar, I suggest that the tramcar constituted an intimate public sphere and site of negotiation in which citizens came to both confront and negotiate modern problems ranging from morality to fashion in a way that was functionally different from other public spaces.