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ETA is the acronym for Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (Basque Country and Freedom), a separatist armed group seeking an independent socialist state for the Basque Country. According to ETA supporters, the Basque homeland (Euzkadi or Euskal Herria) is made up of seven provinces (Vizcaya, Guipuzcoa, Alava, Navarra, Basse-Navarre, Soule, and Labourd) currently under Spanish and French sovereignty. ETA is mainly operative in Spain where it has been responsible for over 820 deaths, many of them members of the Spanish security forces or politicians who oppose ETA's separatist demands. Keywords: identity politics; nationalism; regionalism; terrorism; violence; Spain

This article examines the role of Building Metaphors in the political discourse of the former Spanish president José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. More specific, it analyzes how Building Metaphors serve as legitimization and delegitimization strategies used by the Government and its anti-terrorist plight. The corpus of investigation comprises all political speeches on terrorism during Zapatero’s two terms in office (from April 2004 to December 2011). I argue that the use of Building Metaphors is a strategy of Zapatero’s whereby the solid ground of the Government’s anti-terrorist initiative is juxtaposed with terrorism’s lack of foundation. Findings suggest that the following conceptual metaphors are used as framing devices: POLITICS IS BUILDING, POLITICAL ENTITIES ARE BUILDINGS, THE GOVERNMENT IS THE BUILDER, TERRORISM IS THE DESTROYER, DEMOCRACY IS A STANDING BUILDING WITH SOLID FOUNDATIONS, TERRORISM IS A BUILDING WITH NO FOUNDATIONS, DEMOCRATIC VALUES ARE CONNECTORS, and TERRORIST VALUES ARE OBSTRUCTORS.

This study of the politics of representation illustrates the Bush Administration’s use of a religious mode of representation to make sense of the 9/11 events, to legitimize military actions against the Taliban, Afghanistan, and terrorism in general. The religious mode of representation is enabled by the construction and application of what we call the “War on Terrorism script,” which is grounded in the institution of “American civil religion.” We demonstrate the unique power of this mode of representation to create a coherent account at a time of national crisis, to establish connections between the 9/11 perpetrators, the Taliban, and the Afghanistan government. By comparing the Bush Administration’s discourse with those voiced by dissenters and critics using intellectual, rational, and legal representations and modes of argumentation in the post-9/11 contexts, we demonstrate how the institutionalization of a particular mode of speaking influence a particular mode of thinking and a particular mode of acting. We also argue that the convention governing political discourse have significant implications in determining the legitimacy of definitions and interpretations of political situations as well as of political actions.

Much research has focused on explaining the very high rate of radicalization among a small number of Caribbean island nations. This paper instead investigates the history and current status of countering violent extremism policies in Trinidad and Tobago, focusing on government, international partners, and local NGO programming in the field. Through an analysis of extended interviews with grassroots organizations, politicians, and members of the security administration alongside a desk review of existing literature and evaluations of CVE programming, we seek to illuminate gaps between official policies and actual, on the ground practices. While authorities in Trinidad and Tobago have recognized the power of non-state actor centered, bottom up policies, the majority of visible operations continue to rely on top down, state centric ones. This paper brings with it concrete recommendations for law enforcement, community builders, and local residents alike.

As has been well documented in the social movement literature, movements can take multiple forms. Accordingly, analyses of coordinated challenge tend to array social movements along a spectrum of variable dimensions. Snow and Soule 2010 suggest that social movements can be relegated to one of two general types of challenge, such that the challenge is either direct (including various forms of specifically targeted protest) or indirect (including movements that exit from or divest in authority). Indirect challenges—the less often examined form of collective action—relate to movements that are covert or ambiguous with respect to the action they employ; that may endeavor to actualize broad-based change through individual conversion; and finally, that bypass authority structures by literally “exiting” or withdrawing from undesirable systems or relations (Snow & Soule 2010). Keywords: political sociology; emigration; immigration; movements; revolution; sectarianism; sects; terrorism; utopianism

Does international terrorism affect attitudes toward refugees? Does terrorism mobilize the public to pressure legislators to restrict refugee policy? Are these effects long- or short-lived? To answ...

In the past decades, Europe has been shocked repeatedly by terrorist crimes. This has led to an influx of suspects and convicts of terrorism in the prison system. The aim of this study is to provide insight into socio-demographic, psychopathological and criminal background characteristics of convicted violent extremists. Retrospective analyses were conducted on primary source data from 82 convicts in Dutch prison terrorism wings. Results showed that violent extremists are a heterogeneous group regarding socio-demographic characteristics. About 60% of the population had previously been convicted of ordinary crimes and a third suffered from a mental disorder. To gain more insight into violent extremists, additional research is needed into motivational and other risk factors. The latter is a necessary step to improve the identification, risk assessment, and effective treatment of violent extremists.

Adopting and expanding Black’s conception of terrorism as self-help, this study examines how Palestinian youth become involved in security violations. Based on an analysis of in-depth interviews conducted with 10 Palestinian youth incarcerated in Israeli prisons, their experiences are described, including the aftermath of arrest and imprisonment. Their accounts are complemented by interviews with six wardens and correctional officers overseeing the prison’s youth wings, a review of military court transcripts from proceedings leading up to the youth’s incarceration, and observations of participants’ daily prison routines. The data detail pathways and recruitment processes, motivations, rewarding aspects of participation, and the costs incurred as a result by participants and their families. Security violations are analyzed as self-help responses to collective grievances and personal problems. The theoretical and policy implications of the findings are discussed.

Multi-faceted partnership is developing between Russia and the UAE - in the trade, economic, political, humanitarian spheres, as well as in the field of high technologies. The positions of both countries on pressing international problems are close to each other particularly on security issues, fighting against terrorism, and the conflict settlement in the Middle East. There is a tendency for the establishing of the close bilateral relations in strategically important areas. The historical visit of President Putin to the UAE on October 15, 2019 was a clear proof of the development of friendly relations and close interaction between the two countries.

A youth audience is the most vulnerable part of society as an object of influence of radical ideas. The authors argue that the most efficient tool of involving young people of different origin and confessional affiliation into the extremist activity on the present stage is social networks. Despite the fact that the practice of using communication networks in the Internet space by terrorist organizations have existed before, it was the information policy of the ISIS (and later IS) that was characterized by the greatest effectiveness, due to the creation of an integrated media structure, which consisted of numerous foundations and agencies (Al Furqan, Aynad, Itisaam, Al-Hayat, etc.), allowing them to spread their extremist religious and ideological doctrine on a global scale. The use of the widest range of high-quality media products in Internet media and social networks has expanded the organizations area of influence by attracting supporters not only from the Middle East region, but also from European countries and the Russian Federation. The case-study of the mechanisms for attracting European youth through social networks, such as Twitter, Facebook, etc., to extremist activities under the auspices of the IS is held. In conclusion, the prospects for the influence of IS propaganda in social networks after the defeat of a terrorist organization in 2018 are assessed. As a methodological basis of the research, aspect and activity approaches, as well as analytical, statistical methods and the method of content analysis are used.

The Jihadi-salafist doctrine which is at the Islamist terrorism origin that affects several countries since the emergence of Al Qaeda in the late 80's, gave birth to the Islamic State of Iraq and Sham/Levant (ISIS/ISIL) established as a Caliphate in 2014. Despite the ISIS official military defeat in 2019, the Jihadi-Salafist current - whose history goes back a long way, is currently behind a number of attacks whether collective or individual, claimed by known organizations or committed in isolation. In our perspective, we try to apprehend the attraction power of the Jihadi narrative issue taking the Theory of Social Representations as a paradigmatic framework. This implies that we dont consider the Jihadi current membership as the manifestation of a deviation from normality or optimal rationality, but as the expression of a certain common sense resonance. More precisely, and taking the case of the Tunisian context, the success of the Jihadi narrative is explained by its effectiveness as an interpretive grid and as a guide for action, making it possible to re-anchor a reality lacking in meaning. This hypothesis of a re-anchoring implies that anchoring as described by Moscovici as one of the two processes at the origin of the social representations formation (with the objectification process), could be not only as a familiarization of the strange by inserting it in an already known pre-existing frame, but by substituting to the frame itself, a new one, in order to be able to insert familiar objects which would have lost their sense precisely because of the old frame itself. This hypothesis could offer a theoretical and heuristic perspective allowing the anchoring process to be conceived as a circular and non-definitive process.

Meyoucycle (2016) was the eagerly awaited result of a collaboration between choreographer Eleanor Bauer and composer Chris Peck. The characters of this dance and song–cycle have developed tactics to withstand the exploitative demands of neoliberal semiocapitalism; the creative team deployed performative and dramaturgical tactics for the same purpose.

On December 11, 2018, five people were killed and 11 injured during a terrorist attack on Strasbourg's Christmas market. As the attacker was on the run during the night, part of the population was locked down for several hours. Our study aimed at assessing factors associated with the development of PTSD and health services use among the victims. Four hundred and twelve victims were followed up from 6 to 11 months after the attacks through phone calls by psychologists. The presence of probable PTSD was assessed with the Trauma Screening Questionnaire. In addition, we evaluated the type and level of exposure, and health services use after the attacks. Two hundred and twelve participants completed the phone interview. The prevalence of probable PTSD was 26.4%. Being locked down during the attack and the level of exposure were associated with probable PTSD (OR = 2.32 [1.17–4.59], p = 0.016 and OR = 1.49 [1.10–2.03], p = 0.010 respectively). Lockdown was especially associated with symptoms suggesting adrenergic hyperactivation (startle at surprise, dreams about the event). General and mental health services use was frequent among our sample (83% consulted either their GP or a mental health professional), but people living alone tend to use these health services more infrequently than these living with others. Though necessary, measures taken to protect victims, such as lockdown, may foster PTSD. Victims of terror attacks having been subjected to lockdown may have experienced powerlessness, fostering prolonged stress and fear. These victims may benefit from mental health support over the following months.

A considerable number of foreign fighters who joined the Islamic State (IS) came from developed countries enjoying high levels of democracy and personal freedom. Even after the demise of the Islamic State, the IS “returnees” remain a source of severe security risk globally. Many countries, especially those with a considerable number of IS fighters and returnees, face the challenge of striking the right balance between protecting national security against IS terrorism and preserving fundamental democratic institutions. This paper examines the effect of democracy and personal freedom on foreign fighters joining IS in Syria and Iraq. We also examine whether democracy and/or personal freedom affect the fraction of IS fighters returning home. Whereas the effect of democracy appears to be inconclusive, our cross-country regressions show that countries with a higher level of personal freedom (i) had a significantly larger fraction of their population joining IS, and (ii) receive a significantly larger percentage share of returning IS fighters. Our results are robust across different model specifications and account for possible collinearity concerns.

This study examines the electoral consequences for ideologically right-leaning political parties in the wake of terrorist attacks by employing an original dataset that captures political party vote shares and multiple terrorist indicators. Our analysis extends the partisan voting hypothesis to 56 democracies from multiple regions and levels of development between 1975–2014. Specifically, we find that the origins of terrorist perpetrators, the severity of terrorist attacks, and the frequency of terrorist incidents decrease right-party vote shares in legislative contests when incorporating standard controls. All told, these findings reinforce political psychological reasoning that contends terrorist attacks impact citizens’ emotions and voting calculations.

This article aims for revisiting the terrorism studies from different perspective. The terror attacks itself cannot be hundred percent zero but it just fluctuated trend. More specifically, terrorism always adaptive in following trends. While terror attacks still to target innocent civilians, the perpetrators could be closest relatives and neighbors. The way terror attack to reach out that group of people basically shows the silent role of returning foreign fighters (RFF)/returnees nurturing dan breeding terror ideologies. By using critical literature review especially historical narrative analysis, this study wants to examine the current terror trend that utilizes social media. It can spread terror narration and also affecting people to join. The way to analyze data is making clear connection from each literature. The findings of this study are: the RFF is adept at social media in nurturing terror ideologies and then making their home country and new terrorist cells to be breeding grounds.

The aim of this study was to indicate the position taken on the phenomenon of terrorism in the teaching of the Catholic Church by three popes: John Paul II, Benedict XVI and Francis. It has been found that, apart from the common, unambiguously negative assessment of the analysed phenomenon by the hierarchy of the Church, each of them sets out his own observations on its nature and causes. In the teaching of John Paul II, the predominant conviction is that terrorism is an ideology of violence which spreads on the basis of technological and economic development and brings chaos on both a political and personal level. Benedict XVI states that terrorism promotes a civilisation of destruction, which above all questions the dignity of the individual, seeking their annihilation. Pope Francis, on the other hand, focuses on stressing the need for intercultural and interreligious dialogue in order to reduce the growing tensions that are the source of terrorist acts. All the Fathers of the Church, however, draw attention to the fundamental problem of the instrumental treatment of human life by terrorist organisations, for which human beings become a mere means to achieve their various aims.

Many counter-terrorism measures enacted by states have been criticized for violating human rights. This study sought to assess the Kenya’s counter-terrorism framework to ascertain whether the established counter-terrorism measures violate or adhere to the protection of human rights. The study adopted an exploratory research design to assess the counter-terrorism measures and alleged human rights violation in Kenya. The target population was the national security organs, counter-terrorism agencies, civil societies championing human rights protection, security enforcers and watchdog bodies. The sample of 200 respondents and informants was drawn from the National Assembly, Ministry of Interior and Coordination of National Government, the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights, the International Federation for Human Rights, UN Counter-Terrorism Centre and Amnesty International Kenya. A stratified and purposive sampling technique was employed in selecting the respondents and informants during the study. The findings of the study established various stick and carrot counter-terrorism strategies used by organizations, government and security apparatus in Kenya. These strategies are faced by a number of challenges. A number of these measures violate human rights. There are however, some counter terrorism strategies that uphold human rights. The counter-terrorism strategies that the government can adopt in respect of human rights to include youth empowerment and employment, enhance surveillance and intelligence gathering, stop renditions and use of force, proper investigations, uphold human rights and rule of law and public education, awareness and participation. The study recommends government to adopt counter-terrorism promote human rights protection. Further, the study recommends that the governments need to create public awareness and participation in counter-terrorism strategies and measures to build public confidence on its efforts to fight terrorism.

There is little empirical research conducted on state-sponsored extremism (SSE). Yet, SSE can be seen in society from policy to policing that can lead to discrimination and aggression. The purpose ...

The article considers the technology of Russia's military aggression against Ukraine on the example of Donetsk region. Its dynamics and evolution can be traced in the socio-political and military processes that took place during the “Russian Spring” of 2014. It is noted that at the initial stage there was an attempt at a “popular uprising” scenario, but for a number of reasons it did not work. Therefore, under the leadership of officials of the RF Armed Forces, the Federal Security Service (FSB), and representatives of the Russian political authorities, a terrorist organization, the “DPR”, was formed with its own paramilitary groups. Its purpose was to provoke armed conflict by mass terror and provocations. These actions were accompanied by other types of tools of a hybrid war, among which important place was occupied by a powerful information campaign of Russian media resources, the content of which evolved depending on the situation. It was found that the successful liberation of the temporarily occupied territories by Ukrainian troops led to the invasion of regular Russian troops, the signing of the Minsk agreements and the transition of the armed conflict to a regime of varying intensity. Therefore, as a result of the study, the authors came to the following conclusions. Russia's hybrid aggression was due to the latter's desire to draw Ukraine in its global civilization projects. However, Ukrainian society looked forward to a different geopolitical vector of development of its state, which led to socio-political confrontation on the Maidan. Its victory forced Russia to resort to military aggression. This led to the capture of the Crimea and mass riots in Donetsk region, inspired by pro-Putin forces, which led to military intervention. The authors have identified five stages of the armed conflict to this date. Each of them has its own logic, due to the fact that the technology of hybrid aggression in Donetsk region evolved and had a dynamic character. Its goal was to gain political control over the Ukraine. Respectively, the situation was constantly changing - mass riots with the invasion of the “Crimean company” turned into full-scale hostilities, which forced the Ukrainian side to launch a counteroffensive. In turn, this led to the traditional military invasion of regular units of the Russian army. It was to prevent the defeat of the “DPR”. After having achieved this goal, the Kremlin continued to escalate the conflict in order to impose its terms on the Ukrainian side to fix up the situation in Donetsk region. Thus, Minsk-2 was signed, the articles of which satisfied more Kremlin interests than Ukrainian ones. At the last stage, official Moscow seeks, by changing the political-ideological and socio-cultural worldview of the occupied territory, to keep Ukraine in its geopolitical orbit through the “republic”.

We are living in a world which is severely crisis-ridden and faces some major challenges. The fact that we are currently facing a genuine global pandemic (COVID-19) brings about even more uncertainty. The social and political institutions, which emerged and consolidated during the 20th century, and which created stability, have become fragile. The young generation born in the 1990s and onwards have experienced 9/11 and the ‘war against terrorism’, the financial crisis of 2008, changes to climate, environmental degradation, and most recently the COVID-19 pandemic. The generation born between 1960 and 1990 have had the same experiences along with severe economic crises in the 1970s and 1980s and the Cold War. Some of these challenges are in different ways intertwined with capitalism and its crises, while others are linked to the rapid development of new technologies, in particular innovations within communication and information technologies. This introduction lists the most important grand challenges facing the world as they have emerged more recently. The five articles following this introduction address some of these challenges, with particular attention to the problems of capitalism and democracy and the relation between these two areas. Most authors agree that climate change and the destruction of the environment are the biggest and most pertinent problems to address, but it is their stance that we can only meet these challenges if democracy is functioning well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Thesis Eleven is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper studies the gendered impact of the pandemic in a war ravaged Afghanistan. For majority of Afghan women, the onslaught of Covid has exacerbated their already dire condition and adversely impacted their social, economical, physical and cultural aspects of life. The research also underlines that the imposition of lockdown has caused the reversal of war gains. The paper also highlights the notable works of various Afghan women carried out during the corona pandemic that has contributed to their emancipation and upliftment of the society at large. It brings forth strong and courageous women who are combatting terrorism, everyday conflicts, frequent bombings, societal restrictions and now the deadly coronavirus and yet contributing majorly in re-building the Afghan society. This paper is an attempt to dispel the dominant narrative of their state of helplessness and despondency around Afghan women before the withdrawal of American troops and Taliban takeover. Both primary and secondary sources have complemented this research.

Environmental terrorism is a new global threat. The modern period of society's development is characterized by an increase in this threat, where terrorism in the traditional view evolves and takes on new outlines. When defining the concept of environmental terrorism, the role of the criminal-legal definition of a crime is of particular importance, since this ultimately reflects the degree of public danger and is reflected in determining an offender's punishment and its appropriate publicity in the media space. This study examines the genesis of the environmental terrorism concept, as well as various approaches to its understanding, taking into account its legal definition. Using the method of political and legal analysis, the study aims to answer the question of whether ecoterrorism is only a manifestation of radical environmentalism, or has different motives. Taking into account the difference in approaches to the concept of “environmental terrorism,” the study also notes a difference in the qualifications of eco-terrorism. This work gives grounds to assert that the absence of a clearly developed conceptual apparatus and the definition of this term in international acts complicates the solution of issues of countering such a phenomenon as environmental terrorism. The study concludes that the concept of environmental terrorism should be considered in terms of its connection with the concept of environmentalism. Terrorist acts that use natural objects (resources) as a political goal should be considered and qualified separately from the environmental terrorism concept because of the differences in the legal nature of these two phenomena. In practical terms, this study is of interest to subjects of political initiative and lawyers engaged in public administration.

Although terrorism has a complex genealogy as a political concept, contemporary discussions on “new terrorism” use a reductionist discourse on the legitimacy of violence. In this article, I discuss...

Stagnation in terrorism research is held responsible to both academicians and the government for exploring the continuity of terrorist activities in Bangladesh. The state of stagnation, in this regard, is mainly linked with the governmental strategy of funding research though government is not willing to share their information with academia; on the other hand, little empirical grounding in academia. In spite of having methodological skills there are lacks of data is the behind of sloth condition in this sector. A developing country like Bangladesh is a prominent example of this stagnation in terrorism research and has experienced several violent activities on the time being. Sometimes, ISIS has claimed their existence in several attacks in Bangladesh, but, still, the recruitment and training up process in violent radicalization that motivates different terrorist activities are still beyond control. This paper will explore the existence of stagnation in terrorism research and how it explores the continuity of terrorist activities in Bangladesh. Finally, in conclusion, this paper will give some recommendations to bridge the existing gap between the academicians and the government to terminate the stagnation in terrorism, particularly in the context of Bangladesh.

Various patterns have emerged as a result of globalization when it comes to controlling the kind of threats that a country may face, particularly non-traditional ones. One of them is terrorism, which occurences concentrated in specific places of the world, with North and Sub-Saharan Africa dominating for a variety of reasons. While there are other operational areas contested by various terrorist groups, the Sahel is one of the most well-known, with Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) being one of the most infamous terrorist groups. Legacies of weak and corrupt governments and institutions, unenforced border security, historical disadvantages, and crippled economies may serve as catalysts for such groups' growing influence, but this paper would argue that the use of sectarianism as a tool of identity mobilization is one of the reasons for AQIM's prevalence as a terrorist group.

Recientemente la Comisión Europea presentaba su Plan de acción para una política global de la Unión en materia de prevención del blanqueo de capitales y de la financiación del terrorismo en el que se indicaba la necesidad de reforzar los importantes logros alcanzados mediante una mayor integración e institucionalización comunitaria. El presente estudio analiza el estado actual de los pilares fundamentales de esta política de la UE (ampliación de los sujetos obligados y del alcance de las obligaciones de diligencia debida conforme al enfoque basado en el riesgo; establecimientos de unidades financieras de información y supervisión, así como de registros centrales de titularidad real y de cuentas bancarias; coordinación y cooperación entre estas unidades y autoridades competentes) y las tensiones suscitadas no solo en la aplicación por parte de los Estados miembros, sino en torno al respecto de los derechos y libertades fundamentes reconocidos por el derecho de la UE conforme a la jurisprudencia del Tribunal de Justicia. Finalmente, la cooperación intracomunitaria e internacional resulta primordial para la efectividad de tal política y, en este sentido, cobra especial importancia las previsiones del Acuerdo de comercio y cooperación con el Reino Unido convertido ahora en un tercer Estado.

El Reino Unido comenzó su lucha contra el terrorismo décadas antes de la vorágine causada por el 11S. Ello explica gran parte de su influencia sobre la legislación antiterrorista europea, a la que parece haber inspirado desde 2002. Los últimos tiempos, con el goteo de atentados en suelo británico y el panorama de los acuerdos del Brexit, han producido cambios en la misma, que, aunque no pueda negarse que siguen la senda político criminal marcada hasta ahora, sí desde luego parecen haberse confrontado directamente-ya sin cortapisas- con el Convenio Europeo para la Protección de los Derechos Humanos y de las Libertades Fundamentales, en especial con su artículo 7. En el siguiente estudio se hace un completo análisis de la lucha contra el terrorismo británica, remarcando la incidencia de la política criminal europea, las condenas del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos a Reino Unido, las evidentes similitudes con la legislación española y las más recientes disposiciones legislativas de la etapa post-Brexit.

Acts of violence arising from hatred, racism, and bigotry have no place in a world of civility. The brutal attacks on Muslim worshippers at two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand, leaving 51 dead and 49 injured, can never be justified. Through adopting Van Dijk's ideological square of 'Us. vs. Them' [3], the present study uncovers the impact statements of the attacks' survivors and victims' families, denouncing the severity of the event and expressing the shattering effects of the attacks on self, society, and humanity at large. Over a period of three days, about 90 people delivered their statements in the High Court in Christchurch. The data were compiled through YouTube videos and news articles that reported the testimonies. The findings showed that the overall discursive strategy used in the impact statements is that of positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation. Such presentations are realized by focusing on the positive aspects of the ingroup members represented by the attacks' survivors, victims' families, and people of New Zealand on the one hand, and the negative characteristics of the out-group members represented by the terrorist, on the other. As the paper sends a strong message for accepting 'otherness' and rejecting antagonism, it is of significance to readers and researchers in inter-faith dialogue, human rights, equality, freedom, and justice.

This study proposes a new theoretical model of the decision-making process that mobilizes individuals to engage in terrorism. The model accounts for the effects of a state’s ability to retain power...

This study examined the relationship between demographic factors, intelligence, individual ideology (politics and religious beliefs), all the personality disorders (PDs) and the militant extremism ...

Alliances between organized criminal groups and terrorist groups are understudied relative to other crime-terror dynamics, and alliances between hybrid organized criminal groups and terrorist groups are virtually unstudied. This article compares organized criminal groups and hybrid organized criminal groups’ alliances with terrorist groups, employing the cases of the Camorra, D-Company, and the Albanian Mafia. It concludes that ‘pure’ organized criminal groups ally with terrorist groups solely for profit or survival, but that hybrid organized criminal groups, which mix profit and political motives, ally with terrorist groups for profit, survival, and ideological reasons. Finally, it offers thoughts on the future of the study of the crime-terror nexus.

This essay proposes an interpretation of Don DeLillo’s Falling Man based on a combination of textual analysis and contemporary theoretical approaches to the specific questions of trauma, grief, and...

The terrorist attacks in Christchurch in March 2019 and El Paso five months later emphasised the renewed relevance of ecofascism to the extreme right. This study advances an integrated definition o...

Iraq is characterized by the capacity of its economic resource base, whether natural or human. whether natural or human, and despite the abundance of these resources, the Iraqi economy has suffered from real economic problems such as unemployment, inflation, imbalance in productive structures due to long-term dependence on crude oil imports. This imbalance is evident through the imbalance in the gross domestic product, in which the oil sector constitutes the largest proportion. And that this imbalance was reflected in one way or another on the imbalance of the structure of exports, and then the transmission of this imbalance to the structure of the general budget. As Iraq still, despite the huge size of its budgets, lacks a fiscal policy in the real sense and in a way in which it is able to deal with shocks and imbalances, not to mention the financial pressures that Iraq endured during the period (2014-2017) due to the terrorist attack of ISIS and the huge military spending and the subsequent endurance. Additional spending pressure to rebuild the provinces that were affected by that attack. Based on the above, this study will address in its three axes the reality of the Iraqi public budget structure by analyzing the most prominent components of that structure, and then researching the real causes of the public budget imbalance, leading to scenarios that explain the paths of the public budget deficit, especially in light of the global Corona (Covid-19) pandemic.

The article examines the essence and nature of terrorism in the light of the problem of observance and protection of human rights, as well as analyzes the problems that arise in the implementation of anti-terrorist activities. Emphasis is placed on the fact that it is difficult to find a balance in the observance of human rights in the implementation of various anti-terrorist measures by law enforcement agencies and the investigation of crimes related to terrorist activities. It is concluded that the fight against terrorism and the protection of human rights are goals that cannot conflict with each other in a democratic society. They complement and mutually reinforce each other, so when taking measures to stop terrorist activities, states are obliged to adhere to key principles and norms of international law, as well as specific commitments made in connection with participation in international human rights agreements.

In this article, the author discusses the peculiarities of the organization of the investigation of terrorist crimes, emphasizing that these crimes are particularly dangerous given that they encroach not only on individuals but also on society and the state as a whole. However, the study noted that during the investigation of these criminal offenses, investigators may encounter certain objective difficulties, in particular, it is about psychological factors that affect witnesses to these offenses, as well as the destruction of traces by the explosion and others.The author considers different approaches to understanding the concept of “organization of the investiga-tion”, tending to the fact that it covers a set of measures that are necessary at all stages of the investigation. In addition, a distinction was made between the concepts of “organization of the investigation” and “planning of the investigation”, stating that although they are interrelated, the latter is narrower in meaning. The author also studied the legal framework for regulating the planning of investigations, in particular, the Law of Ukraine “On Combating Terrorism”, Instructions on the organization of pre-trial investigation with other bodies and units of the National Police of Ukraine in crime prevention, detection and investigation, approved by the Order Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine, etc. Investigation planning can include the following stages: creation of an investigative task force; versioning; drawing up a written plan; identification of circumstances to be proved, development of ways, means and methods of investigation; providing the necessary technical equipment; de-termination of the sequence and terms of investigative (search) actions; decision on the appointment of exam-inations; determination of performers; determination of organizational measures for the anti-terrorist operation; plan correction, etc.

Terrorism is not a new phenomenon in human history, and since ancient times, various political and social forces have tried to seize power in this way, resorting to violence and intimidation. Various forces saw terrorism as a means of fighting their opponents. In the middle Ages, terrorism acquired a special status in European countries as a special form of political struggle to protect the interests of the state, church and religious authorities.The very act of officially killing criminals in any form was committed with the aim of intimidating people and various sectors of society. The violence of the marginalized, expressed by the term “terror,” has become more common in modern French political history. The advocates of the reform saw the protection of the interests and freedoms of the individual with the help of terrorism as an effective means of political struggle. However, later this term was considered a negative act, and terrorism was presented as a crime against the state. That is, since the end of the 18th century, the term “terror” has been used in a negative sense.Especially at the current stage of the development of human society, terrorism has acquired more frightening features. Terrorists kill innocent people to intimidate the public and authorities. Terrorism has become one of the main instruments of the struggle for power, the protection of group, ethnic, racial and other interests.

This article discusses international responsibility for atrocities committed in the territories controlled by the Islamic State, in Iraq and Syria, between 2014 and 2017. It suggests that the Islamic State can be held responsible for acts committed by its members since they are considered as agents of the group, and in addition that there can be attribution of terrorist attacks committed outside Iraq and Syria when these acts were later adopted and acknowledged by the Islamic State as its own. Finally, as a complementary regime, the article discusses criminal enforcement. It suggests that the Security Council will make a referral to the International Criminal Court, based on a functional approach that allows for a nuanced analysis and promotes accountability.

Open-source data and studies indicate the higher lethality rates of jihadist groups versus other types of terrorist organizations. I argue jihadist groups are more lethal than other groups due to t...

This systematic review sought to synthesize and evaluate the quantitative findings regarding the inequality-radicalization relationship while considering their multidimensionality. The comprehensive search resulted in the screening of more than 5, 000 items and the final inclusion of 141 publications. The findings of narrative synthesis suggested that socio-political inequality is more consistently positively related to terrorism/cognitive radicalization than economic inequality, which is more relevant for behavioral radicalization. The findings are discussed in terms of the importance of differentiating between dimensions, indicators, and levels of inequality and radicalization, complex relations, as well as shortcomings of existing evidence base and opportunities for improvement.

There is a growing body of research that uses different content analysis techniques to study risk and related issues. In this article, we focused on the question of how analysis of textual data rel...

Emerging reports are increasingly implicating Christian clerics in array of unlawful and criminal behaviours, thus questioning the deterrence efficacy of Christianity as a religious body in contemporary times. Nevertheless, criminological debates on religion-crime nexus, aside terrorism, continue to be founded on deterrence assumption – the premises that religion promotes morally responsive citizens. We argued that this assumption neglects the role of socio-environmental dynamics in molding religion-crime outcomes from a strain perspective. Anchored on General Strain theory, this study acknowledged the paradox of Christian Clerics’ involvement in crime and sought to qualitatively, understand the socio-environmental realities, acting as strains and contributing to the growing phenomenon of crimes among Christian clerics in Benue state, Nigeria. Data were obtained through in-depth interviews and focus group discussions (FGDs). Christian clerics, church leaders, legal practitioners and police officers were engaged in in-depth interview while worshipers of different Christian denominations in the state were engaged in different FGDs. The study found that Christianity in Benue state operates within strain-based socio-environment that lures its clerics to crime as a way of fulfilling family, congregational and community expectations. The Christian enterprise in the state was also found to be encoded in deterrence expectations and reverence, which further inhibit the efficacy of existing social control to prosecute suspected Christian clerics. The importance of the findings for inclusive crime control in Nigeria and reorganization of Christianity as a religious institution, to minimize strain were discussed.

The Rendition, Detention, and Interrogation programme was implemented by the G.W. Bush Administration in order to covertly capture and move “suspected terrorists” around the globe, and ultimately d...

The objective of the study is to identify the key factors of the stability of state information in the face of terrorist threats based on the review of existing research in this area, and to identify the main approaches to ensure the stability of state information in the face of terrorist threats. Based on the analysis of scientific works, the factors of the state's resistance to cyberterrorism are identified and the main approaches are organized to ensure the stability of state information in the face of terrorist threats. The results of the study provide an understanding of the key factors needed to achieve the legal, technical, organizational, and operational areas of state resilience to cyber threats. Further research may aim to perform empirical calculations of indicators from around the world to determine certain dependencies in the field of cybersecurity. It is concluded that factors such as the growing impact of information and communication technologies on public relations, production activities, the operation of infrastructure facilities and the activities of public authorities, indicate that the issue of security as a line of scientific research is urgent.

After the 9/11 incidents, global counter-terrorism efforts have focused increasingly on community policing as a proactive and preventive approach to thwarting terrorism. This article explores the developments, tensions, and prospects of counter-terrorism community policing (“CTCP”) in China. By applying the concepts of police legitimacy and social capital to the normative and operational framework of CTCP, I argue that this vital counter-terrorism endeavour is fraught with problems, for both Chinese police to procure effective civic co-operation and the local community to develop its capacity as a self-reliant player in preventing terrorism. More specifically, community co-operation in China’s CTCP is largely an obligatory process in the form of forced mobilization by local bureaucracies that does not necessarily entail trust and support from citizens based on their legitimacy judgement. My analysis on social capital building in Chinese communities further suggests that both police and citizens are unable to form deep and meaningful partnerships for counter-terrorism. While an authoritarian regime like China is reluctant to cede substantial power and authority to people in most of all aspects of policing, the public has become apathetic towards and alienated from voluntary collaboration with police in formal community affairs—a dichotomy lies between reality and ideal in China’s CTCP.

The first half of 2021 was marked by the continued spread of the Sars-CoV-2 virus throughout the African continent, by the desperate attempts of the UN and regional powers to implement the Ceasefire Agreement in Libya and keep security situation under control, and increasing the number of illegal migrants to Europe. The COVID-19 pandemic did not reduce terrorist acts in the Sahel region, nor did it stop the wave of small immigrant boats to Spain and Italy from Africa. But the coronavirus pandemic has led to the closure of many African borders, bringing the economies of those countries to the brink of bankruptcy and deteriorating the humanitarian situation in North Africa and the Sahel region. The international community has difficulty monitoring the situation in the area, especially the humanitarian crisis and illegal migration, which is seriously affecting security in its vicinity.