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On August 15, 1962, an agreement was signed by the representatives of the Red Flag Canal users from two counties in China. Since then, it has enabled people from both counties to share canal benefits, and as such ably become a cornerstone for a peaceful canal culture between the two peoples. The agreement and its making process were both initiated by Yang Gui (杨贵), the top leader of one of the two counties who masterminded the Red Flag Canal project. In explaining his motivation, Yang Gui stated, “We are building the Red Flag Canal for posterity; we must do everything we can to save posterity the trouble.” However, just what “the trouble” he perceived was, who the troublemaker he thought would be, and why he was confident that a bilateral agreement could serve the noble goal “to save posterity the trouble”, Yang Gui did not say, neither did he leave any record. In this article, we report our aspiration and endeavor to fill this knowledge gap, and present fresh discoveries and insights we derived from examining this instance through a CPR lens—an eclectic collection of economic constructs of common-pool resources (CPRs). The article is the fourth in a mini-series on the Red Flag Canal, one of the best kept secrets in the history of socio-ecological practice.

The Hong Kong statute criminalizing disrespect of the Chinese national anthem, passed in 2020, is one of many recent moves to suppress political dissent in the former British colony. The law restricts freedom of political expression, but its constitutionality is practically assured courtesy of earlier decisions upholding laws against flag desecration. This article draws on sociological and political literature to argue that symbolic nationalism, particularly when given the force of law, is a tool of the authoritarian state. Against this backdrop, it critically and comparatively analyses Hong Kong judicial decisions upholding the suppression of symbolic dissent, assessing their doctrinal coherence, normative defensibility, and consequences. It concludes with observations on the efficacy of attempts to enforce patriotic orthodoxy and on how deference to authoritarianism affects the rule of law.

L’historiographie des presences etrangeres en Ethiopie s’est longtemps ecrite essentiellement a travers des sources europeennes (archives diplomatiques, recits de voyageurs), n’offrant qu’un regard exterieur sur certaines populations qui n’avaient elles-memes pas ou peu laisse de sources ecrites sur place, comme les Grecs, les Indiens ou les Armeniens. Par consequent, ces populations ont generalement ete categorisees et confondues comme des communautes marchandes, sans qu’il soit prete attent...

São inúmeros os textos que o artista brasileiro Hélio Oiticica escreveu durante a sua vida. De conceitos à ensaios teóricos, de cartas à projetos, de inscrições a poemas, o artista usou a palavra e o gesto da escrita para organizar e apresentar seu trabalho ao mundo. Visa-se neste artigo discorrer sobre a poética pública de Oiticica concebida no Rio de Janeiro entre 1965 e 1968, cuja composição se dá por 19 textos inscritos em Parangolés, Bólides e bandeira. Em conseguinte, é feita a análise de dois Parangolés com inscrições, o Parangolé P11 Capa 7 (1966), com “Estamos Famintos”, e o Parangolé P18 Capa 16 (1968), com “Sexo e violência: eis o que me agrada”. Pretende-se, assim, a partir dos aspectos visual e textual das obras, evidenciar a noção de “frutos estranho”, de Florencia Garramuño, que designa objetos artísticos de difícil classificação, híbridos.

O artigo tem como objeto a análise da produção de bandeiras confeccionadas por artistas brasileiros. A partir da ideia de que bandeiras são objetos performativos e propositivos, que impulsionam a formalização de novos relatos e comunidades fora das lógicas de representatividade e pertencimento das macropolíticas, as obras Bandeyra Nacional (2015), de Frederico Costa, Amarelo, sei lá... desespero (2019), de Ítala Isis, e América é Marica (2019), de Francisco Mallmann, são utilizadas para a reflexão sobre as noções de inespecificidade na arte, desidentificação e grupalidade.Palavras-chave: Brasil; Bandeira; Representatividade; Pertencimento; Inespecificidade. AbstractThis article has as its object of analysis a set of flags made by Brazilian artists. Starting from the idea that flags are performative and propositive objects able to propel the formalization of new stories and communities outside the logics of representativity and belonging of macropolitics, the pieces Bandeyra Nacional (2015), by Frederico Costa, Amarelo, sei lá... desespero (2019), by Ítala Isis, and América é Marica (2019), by Francisco Mallmann, are used to reflect about the notions of unspecificity in art, disidentification and groupality.Keywords: Brazil; Flag; Representativity; Belonging; Unspecificity.

Drastic violations of human rights, humanitarian crises or genocide constituted a basis for the intervention of military forces under the flag of the UN or as part of a coalition of states after th...

A disturbing poster displaying a grown man holding a child’s hand over a rainbow background reminiscent of a LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender) pride flag, reading “Paedophiles are peopl...

Flagging the Future: Te Kiritangata – The Last Palisade (1995), by Diane Prince (Ngāti Whātua, Ngā Puhi), was a controversial installation in the Auckland Art Gallery’s 1995 exhibition ‘Korurangi: ...

Desecration of national symbols is a recurring societal phenomenon that can lead to highly defensive reactions from some citizens, especially on the part of those expressing a strong attachment to the nation. In this paper, we investigated the effects of blind and constructive patriotism when faced with an ingroup (vs. outgroup) national flag burning on ingroup bias, taking into consideration the mediating role of perceived threat. In two studies (N = 252), the level of blind patriotism predicted stronger ingroup bias—due to more negative evaluation of visible minorities and/or more positive evaluation of the ingroup—when another ingroup member burnt an ingroup (vs. outgroup) flag. This effect was partly mediated by a greater threat to the group’s image perceived by blindly patriotic people when the ingroup (vs. outgroup) flag was burnt (Study 2). Study 2 also highlighted a main effect of the symbol: ingroup bias was stronger when the ingroup (vs. outgroup) flag was burnt. We discuss the implications of our findings with respect to the role played by modes of national attachment and the consequences of desecrating symbols.

Some years back, around 2013, I was asked to write an article on the uses of the Bible in African law. Researching references to the Bible and biblical law across the African continent, I soon learned that, besides support for arguments by a few states in favor of declaring themselves “Christian nations,” the main use was in emerging debates over homosexuality and same-sex relationships—almost exclusively to condemn those relationships. In January 2013, the newly formed African Consortium for Law and Religion Studies (ACLARS) held its first international conference at the University of Ghana Legon. There, African sexuality debates emerged forcefully in consideration of a paper by Sylvia Tamale, then dean of the Makarere University School of Law in Uganda, who argued pointedly, “[P]olitical Christianity and Islam, especially, have constructed a discourse that suggests that sexuality is the key moral issue on the continent today, diverting attention from the real critical moral issues for the majority of Africans . . . . Employing religion, culture and the law to flag sexuality asthebiggest moral issue of our times and dislocating therealissue is a political act and must be recognised as such.”

This article uses the cultural theorist Stuart Hall’s work to examine how one group of white leftists, the Young Patriot Organization (YPO) and their splinter organization the Patriot Party, attemp...

The recent surge of global populism has led many intellectuals to call for new forms of democratic elitism. Yet research into the sources of support for political organizations and regimes predicts that suppressing opportunities for public participation will likely exacerbate antisystem political tendencies. We cite the recent protests in Chile, a nation that has employed democratic elitism more effectively than perhaps any other, as illustrative of the eventual consequences of suppressing voice. Our research indicates that empowering citizens through vibrant parties and continuous democracy is the best way to avoid populist impulses and waves of contentious politics.

Most national symbols – the flag, the coat of arms, the anthem, the pantheon of historical figures – belong to the common symbolic space. However, there are also those which divide the society: con...

There was a burning of tauhid flag on 28 oct 2018 at kec limabngan garut. It was known as the flag of hti. This action became widely spread out through the video with many argumentation and opinion. Besides, there was false infirmation about flag burning. This study focused to give description text analysis, practical discourse analysis and socio cultural on this burning flag incident. The object of the study is the false information of tauhid flag burning. Data collection technique is documentation from turnbackhiax.id. Data analysis uses critical discourse analysis by fairclough. From the analysis, it can be concluded that there is a negative opinion construction toward muslim. Second, this negative framing has also a political situation at that time.

This paper will present the restoration carried out at the end of 2017 on an oil painting called the “Black flag”, by Ljubo Babić, that stands today as one of the five more important paintings in Croatian modern art history. The focus will be on previous interventions – retouches and overpaintings – that were found on such an important painting, as well as the complex process of inpainting. After a partial removal of the previous interventions, some particles of dirt were still left embedded in the texture. This condition and the artist's paint effects determined the inpainting process. A mimetic inpainting method was chosen, consisting into a two stages process, intermediated with a varnish application: gouache colours to reconstruct the image and pigments mixed with Canada balsam to finish the process. This method resulted in a good reintegration of the retouch and in the overall appearance of the painting.

I’ve seen your flag on the marble arch, but love is not a victory march It’s a cold and it’s a broken Hallelujah! Leonard Cohen’s “Hallelujah” was first published in 1984 on an album called Various...

This study draws on several thousand images submitted by 56 fine art photographers for the largest exhibition of photographs about the American South yet undertaken, Southbound: Photographs of and ...

In a world of competing flag States and short-term employment, enjoying the benefits provided by a social security system is a difficult, if not impossible, task for many seafarers. The Maritime Labour Convention, 2006, has abandoned the flag State principle in favour of the residence principle for that reason. This article addresses the implementation challenges of this approach by examining the European Union case, and highlights the advantages of the residence principle in terms of administrative efficiency and effectiveness, enhanced coordination between social security contributions and personal income tax in cross-border situations, and better use of State aid measures.

In an extraordinarily willing and swift fashion, the top leader of Shanxi Province in China, Tao Lujia [陶鲁笳, (1917–2011)], gave permission to the Red Flag Canal Project in 1960. Why was he so willing and swift to greenlight a project that would divert water from his home province to benefit the people in a neighbor province? We explored this question through a bipartite investigation. First, we dug into the empirical literature, the literature based on experience and/or observation, in search of his motivations for the action. Second, for a more systematic, deeper understanding, we examined the instance via a lens of compassion practice, an eclectic collection of theoretical constructs on compassion practice through which one can examine an individual’s behavior and performance for new insights. This article reports the second part of our research. It is a sequel to Why was Tao Lujia so willing and swift to greenlight the Red Flag Canal Project in 1960? The instance and his motivations which reports the first part of our research and is also published in this journal. Both articles are part of the SEPR mini-series on the Red Flag Canal, one of the best kept secrets in the world history of socio-ecological practice.

In 1984, L.A. punk band Black Flag released My War. Coming three years after Damaged – a canonized classic of the hardcore genre – and following a period of legal dispute and touring hiatus, My War...

Students analyze photographs of patterns and determine algebraic representations for the pattern growth.

There are many team sport activities that students participate in their K-12 physical education (PE) classes, such as basketball, volleyball, flag football and softball. Throughout the world there ...

John Hart Ely taught me how to be a legal scholar. I first encountered Ely in the late 1980s as an undergrad assigned his brilliant book on judicial interpretation, Democracy and Distrust. 1 I didn...

In three experiments, we tested whether LGBTQ+ individuals experience greater psychological well-being when they feel other groups support (versus restrict) their community's collective autonomy to...

This article addresses media coverage of soft-power threats, which are typical in modern wars between state and non-state actors. In doing so, the authors depart from the vast literature on the ‘rally ’round the flag’ phenomenon coined in relation to conventional military threats. They base their case study on the interplay between Israel and the global Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) civil society movement that utilizes soft-power tactics with the aim of isolating Israel internationally. To assess the way the Israeli media relate to BDS, determine the absence or existence of a ‘rally ’round the flag’ phenomenon vis-à-vis BDS, and assess coverage characteristics, the authors conducted a qualitative and quantitative analysis of ( N = 209) articles covering BDS in the Israeli media over the course of three years (2015−2018). Their findings suggest that coverage of the soft threat follows similar patterns to those coined on conventional military threats.

Scholars on “rally ’round the flag” often argue that by invoking the danger of external threats in times of economic hardship, leaders can rally the public around the government in a way that would otherwise be impossible. Alternative streams of literature suggest that a darkening economic reality (“butter”) may weaken the impact of patriotic euphoria (“guns”). I conducted an experimental survey to measure changes in foreign policy preferences among respondents exposed to negative economic priors in Russia. In line with the earlier findings on this topic, my analysis shows that participants who encounter negative economic primes report significantly less support for assertive foreign policy narratives. These results suggest that continuing economic strain may limit the Kremlin’s ability to divert public attention from internal problems through the use of assertive rhetoric.

Researchers have argued that people's general color preferences can readily be generalized to their color preferences for artificial objects. However, although a strong general preference for blue has been documented, recent researchers have reported a preference for red when viewed on national flags. We addressed this inconsistency by examining the flag color preferences of 181 Chinese participants across 3 contexts: own nation, allied nation, and enemy nation. We found that general color preferences did not generalize to flag color preferences, and that preferences varied across the different 3 flag contexts. Participants assessed competitive and affiliative meanings differently in terms of conformity to the most preferred flag colors across contexts, indicating that flags have different color meanings in different contexts. We have contributed to the field of color psychology by demonstrating the effect of the interaction between color and context on people's color preferences.

Why do small states actively contribute to US- and NATO-led military operations? The small state literature has recently developed a novel explanation, referring to their dependency upon the alliance hegemon. The logic is that the small states aim to improve their status and reputation in order to remain relevant and to receive protection. This article contributes to this literature by moving away from this fear of abandonment motivation towards more positive status incitements. It shows how such status motives actually guide and shape small states’ military contributions in US- or NATO-led operations. It does so by using recent innovations in process-tracing methodology to create a status-seeking mechanism. Using the case of Belgium’s participation in the military coalition against ISIL, this article goes beyond the usual Scandinavian suspects in the small state literature and demonstrates that status motivations have relevance for a wider group of small states.

The relevance of the article is conditioned by the need to uncover the genesis of state-developing processes in Ukraine as part of the European socio-cultural space of New time. The purpose of the study is to find out the basic principles and ways of forming the idea of Cossack autonomy in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth at the end of XVI - the first half of XVII c. The methodology is based on the application of general scientific (analysis, synthesis, retrospection) and specifically historical (problem-chronological, historical-comparative and critical-analytical) methods of scientific research. It clarifies the genesis of the self-government of the Zaporozhye community and the extension of its principles to the Dnieper region. Key focus is dedicated to the role of Orthodoxy in this process via the leaders of Zaporozhian Army and Ukrainian high clergy. The author proves that the principles of self-government as an important factor of autonomy were formulated in Zaporozhian Sich. This led to the appearance of various political projects, where the leading role was assigned to the Zaporozhian Army. The union of the Cossack elite with the Orthodox hierarchs promoted an awareness of the positions of both parties in the conditions of Polish expansion. It was fully manifested during the Cossack rebellions in Ukraine in the 20-30s of the XVII c., which led to the formation of the idea of Cossack autonomy within the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The results of the research will contribute to the study of the evolution of the state idea in early modern Ukraine.

How, amidst a crisis of sovereignty and identity, did once-rejected national symbols become meaningful to Kosovo’s Albanians? Having declared independence in 2008, a 2014 study found that less than one-third of Kosovo’s citizens identified with their newly adopted state symbols. As meanings are always shifting, depending on the contexts in which their forms appear and the actors involved, theories of social construction have focused on the representational aspects of meaning-making: the ways in which the forms stabilize (or destabilize) the constructs they depict. Instead of focusing on the representational—the determinable, measurable, and rational aspects, this article investigates the discursive mechanisms that mobilize meanings and configure contexts, extending Robin Wagner-Pacifici’s alternative theory of events. Through discourse and semiotic analysis, it tracks Kosovo’s new flag and anthem through the construction, crisis, and transformation of three social realities: political independence, national identity, and the world of international competitive judo, illuminating how changing meanings change, shifting contexts shift, and how to interpret actors’ fleeting emotions. In the Kosovo case, the construction is the crisis, as well as the change.

This article is a study evaluating the Hadith interpretation in flag Rayah and Liwa or the flag of monotheism. In Indonesia, an organization that uses the banner of Tawheed is the symbol of the organization Hizbut Tahriri Indonesia. There are two warana flag that is black and white. Each of these color marked Laa illaaha illaa Allah Muhammad Messenger of God and both have a different meaning. In the context of the history of Liwa and Rayah flag used by the Prophet Muhammad and the cultural context and Rayah Liwa flag is used to establish the Khilafah state. With the legitimacy that the flag is the monotheistic flag of the Ministry of Defense so that the Indonesian Hizb ut-Tahrir organization uses the flag as a manifestation of the Khilafah Islamiyah as an ideology in the government system. Hizbut Tahrir insists that the flag Liwa and Rayah not the flag but the flag of Islam. Semiotic analysis of Ferdinand de Saussure , With semiotikanya theory consisting of four concepts, but in this study the researchers only used two concepts is the first between signifiant and signifie and both concept langue and parole. As the shape of the object flag Hiz but Tahrir and hadith texts about liwa and Rayah become the object of focus in this study.

This showcase article presents a 50-year-old, 1500-km-long irrigation canal in China as an exemplary case of socio-ecological practice. With a focus on its genesis, the article is the first of a mini-series on one of the best kept secrets in the history of socio-ecological practice.

Online platforms rely upon users or automated tools to flag toxic behaviors, the very first step in online moderation. While much recent research has examined online moderation, the role of flag remains poorly understood. This question becomes even more urgent in automated moderation, where flagging becomes a primary source of human judgment. We conducted a qualitative study of flagging practices in League of Legends (LoL), a popular eSports game. We found stark differences between how flag is designed to identify toxicity, and flaggability, or how players use and appropriate flag. Players distrust flag, but also appropriate flag for instrumental purposes. Thus, flaggability diverges decidedly from the conception of toxicity, and must be understood within the highly competitive gaming context of LoL. These findings help shed light on the situated nature of flaggability, the role of flag in online moderation, as well as implications for designing flag and moderation.

1. Introduction 2. The Landscape of Post-War Japanese Nationalist Activism 3. Channel Sakura Takes Flight - Creating a Grassroots Internet Media Organization for Japan's Conservative Right 4. Rallying Around the Flag: Heroes, Symbolism, and Rituals 5. The 2009 Anti-NHK Protest Campaign 6. Conservative Activism and Historical Remembrance of the Battle of Okinawa: The Case of the 32nd Army Headquarters 7. The Senkaku Islands, Protest Marches, and Crowdfunded Boat Activism 8. Epilogue

Sadan Jha. 2016. Reverence, Resistance and Politics of Seeing the Indian National Flag. New Delhi: Cambridge University Press. xxviii + 268 pp. Plates, figures, bibliography index. £64.99 (hardback).

In 1978 in San Francisco, Gilbert Baker designed the prototype for what would decades later become a ubiquitous symbol for gay pride: the rainbow flag. The original design featured eight colors, each respectively symbolizing sex, life, healing, sunlight, nature, magic/art, serenity, and spirit. Queer California: Untold Stories installed a prototype of this flag as one of the first works visitors encountered in the exhibition. As the wall text explained, “In 1979, Baker sought to mass produce the design and found that flag makers did not carry pink as a standard color. He let pink go for a chance at commercial success. He also abandoned turquoise to retain the flag’s symmetry.” Curator Christina Linden presented the flag as a cautionary tale as much as a cause for celebration, installing it in a section titled “What Gets Left Out” and proximate to wall text defining the process of assimilation. Numerous pride flags have been developed to represent different identities and subcultures—from bisexual and nonbinary to bears and leather—whereas composite flags have sought to expand the visible spectrum of queerness, such as the Progress Pride Flag, which presents black and brown stripes representing queers of color and the white and pastel pink and blue stripes of the trans flag as intersecting with the standard rainbow flag.1 In this exhibition, the curator juxtaposed Gilbert’s original vision with artist Amanda Curreri’s Misfits 1979 (Sex and Art) , a 2013 flag composed of hot pink and turquoise panels that reclaim sex and art (apparently minus the magic) as core to queer culture and expression. Both logics—of inclusion for previously underrepresented queer experiences and of reclaiming sex and art—effectively describe the exhibition’s agenda of presenting “untold stories.” Importantly, Linden’s show also refused a binary between art and historical documentation [Image 1].2 IMAGE 1. Misfits 1979 (Sex and …