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This article engages Herbert Marcuse’s work from the mid-1960s to the early 1970s (his New Left period and just after) and puts it into dialogue with current radical democratic political theorists who have reflected on how the systemic dysfunctions of neoliberalism have enabled the rise of populist authoritarianism within existing liberal democracies. Revisiting the way Marcuse struggled with critical issues in theory and practice can illuminate both possibilities for, and difficulties with, liberation that remain relevant for critiques of neoliberalism today. After revisiting Marcuse I then briefly take up affinities between his analysis of how liberal democracies can become authoritarian, and recent critiques of neoliberalism in the thought of Sheldon Wolin, Wendy Brown and John Keane. These theorists have implicitly or explicitly taken up aspects of Marcuse’s analysis of authoritarianism and domination in their own critiques of neoliberalism today.

Resumen Este artículo se propone explorar la relación entre las versiones de las óperas La Cenerentola (1817), de Gioachino Rossini (1792-1868), y Cendrillon (1894/5), de Jules Massenet. A su vez, dichas obras musicales se analizarán con relación a las fuentes literarias más relevantes del cuento popular: La Cenicienta de Charles Perrault y de los hermanos Grimm. Dadas la distancia temporal y geográfica entre los textos que integran el corpus de este trabajo y la diferencia en cuanto a géneros -relato maravilloso y ópera- se adopta una perspectiva metodológica comparada que posibilita analizar los sentidos literarios que construyen cada una de las piezas musicales y los vínculos que pueden establecerse entre ellas sin desatender a las variables contextuales y estilísticas. El estudio de estas relaciones permite proponer como hipótesis de lectura que, mientras Cendrillon se construye como expresión acabada de una burguesía conservadora en clave musical, La Cenerentola, en cambio, revela, mediante procedimientos artísticos, su dimensión ilustrada. Abstract This article sets out to explore the relation between Charles Perrault's and the Grimm brothers' Cinderella and the operas'La Cenerentola(1817), by Gioachino Rossini (1792-1868), andCendrillon(1894/5), by Jules Massenet. Given the temporal and geographic distance between the texts and their difference in terms of genre -fairytale and opera, this paper adopts a comparative methodology of the study. This methodological approach allows to analyze the literary meanings constructed by each piece and the bonds between them, without ignoring contextual and stylistic aspects. Studying these relations makes it possible to pose the following hypothesis: whereasCendrillonemerges as a musical expression of the conservative bourgeoisie,La Cenerentola reveals its enlightened dimension through artistic devices.

The bourgeoisie of the 18th century dreamed of abandoning the traditional compact city, which it considered vicious and pernicious, to colonize a space that it identified with the intrinsic goodness of nature defended by Rousseau and which it visualized as the incarnation of the lost biblical Eden. However, this initiative will profoundly alter the immaculate and untamed condition of the new habitat, which will end up transformed into a sort of fantasy that mixes and confuses the man-made landscapes of the rural world with the authentically wild landscapes of the natural world. Overcoming this confusion is a critical issue that contemporary thinking only began to consider at the end of the 20th century when humankind began to become aware of the inexorable decline of natural areas. This article attempts to point to the intrinsic value of wilderness as something distinctly different from the idea of civilisation by trying to identify contemporary initiatives to intermediate specifically between the two notions -in efforts to safeguard mountain gorilla habitat in Bwindi and in the reclamation of a wetland in the Chinese city of Qunli- and through the conceptual conflict displayed by the High Line project in New York.

The history of cinema is one of those unique cultural phenomena, which constantly attracts the attention of researchers. This phenomenon, especially in the 20th century, determined not only the direction of aesthetic transformations of the cultural development but also had an impact on the formation of ideologies and the strengthening of political regimes. This topic is relevant because the methods of propaganda that were actively used by totalitarian regimes (including the Soviet totalitarian rule) are now actively used by the undemocratic Russian administration to achieve political goals. The construction of the “Ukrainian bourgeois nationalist” image in Soviet cinema is of special interest in the context of Russia's “hybrid warfare” against Ukraine, which continues today. The instrumental technologies of ideological manipulation used in the creation of films have shown their effectiveness in shaping the worldview of the “new Soviet man”. Forms of this type of consciousness still continue to influence the political choices of many citizens of our state. The film “A Kyiv Citizen”, studied in the article, was created in 1958 by the Ukrainian Soviet film director T. Levchuk at the Kyiv O. Dovzhenko Studio. The film is a classic example of the ideologically biased film production. On the example of this film, we can observe technological principles and constructive models used by the Soviet regime to falsify the history of Ukraine in the 20th century, in particular the events of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921. In the film “A Kyiv Citizen”, the events of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921 were counterfeited in order to illustrate to the audience the Soviet version of the history of Ukraine and the events related to the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks. In such a way, the Soviet propaganda tried to form in the viewer a type of psychological perception of reality loyal to the “Soviet empire”. In particular, the facts related to the Bolsheviks' attempt to seize power in Kyiv in October 1917, the battles for the Arsenal plant in January 1918, and the conclusion of a peace treaty between the Ukrainian People's Republic and Germany were falsified.

Master umjetnički projekat – perfor­mans Svinja i Vila je prije svega produkt životnog, a zatim umjetničkog procesa. Bavi se, i govori o nepostojanju granice između života i umjetnosti, kroz dvije neodvojive krajnosti naše ličnosti. Za potrebe ovog rada bavila sam se istraživanjem i proučavanjem teorije selfa u psihologiji i teorije selfa u umjetnosti, kao i proučavanjem marginalne umjetnosti. U studijama slučaja analizirala sam autobiografije odabranih umjetnika: Luize Buržoa (Louise Bourgeois), Marine Abramović i Božidara Mandića.

The following is the working script from Montreal-based artist Michael Nimbley’s presentation about his professional career. The script was co-created with his creative ally Catherine Bourgeois, the founder and artistic director of Montreal-based theatre group, Joe Jack & John. Joe Jack & John is a theatre company that produces original, bilingual, multidisciplinary shows combining video, dance, and the spoken word. Their artistic approach is deeply humanistic and inclusive; their creations represent a social microcosm by integrating professional actors with an intellectual disability or from diverse cultural backgrounds. During the time of VIBE, Nimbley was an artist-in-residence with the company. In establishing artistic residencies, Joe Jack & John are fulfilling their mission in a new way by inviting an artist living with a disability to initiate and direct a creation of their own. These residencies demonstrate a unique political stance. By handing power to an artist with an intellectual disability, they are furthering their research on marginalized aesthetics and voices. Their goal is to develop interdependent creative models and practices, promoting the emergence of underrepresented voices that have not been part of the dominant artistic trends. In doing so, they are disrupting aesthetic hierarchies and continuing to dismantle biases against artists who evolve outside the artistic establishment.

Children’s literature, conceptualized as a means of enculturation, is a vehicle for transmitting a society’s or community’s shared values, and is designed to mould children’s behaviour according to what is thought appropriate. As such, it is a powerful cultural agent and consequently a valuable source in the historical study of emotions. This article sets out to explore what can be gained from looking at literature designed for the religious education of Jewish children as sources that shed light on the role of emotions in the process of religious modernization in Judaism. Based on the assumption that feelings are to be viewed as a form of knowledge which is transmitted, acquired, and acted out in specific cultural contexts, several criteria for analysing the verbalization, representation, and use of emotions in Jewish children’s literature are outlined by focusing on the subgenre of Jewish children’s bibles. This analysis allows us to explore how emotions unfolded in educational literature, and how they became an integral and transformative part of religious knowledge, self-assertion, (re)definition, and identity formation at a time of tremendous change for Judaism.

Max Bruch was one of the most successful German composers of the 19th century. It was only towards the end of the century that his music increasingly lost of its appeal with audiences who turned toward more modern composers (Strauss, Mahler, Reger). Disappointed at the growing number of compositional failures, Bruch began to sympathize with anti-Semitic thought which had been spreading in Berlin since the 1870s. It seems particularly paradox that, in a letter written in 1902 to his publisher Simrock, Bruch attacked three Berlin musicians with brutal anti-Semitic invectives, who had been his best and most loyal friends for decades, and to whom he owed decisive contributions to his compositional career: Joseph Joachim, Friedrich Gernsheim and Siegfried Ochs. Although in this partivular case the anti-Jewish statements of the composer were triggered by dashed hopes for performances and publications, and although his bitter outburst was deeply rooted in his particular personality structure, Max Bruch can be regarded as the exemplary case of the "bourgeois" anti-Semitism of the imperial era.

The objective of this article is to explain how Michel-Jean Sedaine’s play Le Philosophe sans le savoir (1765), considered the most successful example of the drame bourgeois, is characterised not only by the theatrical innovations advocated by Diderot in his writing on drama, but by central aspects of the reforming aesthetic movement that dominated the last half of the eighteenth century, and which has come to be known as neo-classicism., Cet article a pour but d’expliquer comment la pièce de Michel-Jean Sedaine, Le Philosophe sans le savoir (1765), réputée l’exemple le plus réussi du drame bourgeois, se caractérise non seulement par les innovations dramatiques préconisées par Diderot dans ses écrits sur la scène, mais par divers aspects marquants du mouvement esthétique réformateur qui a dominé la dernière moitié du dix-huitième siècle, et que l’on appelle aujourd’hui le néo-classicisme.

This thesis explores Algerian writer Kamel Daoud’s non-fictional text, Le peintre devorant la femme (2018), which has been met with acclaim in French literary circles, winning various prizes. As the text explores a variety of questions relating to religious extremism, the meaning of art, death and eroticism, and the relationship between l’Occident - l’Orient through the visual aid of Picasso’s annee erotique (1932), this thesis will use a postcolonial, feminist theoretical approach. It will also touch upon concepts relating to the visual, to explore how Daoud negotiates and performs his positionality in the Franco-Algerian discursive space and beyond. Central to this thesis is the notion of the hybridised public intellectual (Daoud) entering hybridised public spheres (Franco-Algerian and beyond) which undoubtedly has consequences for the plural readership existing within them. Indeed, another main concern of this thesis is to ascertain whether there is an imbalance in the text that means Daoud, subconsciously or not, speaks to particular sectors of his Western-French audience more so than his Muslim-Algerian ones. Split into three chapters; this thesis firstly aims to unpick how Daoud negotiates the relationship between aesthetics and politics in his non-fictional writing. It will attempt to show how Daoud’s public move to an essai in 2018 can be read as facilitating a conversation with more bourgeois, and potentially more republican, French reading publics. In the second and third chapters respectively, this thesis analyses Daoud’s representations of Picasso, Paris, the museum, and the gendered body in Western and Muslim societies. By doing so, it attempts to highlight how although Daoud appears to offer a ‘double-edged’ critique of Algeria since Independence and French neo-colonialism, his tendency to make generalisations about Islam sometimes unwittingly plays to French (and more widely, Western) Islamophobic assumptions.

O termo neofascismo vem sendo utilizado para classificar tanto o governo Bolsonaro quanto vertentes do pensamento reacionário atual. Este artigo se propõe a um resgate do debate teórico entre marxistas acerca do fascismo como forma de extrair critérios gerais de interpretação relevantes ao presente. Apresentamos ao leitor três teses em relação ao fascismo histórico: ao fascismo precede uma particular crise de hegemonia da sociedade burguesa; o fascismo se caracteriza por possuir uma base de massas constituída, fundamentalmente, pela pequena burguesia; o fascismo serve aos interesses do grande capital monopolista.

Fascism, as a manifestation of reality, has emerged once again in Brazil and the western world, this article is a contribution to the debate surrounding it. Bibliographic research addresses how analyses carried out by Ruy Mauro Marini on the fascist tendencies of the 1964 Coup can provide interpretative keys to the present. This exposition in five parts, founded on the categories 0f Fascism and the Counterinsurgency State, raises questions around the participation of the monopolistic bourgeoisie in the construction of coups d'état, its fascist tones, the role of the military, the category of fascism as expressed by other Brazilian Marxist thinkers and ends with some notes and questions about fascism in contemporary Brazil. O fascismo enquanto manifestação da realidade emerge, mais uma vez, no Brasil e no mundo ocidental, sendo este artigo uma forma de contribuição ao seu debate. A pesquisa, de cunho bibliográfico, aborda como análises já empreendidas pela teoria social brasileira sobre tendências fascistas em outras conjunturas históricas da particularidade nacional fornecem chaves interpretativas do presente, do pós-Golpe de 2016. A exposição é feita em cinco notas: o Estado de contrainsurgência e a burguesia monopolista; a coloração fascista do Estado de contrainsurgência; a participação dos poderes estatais e as forças armadas; outras contribuições marxistas na análise do fascismo no Brasil; alguns apontamentos e questionamentos conclusivos a respeito do fascismo no Brasil contemporâneo.

François de Curel, mistakenly regarded as an author of the “problem play”, enjoyed a reputation of an innovator in dramaturgy during his lifetime. By rejecting the canonical form of the drama, he proposes works in which psychological analysis prevails over the dramatic progression of the action. In fact, in La Figurante, the French writer paints a portrait of the characters who resemble “marionettes” operated by unknown forces. In order to survive in bourgeois society, they assume the “masks” that social conventions demand of them and conscientiously play the comedy. However, under the facade and the artifices, the protagonists keep their existential anxieties which express their inner sincerity. In this context, the analysis of this play will lead us to seek affinities with the grotesque dimension of the Pirandello theater.

O presente trabalho buscou analisar criticamente a Parceiros da Educação (PdE), uma Organização da Sociedade Civil de Interesse Público (OSCIP) sediada em São Paulo. Trata-se de uma instituição que busca mediar parcerias celebradas entre empresários ou empresas e escolas públicas com o objetivo de implementar um programa de intervenção em diversas dimensões da escola elaborado pela PdE. A investigação aqui apresentada buscou categorizar a estrutura organizativa da OSCIP, através da análise da composição de seu Conselho Executivo, de 2009 a 2013. Baseando-se na teoria de Estado marxista, especialmente nos trabalhos de Antonio Gramsci e Nicos Poulantzas, o estudo buscou analisar criticamente as conexões internas e externas da OSCIP no Estado ampliado. Os resultados demonstraram que a PdE é uma associação dirigida por representantes bastante significativos da burguesia que atua no Brasil, especialmente do capital financeiro. Suas conexões no Estado ampliado sugerem uma ampla rede de poder envolvida na colonização da educação pública, cujos tentáculos envolvem instituições como o Todos pela Educação, partidos políticos e postos-chave no aparato de Estado.

The objective of this paper is to introduce the notion of game formulated by the Situationist International in its initial phase (1957 – 1960), characterized by the criticism of alienation in art and culture assimilated by the bourgeois capitalist economic structure. Linked to the idea of construction of situations, the game takes on the function of uniting theory and praxis and, in order to understand it, it is necessary to describe what the situationists mean by decay in art and the influence of Johan Huizinga while developing the criticism against the commodification of culture, characteristic of capitalism. If, as situationists argued, it is necessary to develop a new way of living that elevates life to what art promised, it is through game and the construction of situations that they understand that the obstacles of spectacular-commodity alienation can be annihilated.

Cinematography is one of those unique cultural phenomena, whose history has always attracted historians’ interest. In the 20th century, this phenomenon did not only determine the direction of cultural transformations development but also impacted the formation of ideologies and political regimes. Today this topic is especially relevant considering the fact that the propaganda methods, intrinsic of dictatorship systems, namely the Soviet totalitarian regime, are actively used by the antidemocratic Russian power for achieving its political goals. The special interest in the context of the “hybrid warfare” which is currently going on between Russia and Ukraine, causes the construction in the Soviet period cinematography of the image of a “Ukrainian bourgeois nationalist” as the instrumental technologies of ideological manipulations used in such movies proved their effectiveness for shaping the outlook of a “new Russian citizen”. Such phenomenon, especially in the 20th century, determined not only the direction of aesthetic transformations of cultural development but also had an impact on the formation of ideologies and strengthening of political regimes. This topic is relevant because the methods of propaganda that were actively used by totalitarian regimes (including the Soviet totalitarian one) are now actively applied by the undemocratic Russian regime to achieve political goals. The construction of the image of the "Ukrainian bourgeois nationalist" in the Soviet cinema constitutes special interest in the context of today’s Russia’s "hybrid warfare" against Ukraine. The instrumental technologies of ideological manipulation used in the creation of films have shown their effectiveness in shaping the worldview of the “new Soviet man.” Forms of this type of consciousness still continue to influence the political choices of many citizens of our state. The film “Kiev Citizen”, studied in the article, was created in 1958 by Ukrainian Soviet film director T. Levchuk at Kyiv O. Dovzhenko Studio. This film is a classic example of ideologically biased film production. Using this movie, we can observe technological principles and constructive models of falsification of the 20th–century history of Ukraine by the Soviet regime, in particular the events of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921. In the film “Kiev Citizen”, the events of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921 were falsified in order to illustrate the audience the Soviet version of the history of Ukraine and the events connected with the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks. Soviet propaganda tried to form in this way the audience loyal to the “Soviet empire” type of psychological perception of reality. In particular, the facts related to the Bolsheviks’ attempt to seize power in Kyiv in October 1917, the battles for the Arsenal plant in January 1918, and the conclusion of a peace treaty between the Ukrainian People’s Republic and Germany were falsified.

The article examines the specifics of philosophical criticism in the period of the “late” UkrSSR Western concepts of philosophy, psychology, and arts using Larysa Levchuk’s books “Art in the Struggle of Ideologies” and her “Psychoanalysis: From the Unconscious to ‘Fatigue of Consciousness’”. The specific involvement in the Soviet philosophical discourse of the theoretical achievements of psychoanalysis in all its forms is shown, as well as the acquaintance of the Soviet reader with the ideas of the cult artists of the West with the help of these books. Among the representatives of “neorealism”, which played a significant role in the development of art, especially in Italy and France, L. Levchuk focuses on the works of R. Guttuso, C. Levy, V. Pratolini, R. Rossellini, V. de Sica, A. Fougeron, and others.The book “Art in the Struggle of Ideologies” was published in 1985, when at the official level it was not so much about “perestroika” but “acceleration of socio-economic development”. The book is written from the standpoint of “philosophical socialistic realism”, when the presentation and conclusions are adjusted to the externally set ideological pattern, although it differs in professionalism and breadth of coverage. The author’s application of the theory of psychoanalysis in the study of the phenomena of Western art deserves special attention. The book “Psychoanalysis: From the Unconscious to ‘Fatigue of Consciousness’” was published in 1989, at the peak of perestroika. It is built on the same typological material (only with the involvement of a much wider range of ideas and sources) and testifies the author’s free possession of this material, its statement introducing the readers to the range of problems stated in the book.The conclusions indicate that the introduction of concepts of Western philosophical thought and the names of Western artists in the intellectual circulation of society of the UkrSSR expanded its worldview, creating a sense of richness and diversity of artistic and philosophical life abroad. The removal of ideological pressure in the midst of perestroika showed that some philosophers of the Soviet era were freely oriented in the global philosophical, culturological, and psychological thought.The study of the past, including the philosophy of the USSR, is a necessary condition for creating a holistic picture of that era and clarifying a number of current trends.

El tránsito a la República, una vez lograda la independencia en el Perú, estuvo lejos de constituirse en régimen democrático burgués, debido a que la pervivencia de las relaciones sociales y valores del Perú colonial eran un obstáculo para tal propósito. Por tal motivo, aprender a vivir en un sistema republicano resultó un aprendizaje difícil, puesto que el ser y la conciencia del ayer virreinal todavía seguía vigente en nuestro medio. De esta forma, el naciente Estado reprodujo las formalidades de un Estado moderno, que esgrimía un doble discurso; por un lado, abrazaba los ideales de una prédica nativista y, por el otro, rechazaba la real integración de las masas no blancas en la vida política.

Unpublished text from the beginning of the Hegel period in Jena, The German Constitution (1799-1802) analyzed the long process of degradation that the German Empire suffered at the turn of the 19th century and related it to the appearance of a “bourgeois spirit” (Burgergeist), that is, from an autonomous sphere of interests that was constituted fundamentally under the sign of commerce. We will first try to find some threads of continuity between these elements and the concept of “civil society” in the Philosophy of Right (1820), and then we will enter our fundamental question, the “problem that plagues modern societies”: the social production of poverty and of an inorganic social fringe that acts, even, against the State, the Rabble (Pobel), trying to understand it as an immanent contradiction of civil society, how Hegel tries to solve it and the historical implications of these solutions.

This study explores the role of liminality and Surrealism in Luis Bunuel’s The Discreet Charm of the Bourgeoisie. By taking into consideration the relationship between Surrealism, Marxism and Freud, this paper identifies the role of the liminal and Bunuel’s treatment of these topics. The purpose of this study is to examine the use of liminal space and Surrealism to identify the role of the bourgeois and their fears through the lens of Bunuel.

This article aims to analyse state–bourgeoisie relations in the era of AKP-rule in Turkey, with a specific focus on the 2018 economic crisis. It will discuss the following question: How did the AKP regime position itself with respect to the interests of the first- and second-generation bourgeoisie? Especially after 2010, the AKP was criticised for carrying out an extra-economic intervention in the sphere of accumulation as well as providing benefits to the Islamic second-generation bourgeoisie. This article draws on a Marxist conceptualisation of the state which underlines that the state’s autonomy from the economy is limited because its continued existence depends on the reproduction of accumulation, hence its need to intervene. However, the state cannot implement a unified interventionist strategy because it needs to maintain links with different groups of bourgeoisie as well as the proletariat. The article’s main argument is that the AKP struggled to balance the divergent interests of the first- and second-generation bourgeoisie and implemented policies that may be characterised as incoherent and contradictory. These contradictory policies also played an important role in the 2018 economic crisis.

A comienzos del siglo XIX se consumó el cambio de las estructuras del Estado y de la sociedad. Aunque el nuevo Estado gobernó con igualdad, a través de sus instituciones, a toda la sociedad, en la práctica no desaparecieron las formas y métodos del gobierno cortesano, basados en las relaciones no institucionales (familiares, patronazgo, clientelismo, etc.). En el nuevo Estado, este comportamiento, es lo que constituye la corrupción. La familia de Fernando Muñoz utilizó la relación que tenía con la reina para conseguir títulos y negocios, que le llevaron a introducirse en la alta burguesía de la sociedad española del siglo XIX y en los partidos políticos.

When the ultramontane bishop of Saint-Hyacinthe in Canada invited the French Dominicans to his diocese, he requested help from their leader, another French-speaking ultramontane, Reverend Father Henri-Dominique Lacordaire, O.P., who restored the Dominican Order in France after a long ban on religious orders. However, there seemed to have been a paradox at the heart of this invitation. Lacordaire was an extremely controversial figure in both secular and Catholic French circles, mostly due to his rocky relationships with the French episcopacy, his unconventional preaching style and especially his political opinions, including his admiration for republicanism and the Anglo-American political system. Theoretically, all this would put him at odds with Canadian ultramontanes. They were rather opposed to the growing politically liberal forces in Canada specifically and to the Anglo-American politico-philosophical system in general. So why would Canadian ultramontanes ask help from a man so seemingly different from them politically? Our hypothesis is that what united Lacordaire and Canadian ultramontanes was more significant than what divided them - notably, both parties were concerned about opposition to Catholicism coming from State officials, as well as about the menace of irreligion among the growing bourgeois class. Therefore, both were keenly interested in advancing the cause of Catholic education to combat these worries. To prove our hypothesis we would employ methodology based on personal writings and biographical accounts of actors involved in the arrival of Dominicans to Canada, as well as on historical analysis effectuated on connected topics, like the ultramontane scene in Canada, French missionary activity in North America, etc.

Desde un marco de estudios literarios feministas, este trabajo analiza tres textos de distintos momentos del entre siglos latinoamericano: El Conspirador (Autobiografía de un hombre público) (1892), de la escritora peruana Mercedes Cabello de Carbonera; Incurables, de la venezolana Virginia Gil de Hermoso (1905) y La rosa muerta (1914), de la peruana Aurora Cáceres. El objetivo es ahondar en las maneras en que las mujeres de letras del periodo, en medio de sus distancias éticas, estéticas e ideológicas, confrontaron las construcciones hegemónicas de lo femenino, tanto desde el ideario burgués-liberal que privilegió elmodelo de la madre republicana y el ángel del hogar paradigmático de la virtud doméstica; como desdeel ideario modernista-decadentista masculino, con la idealización del arquetipo de la bella enferma, labella muerta o la femme fatale. Las protagonistas de estas novelas emprenden proyectos de subjetivación que las desmarcan de la condición genérica impuesta al sujeto/objeto femenino con el descarte de la maternidad y el extrañamiento de la domesticidad; al tiempo que convergen en devenir, en su lecho de muerte, variantes de moribundas habladoras cuya elocuencia y agencia las torna en arquetipos contradiscursivos respecto a la silente, inmóvil, pasiva bella enferma celebrada desde el modernismo decadentista.

The present study is an analysis of the domestic furniture of the workers of the Industrial Colonies in Catalonia, taking like an example the specific case of the Colony of Borgonyà. The choice of Borgonyà is not a coincidence, the Colony is especially interesting because his peculiar cultural contrast, combining the Scottish heritage in the construction of the houses with the local tradition in furniture. Also, most of the current population of the Colony were workers of the factory, so thanks to their personal testimonies and family pictures, we can make an accuracy reconstruction of the history of the worker’s domestic interiors. Throughout the study, we will identify different qualities and furniture’s typologies related with the different status of the workers. We will recognize rural traditional furniture pieces at the ordinary worker’s houses in contrast of contemporary furniture at the keeper’s houses, with the quality of a middle-class bourgeois family.

espanolAunque no falta una historiografia local de referencia, los movimientos en Piamonte de 1821 todavia carecen de una lectura que otorgue el peso adecuado al aspecto historico-constitucional. Cuando el revolucionario principe de Carignano Carlos Alberto, despues de la abdicacion de Victor Emmanuel I, concedio la Constitucion abrio una crisis en la historia secular de la dinastia y el reino de Cerdena: las libertades y los derechos de representacion rompieron por primera vez el pacto de fidelidad directa entre el rey y el pueblo caracteristico del Estado absoluto. El nuevo sistema politico no era autoctono y, entre los muchos modelos posibles, miraba al de Espana. Usando la extensa bibliografia disponible, este articulo se adentra en las influencias nacionales e internacionales de ese efimero episodio. Pero no solo eso: tambien hace hincapie en el origen social y geografico de los protagonistas de la revolucion (entre la nobleza y la burguesia, entre el centro y la periferia del Estado) y las consecuencias de sus acciones. Si la insurgencia fue derribada por las fuerzas realistas convergentes y el ejercito austriaco, su legado pesaba sobre la dinastia. En 1823, durante la guerra entre Espana y Francia, Carlos Alberto se convirtio en el heroe del Trocadero: una eleccion reaccionaria que influyo en el futuro del monarca de Saboya. Ciertamente la sombra de la constitucion de Cadiz acompano a Carlos Alberto hasta 1848, el ano de la concesion del Estatuto. La evolucion hacia un texto constitucional mas moderado marcara asi la temporada politica preunitaria. La constitucion de Cadiz se convirtio en un simbolo de libertad con el tiempo, y los exiliados de 1821 fueron a luchar en Europa por los pueblos oprimidos por la Santa Alianza. EnglishDespite the local reference historiography, the 1821 Piedmont insurrection still lacks a reading that gives due weight to the historical-constitutional aspect. When Carlo Alberto, the “revolutionary” Prince of Carignano, granted the Cadiz Constitution, after the abdication of Vittorio Emanuele I, a crisis began in the secular history of the dynasty and the kingdom of Sardinia: for the first time freedoms and rights of representation broke the direct pledge of allegiance, tipycal of the absolute state, between kings and people. The new political system was not autochthonous but looked to that of Spain, among the many possible models. Using the extensive available bibliography, I analyzed the national and international influences of that short historical season. Moreover I emphasized the social and geographic origin of the leaders of the insurrection (i.e. nobility and bourgeoisie, core and periphery of the State) and the consequences of their actions. Even if the insurrection was brought down by the convergence of the royalist forces and the Austrian army, its legacy weighed on the dynasty. In 1823, during the war between Spain and France, Carlo Alberto became the hero of the Trocadero: a reactionary choice that influenced the future of Savoy. Certainly the shadow of the Cadiz Constitution accompanied Carlo Alberto until 1848, when he granted the Statuto. The pre-unification political season was marked by a more moderate text of the Constitution. Over time, the Cadiz Constitution became a symbol of the freedom and the exiles of 1821 went to fight in Europe for those peoples who were oppressed by the Holy Alliance.

Ingres’s portrait of Louis-François Bertin (1832) has been universally accepted as a visual “apotheosis” of the newly powerful early 19th-century bourgeoisie in France. Here, we study the inconsistencies and contestation which contributed to this identification. Beginning with the moment of its first public exhibition in the 1833 Paris Salon, this article traces Bertin’s evolving reputation as an image of its epoch, focusing on its reappearance in public first at the Bazar Bonne-Nouvelle in 1846, and then in the display of Ingres’s works at the Exposition Universelle of 1855. This leads to a critical assessment of how the picture’s role as a political emblem has been related to later assertions that it also exemplified the artist’s incipient modernism. The exhibition of works by Ingres at the Paris Salon d’Automne in 1905 allows us to take stock of claims made about the picture’s status in the early 20th century. However, in contrast to the habitual desire to modernise Ingres (and thereby to detach him from a lingering taint of academicism), this article argues that a key element in the reception of Ingres’s portrait in the second half of the 19th century is a recognition of its rootedness in values emanating from the Revolution of 1789, embodied both in the person of LouisFrançois Bertin and Ingres’s representation of him.

French political and social scientist, Ellul [1, pp. 52–60] explained that in prehistoric times, invention was a necessity, a movement to ensure humans could survive the elements. By the beginning of the Industrial Revolution, he noticed an obvious shift in the reason for invention: from necessity to that of the special interest of the state. By the 19th century again, the reason for invention changed to that of the special interest of the bourgeoisie who could see the profits that could be generated by the deliberate development of a technique. Since about the 1600s people have invested their money in stock in order to receive dividends; this practice became particularly attractive in the 20th century.

My God also weds gays The Remonstrantse Broederschap, a small liberal church, was the first church in the world that opened the wedding blessing for not-wedded couples. At the time they did so, in November 1986, that also meant: for homosexual and heterosexual couples. The process that led to this decision took a long time and was carefully structured and monitored. It went along two tracks: a discussion project in the local church communities and the realization of a new church order. This decision to give a blessing ‘to all couples that promised in the midst of the congregation to share their lives in love and faithfulness’, fits into the liberal tradition of the Remonstrant faith. This is inspired by the humanist and the protestant Christian tradition, and characterizes itself by the appreciation of openness (to contemporary society, culture, science), freedom, tolerance and responsibility. The search for collective responsibility and active tolerance, including taking a stand against discrimination (for instance of homosexuals) in public, as a church, caused internal disagreement. This disagreement seems to have its roots in a classic bourgeois decency culture on the one side and a more plural, progressive liberal culture on the other side.

Como parte de su temporada 2020-2021, Nederlands Dans Theater estrenó la coreografía I wonder where the dreams I don’t remember go, bajo la dirección del coreógrafo francés Yoann Bourgeois, una coreografía marcada por el estilo característico de Bourgeois, donde el desafío a la gravedad es el eje principal. Nederlands Dans Theater es una compañía de danza originaria de los Países Bajos y una de las pocas en el mundo que invita a diferentes coreógrafos anualmente, brindándoles la oportunidad de crear nuevas obras con una virtuosa y preparada compañía. Fue fundada por Benjamin Harkarvy, Aart Verstegen y Carel Birnie, en 1959.Recibido: 07 de diciembre de 2020Aceptado: 09 de febrero de 2021

The article is devoted to the study of the phenomenon of criticism in the authentic Marxist work and the revival of the principles of such criticism in philosophy that existed in the USSR in the period from the second half of the 1950s to the late 1980s. The relevance of the study is determined by the need to reconsider the experience of domestic philosophy of the Soviet period, particularly in the field of criticism of Western non-Marxist and neo-Marxist philosophical theories and their impact on the ideological foundations of mass consciousness and philosophy in the USSR.V. Bilodid, A. Bychko, P. Yolon, V. Kebuladze, O. Pohorilyi, M. Popovych, V. Skurativskyi, V. Tabachkovskyi, and others were engaged in research of the specified problems. The authors of this investigation also paid attention to the issue of the so-called “Critique of Bourgeois Theories” in the context of studying the phenomenon of the Ukrainian philosophy / philosophy in the Soviet Ukraine.The purpose of this investigation is to analyze the transformation of Marxist criticism in the USSR and the influence of Western European discourses on this process, especially in the second half of the 1950s and late 1980s, as it was then that the revival of the Ukrainian philosophy occurred. This happened after the “half-decay” of Stalinism; further development of this philosophy took place on its own basis.One of the important directions of analysis is the phenomenon of criticism, in particular, of “bourgeois theories”, due to which the topical ideas of Western philosophy penetrated the humanitarian national discourse. This, in turn, allowed Ukrainian researchers to stay at least partially in the context of pan-European philosophical research, as well as to use the critical potential of the authentic Marxism to latently criticize Soviet ideology and the system as a whole.

This article examines Matthew Lopez's The Inheritance, a rewriting of E. M. Forster's Howards End. It analyses Lopez's dealings with property, a concern that still chimes with the millennials of Lopez's play, in the play's invocation of property and the creation of community. It suggests that the play's most affecting moment involves the queering of time, while arguing the play enshrines normatively masculine bodies, instead of memorializing those bodies affected by AIDS. It is suggested the play also avoids depicting gay sex realistically, perpetuating the repression undertaken in the wake of AIDS. The article's main argument involves hipsterism in the play, specifically the tension between imitation and authenticity, which fails to offer a culturally distinctive depiction of the mourned "queer community." It also interrogates Lopez's positionality, proposing that his fascination with Forster's novel emulates that of Forster's working-class character Leonard Bast with the bourgeois Schlegels, while fetishizing the revered cultural object of the past, and thus failing to represent queer intersectionality.

As Bashar al-Assad succeeded his father Hafez in 2000, a new ‘state bourgeoisie’ was created in Syria through means of liberalization and neopatrimonial approaches. In addition to the Alawites who ...

It has been more than a year since the Covid-19 outbreak in Wuhan, one of the largest cities in China. The global tsunami that followed took the bourgeois regimes across the globe by surprise heralding a new era of socioeconomic misery, suggesting that this multifaceted crisis could become the worst crisis in the history of capitalism. The inability of the current political system to deal with the Covid-19 pandemic became apparent from the very outset, hence exposing – in the most emphatic manner – the ills of the dominant market economy. In this opinion paper, we argue that society, as a global collective entity, has been reduced to an entity that obeys orders and dances to the rhythm set by international organizations. Furthermore, the severely restricted political and social rights might be a dress rehearsal of what the future holds for humanity.

The French reception of Lessing’s theatre began in 1761. In December of that same year, the editors of the Journal etranger published commented excerpts from Mis Sara Sampson (1755). They pleaded for a new form of tragedy combining the legacy of the English prototypes of domestic tragedy (Lillo, Moore) and the aesthetics of “bourgeois and domestic tragedy”. The reviewer (who cannot be Diderot) does not, however, aim to break with Aristotle’s Poetics, unlike the author of Le Pere de famille. He takes sides with the emotional component, while referring to the figures of Oedipus and Orestes.Such a position made it possible for modern tragedy to return to the pathetic which, in Aristotle’s eyes, was to be elevated to the rank of essential constitutive element of the “great genre”, alongside peripeteia and anagnorisis.The article analyses this neglected and even forgotten category which is the polar opposite of the heroic mode. It relies on Ines de Castro (1723), a tragedy by the French dramatist and poet Antoine Houdar de La Motte, whom Lessing knew from the 1754 edition of his Works.

When the same person is described as a 'Capitalist Revolutionary' and a ‘Bourgeois Marxist’, you know that there is a tug of war going on between opposing ideologies to claim the ideas of that person: in this case, John Maynard Keynes. James Crotty, in his recent book, Keynes against Capitalism, joins the game. Crotty takes issue with the conventional interpretation: that Keynes was trying to save capitalism. Instead, he argues that from the mid-1920s until his death in 1946, Keynes consistently argued for replacing capitalism with ‘liberal socialism’. Crotty also maintains that The General Theory was designed to provide the theoretical foundation in support of his case against capitalism, in favour of liberal socialism. We contend that these labels, however clear they might have been to Keynes, are now laden with all sorts of interpretive baggage, and that Keynes’s thinking was rather too subtle and complex to be comfortably described by them. To make this case, we examine the social purpose that Keynes’s theoretical and policy work was designed to achieve and the means by which he thought it could best be achieved, as his thinking developed in the context of the rapidly changing times through which he lived.

In a recent paper, Piketty argues that the vote for the left in France, the UK and the USA tends increasingly to be associated with a high education level whereas a traditional class- or income-based divide separated left from right individuals in the 1950s and 1960s. The current situation would be characterised by a dominance of ‘elites' in left and right constituencies: financially rich elites vote for the right (merchant right), high-education elites vote for the left (brahmin left). Using ISSP data for 17 countries, this paper tests the influence of income and education inequalities on political leaning and a variety of policy preferences: the support for redistribution, for investment in public education, for globalisation and immigration. Results show that income levels are still relevant for the left-right divide, but the influence differs across education levels. Our findings also point to a certain convergence of opinion among the Brahmin left and the merchant right, which could lead to a new political divide beyond the left and the right, uniting a bloc bourgeois.

The projects for the creation and reform of the Orthodox anti-pagan missions of the Tobolsk North in the 19th — early 20th centuries are discussed in the article. It is noted that the secular and spiritual authorities considered the Christianization of the indigenous population of the region as a mechanism for integration into the space of Russian civilization in the socio-cultural, administrative and economic spheres. It is concluded that many proposals for improving the work of missions were of a complex nature and involved a series of different, in general, very effective measures, such as centralizing the management of missionary affairs, in-creasing the status of the head of the mission, organizing systematic training of Ob Ugric and Samoyed children in schools, expanding the scope of mission by organizing new camps, increasing funding, attracting the most prepared representatives of the black and white clergy to the preaching of the “word of God”, as well as the bourgeois, Cossacks, and Zyryans living in the north. However, it was not possible to bridge the distance between the understanding of the mechanisms for solving the tasks facing the missions and their practical implementation. The lack of systematicity in work, the great influence of the subjective factor associated with the position of individual diocesan bishops, the unresolved personnel issue, hindered the establishment of the activities of Orthodox missions.

“Between Bourgeois Existence and Violence” is a controversial sermon by the German Mennonite literary figure Johannes (Hans) Harder. Translated by Vic Thiessen, and appearing here for the first tim...

Resumo: Neste artigo pretende-se expor o resultado da pesquisa acerca do processo de revolução burguesa no Brasil e sua consolidação a partir do golpe empresarial-militar de 1964. Dessa maneira, revolução e contrarrevolução tornam-se estrutural para as transformações capitalistas e as formas ideológicas e políticas de dominação burguesa no País. Esses aspectos contribuem para elucidar a particularidade da forma política de democracia burguesa, desmistificando os elementos construtivos de sua ampliação e aprofundamento jurídico-legal como meio de emancipação política da população trabalhadora.

Beginning in the 1890s, workers’ associations and social-democratic activists in Sweden developed a series of People’s Parks (Folkets parker) that extended across the length and breadth of the country. By the the mid-twentieth century, nearly every city, town, and village boasted its own People’s Park. Built for relaxation and recreation, as well as for political agitation, Folkets parker also represented a significant expropriation and transformation of bourgeois landscape ideals and in the process became places where a new, working class-based folk, or people, could come to be. This paper traces the production of Folkets parker as landscape, focusing on the ways in which working people reworked landscape ideals in order to contest bourgeois constructions of Swedish national identity, while asserting their own power to shape that identity. We argue that working people traded in, and transformed, two landscape ideas – one rooted in bourgeois notions of the rural idyll and the other rooted in an older more specifically Scandinavian tradition of landscape as a shaped space belonging to those who shaped it. But we also show how, as the social-democratic state consolidated its hegemony in the middle-twentieth century, the underlying material basis for shaping the parks as landscape was transformed. Folkets parker became places primarily for recreation and entertainment and their status as shaped spaces that shaped identity faded.

The political liberalism that emerged after Second Constitutional Monarchy also reflected on the economy of the period and caused the non-Muslims to increase their activities in the economy. At first, this new situation of non-Muslims was not a problem but Tripoli’s loss and land loss in the Balkans caused strengthened nationalist discourses and with the outbreak of the First World War, it also strengthened the idea of ​​national economy, which was voiced before, and led this idea to find a better ground. The Committee of Union and Progress, which was in power during the war, intervened in the economy and encouraged the establishment of national companies for the subsistence of the country, while directing the Muslim-Turkish element to a favoured entrepreneurship and ignoring the speculative gains in order to create a domestic and national bourgeoisie. Anatolian National Crops Ottoman Joint Stock Company was established in 1915 as the first company that the national economic policy found an area of application. Anatolian National Crops Ottoman Joint Stock Company is important in terms of being the first company and testing the success of national economic policies. The aim of this study is to examine Anatolian National Crops Ottoman Joint Stock Company, which is the first company of the national economic policy, through the establishment regulations, reports on the activities of the company for two years, document and other sources which can be accessed from the archives of the National Library of Turkey, The Turkish History Foundation and Directorate of State Archives.

Charles Baudelaire employs the notion of flaneur as an idle wanderer and a passionate observer of the city life in the context of nineteenth-century Paris. Walter Benjamin in the twentieth century revisits the same notion in a slightly different manner. For Benjamin, flaneur, on the one hand, can be overwhelmed by the phantasmagoria of the city life and can develop a ‘shock experience' and on the other hand, can respond to the stimuli of the urban ambiance and can exhibit instrumental means of thinking to cope with the altered environment. In this circumstance, the latter, as Benjamin argues, is also evocative of the prospect of the flaneur’s conversion into a commodity. Following the argument of Walter Benjamin, the present paper aims to analyze the mobility and transformation of the central character, Christopher, in Julian Barnes’s novel Metroland (1980). This paper also reinforces that the character’s transformation is influenced by the societal structures as propounded by the structural Marxists like Louis Althusser.

DOI 10.18522/1995-0640-2021-1-218-228 Herzen’s historiosophical concept in general and his attitude to the transformations of the first Russian emperor in particular were largely determined by the specifics of the Russian public dialogue in the second third of the 19th century. A.I. Herzen’s understanding of the historical role of Peter the Great changed in the course of the evolution of his historiosophical concept. From the admiration for the monarch’s transformative energy and the commitment for the Europe’s ideal through the humanistic criticism of absolutism and the skepticism towards European values, Herzen came to recognize Peter’s activities as a catalyst of social discontent and ferment, which in the future will lead Russia to a revolution of a special type, different from the bourgeois revolutions of the European model. Keywords: Peter the Great, journalism, A.I. Herzen, Russian journalism of the XIX century.

The article examines a modern episode from the history of the revision of the image of the French bourgeoisie in English-language historiography. The author shows that at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries, the American historian Sarah Maza raised the problem of the identity of this class in the period from 1750 to 1850 and put forward a hypothesis for reflection about its non-existence in the social imaginary. The study traces how the historian comes to the formulation of this question, reveals the essence of S. Maza's socio-cultural approach, demonstrates the assessment of her views from the scientific community.

The authors proceed from the postulate that philosophical thinking is the highest form of human activity, integrating all other types of human activity as its elements. Hence, any occupation of a person can be understood in the authenticity of its content only in the horizon of philosophical thought. This is what the philosophical education of specialists should be focused on, regardless of the direction of their activities. The article analyzes the decisive role of philosophical thought in the formation of self-consciousness of bourgeois society. The authors argue that its success was predetermined by the development of new forms of communication that contributed to the discovery of a new dimension of human existence, involving new types of its development. The displacement of philosophy to the periphery of spiritual production indicates the extinction of creative initiative among the bourgeoisie. In conclusion, the authors turn to the experience of Soviet education as an attempt to further develop the civilizational narrative of European civilization, considering the reasons for its successes and failures. According to the authors, on the one hand, the presence of philosophy as a mandatory element of the higher education system in the USSR testified to the creative potential of the new civilizational initiative; on the other hand, this philosophy has not reached a sufficient degree of maturity to correspond to the level of Soviet society development.

O objetivo deste ensaio foi analisar o filme A greve (1925), de Sergei M. Einsenstein, como fonte primária da história das representações da obesidade no cinema. Utilizou-se a metodologia da análise discursiva da enunciação, numa perspectiva foucaultiana. Após assistir ao filme, identificaram-se quatro trechos considerados relevantes. Com as análises, constituíram-se dois enunciados: 1) os burgueses são corpulentos e gordos; e 2) os burgueses gordos são irascíveis. Ambos os enunciados indicam uma situação oposta à contemporaneidade, quanto às características atribuídas à obesidade e associadas a grupos socioeconômicos. Além disso, reforça a tese de que houve uma politização da corporeidade no processo histórico de inversão valorativa da condição denominada, naquele tempo, corpulência. Concluiu-se que o cinema pode ter sido uma ferramenta de propaganda ideológica fundamental na difusão desses novos valores, que podem ser identificados na contemporaneidade., This essay analyzes Sergei Eisenstein’s film ‘Strike’ (1925) as the primary source for a history of representations of obesity in Cinema. As a method, it used discursive analysis of the enunciation from a Foucauldian perspective. After watching the movie, four passages were considered relevant and two enunciations were established: (1) the bourgeois are corpulent and fat; and 2) the fat bourgeois are irascible. Regarding the characteristics attributed to obesity in terms of socioeconomics groups, both statements indicate a situation that is opposite to today’s. The results reinforce the view that there was politicization of corporeity in the historical process of inversion of values of the denominated condition – at that time, corpulence. As a conclusion, cinema may have been an ideological propaganda tool to spread the new values, which can be found in the contemporaneity., El objetivo de este ensayo fue analizar la película “La huelga” (1925), de Sergei Einsenstein, como fuente primaria de la historia de las representaciones de la obesidad en el cine. Se utilizó la metodología del análisis discursivo de la enunciación, en una perspectiva foucaultiana. Después de assistir la pelicula, se identificaron cuatro fragmentos considerados relevantes y se constituyó dos enunciados: 1) los burgueses son corpulentos y gordos; y, 2) los burgueses-gordos son irascibles. Ambos indican una situación opuesta a la contemporaneidad, cuanto a las características atribuidas a la obesidad y a grupos socioeconómicos. Además, refuerza la tesis de que hubo una politización de la corporeidad en el proceso histórico de inversión valorativa de la condición denominada, en aquel entonces, corpulencia. Se concluyó que el cine pudo haber sido una herramienta de propaganda ideológica fundamental en la difusión de esos nuevos valores, que pueden ser identificados en la contemporaneidad.