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El artículo presenta un abordaje cualitativo desde un enfoque de hábitat y derecho a la ciudad tendiente a reflejar la mirada de ciudadanos de la localidad de Punta Lara (en el Partido de Ensenada, Provincia de Buenos Aires) en relación al acceso a equipamientos urbanos, como un componente esencial del usufructo equitativo de las ciudades. Metodológicamente, se desarrolló a partir de una encuesta de cuestionario semiestructurado y utilizando el método coincidental que permitió acceder a las representaciones de los habitantes e inferir que grado de satisfacción de los derechos en torno a los equipamientos urbanos encuentra la población; complementando con la técnica de observación in situ. El análisis permitió vislumbrar diferentes visiones de la población en torno al grado de satisfacción de derechos asociados a la vida en la ciudad en términos de equipamientos urbanos básicos para el habitar. El estudio buscó reflexionar acerca de la importancia de la percepción y sentires de los protagonistas del habitar y manifestar algunas de las diferencias que pueden observarse entre estos y los diagnósticos cuantitativos; e incluso que la diversidad en torno a esas percepciones permita abordar los territorios y las propuestas sobre ellos desde una mayor integralidad.

This article shows that women’s formal political citizenship is intertwined with the right to the city. Using Carol Bacchi’s ‘What’s the Problem Represented to be’ approach, we study how female municipal councillors argued for more public toilets in Sweden's three largest cities. In their motions, the lack of public conveniences was mainly related to a binary discourse of gender, and arguments referring to biological needs of the female body and women as mothers proved more successful than the argument that uneven access to public toilets was an example of gender inequality. Class-based arguments against fees were largely ignored when the motions were transformed from potentially contentious political issues into technical issues of urban planning and municipal utilities. However, the material effects of the policies—public toilets placed mainly in working-class areas—led to an extension of possible radiuses of movement within the city for women, and perhaps especially working-class women. (Less)

The city has become a space of diversity. To be sustainable, inclusive and less unequal, urban policy and policies must therefore take these differences into account. In this moving film, the female component represents a fundamental aspect. For a heavy cultural question, in Italy there has been a delay in society with respect to the idea of equal opportunities between men and women. Italy remains far from the watchword - mainstreaming - which Europe, on the other hand, has begun to develop and disseminate. And it is a European document that for the first time introduces the theme of the “right to the city for women”. There is certainly no shortage of innovative cases also promoted by female figures in Italian local administrations. In practice, however, a systematic overview is lacking. Apart from the issue of sustainable mobility, temporal policies are particularly important for a gender sensitive territorial planning. The interesting and innovative aspect is the transversality of the temporal dimension, both in the lives of individuals and in the social organization of urban space. The lockdown canceled the diversification of the times of daily life and the use of urban space: “time” considered a certain fact, never questioned, has become a precious, quality asset; through new rhythms for a new urban livability and mostly for a better life of women. For this to happen, however, the city must change its skin, it must change its thinking and above all its rhythms. And this is precisely the perspective recalled in a document drawn up by the Municipality of Milan: “Milan 2020 - Adaptation strategy” (Municipality of Milan, 2020). Therefore, a new Territorial Schedule Plan, whose specificity is the transversality of the temporal dimension. A new city management tool through the organization of time, from timetables to accessibility with particolar attention to the prospect of a “city 15 minutes away”. Promoting women’s well-being satisfies collective and community interests and improves the quality of all: women and men.

RESUMO As reflexões apresentadas neste artigo objetivam compreender as características assumidas pelo microempreendedorismo popular à luz de questões relacionadas ao direito à cidade, aos elementos de desigualdade que marcam a estrutura ocupacional no país e às expressões político-identitárias e culturais de que são portadores. Destas análises, emergem contribuições necessárias à proposição de programas e ações que dialoguem com práticas de solidariedade, cooperação e reciprocidade nos espaços urbanos periféricos. Na abordagem destes processos destacamos o papel das diferenças culturais na produção do espaço, evidenciando tensões entre ações do Estado - influenciadas por lógicas que buscam impor uma paisagem e um modo de vida hegemônico - e as criações e construções relacionadas ao vernacular, inscritas na vida cotidiana de moradores de territórios populares da cidade do Rio de Janeiro.

I investigate the place given to Israeli single mothers' families and their right to the city in current housing discourses and state decisions. I discuss their right to appropriation--to be in the city and to occupy and make use of urban space. I also focus on their right to “difference” – namely, to have their identity and their difficulty in obtaining and securing housing fully considered in policy processes, and not to be pushed out of the social and geographic center of the country. Following the 2011 nationwide protests, the Israeli government promoted housing reforms, and housing programs became a major issue for politicians and the media. However, I demonstrate that there has been silence regarding single mothers, evident in several ways. First, policy criteria and most discourses are gender neutral and refer only to 'single parents'. Second, the mothers are framed in two opposing, simplistic categories--either as part of the weakest population or conversely as regular middle-class families. Program decisions provide only partial solutions. They also require single mothers to choose between the right to occupy a house and to difference. Using this case, I exemplify how Israel’s current housing agenda subjects the right to the city to neoliberal ideas and the overall aims of the state.

O presente artigo foi desenvolvido com base em pesquisa bibliográfica exploratória e percepção empírica. Parte-se da questão de que as propostas de inovação tecnológica e de fortalecimento da infraestrutura urbana que dominam as pesquisas em torno das cidades inteligentes precisam estar vinculados à prestação efetiva de serviços e à promoção do acesso a direitos sociais. Nessa linha de compreensão, defende-se a importância da funcionalidade urbana sob a perspectiva do direito à cidade, dialogando com a adjetivação da smart city, pela promoção do desenvolvimento humano no território de cidades. A argumentação apresentada é desenvolvida em três etapas: a realização de uma reflexão da função da cidade para as pessoas; a compreensão de cidades justas, inteligentes e em rede como elementos do Direito à Cidade no século XXI e a necessidade da agenda urbana contemporânea refletir o Estado Social.

Mobility is a multifaceted concept with social, economic and political implications. This article reflects on the role of mobility and its relation to precarity in the emergence of protests in both Quito (Ecuador) and Santiago (Chile) in 2019 by examining the interplay between mobility and inequality. It argues that the announced increases in transport and fuel costs in Chile and Ecuador exposed obstacles to spatial and social mobility and existing inequalities. Although the protests arose in response to the announced reduction in fuel subsidies and possible increases in transport costs, we propose that they reflect a deeper issue, relating to the vulnerability of the livelihoods of significant segments of the population, despite the fact that both Quito and Santiago have seen improvements in several poverty and inequality indicators in recent years. We discuss how mobility and geography relate to patterns of structural marginalisation that are not necessarily evident from aggregate economic indicators, and how understanding inequality in terms of the ‘right to the city’ and access to public services explain the protests in both countries as a response to existing segregation and deep‐seated inequalities.

In the past few decades, the concept of “right to the city” has spread from Europe to other parts of the world, but this concept is still neglected in Iran. This study seeks to examine the situation of nine metropolises in Iran in terms of the realization of the right to the city. A combination of methods is used. GIS software was used as a tool to leveling the metropolises. LISREL was used to analyze the effects of criteria and indicators and the TOPSIS technique was used to rank metropolises. According to the analysis obtained by GIS, the criteria and indicators of the right to the city are not in a good condition in any of the metropolises of Iran. But the output of the LISREL model shows that criteria such as service, political, economic, and cultural are better than managerial and health criteria. Finally, the results of the TOPSIS technique showed that in the current situation, the metropolis of Tehran is in the first rank and the metropolis of Kermanshah is in the last rank.

Entendendo a importância da moradia e de sua localização para o acesso a equipamentos básicos, este artigo objetivou mapear e analisar o entorno das moradias estudantis em Salvador. Foi priorizada a análise dos equipamentos de saúde e estabelecimentos comerciais do tipo farmácia, mercado e reprografia. A pesquisa iniciou-se com o entendimento da política de assistência estudantil no Brasil especialmente em Salvador. Foram realizados levantamentos, mapeamentos e visitas in loco das moradias. A primeira análise considerou a acessibilidade destes estudantes à UFBA, a partir da distância entre essas moradias e a referida instituição, a segunda análise foi com relação à presença dos equipamentos, acima citados, no entorno das moradias estudantis, para isso, foram estabelecidos raios de caminhabilidade que indicavam a distância média confortável para alcançar os equipamentos. Pode-se concluir que a maioria das moradias estudantis em Salvador encontrava-se em contextos urbanos com boa oferta dos equipamentos analisados e que a política de assistência estudantil deve levar em consideração, para além da qualidade da moradia, sua localização, visando ao acesso dos estudantes a equipamentos urbanos, e consequentemente contribuindo para o direito à cidade desses indivíduos.

International audience; As a tool for social participation and inclusion, the wheelchair constitutes an interesting entry point to study the everyday experience of people with physical disabilities. This paper offers to discuss how people learn to use the wheelchairs, how they move with them, and how the chair influences their inclusion. Based on an eighteen-month ethnography in a Coloured township in Cape Town (South Africa), such a reading of the wheelchair calls for a relational and intersectional approach of citizenship. Defined broadly as one's relationship to their body, their environment, their relatives, and the State, citizenship is experienced through a web of social, institutional, and material relationships. This approach ultimately raises issues of inclusion, belonging, and stigmatisation. After presenting the context of the research, I discuss the notions of active citizenship, modern citizenship and the right to the city. The conclusion comes back to the ideas of relational and intersectional citizenship as a way forward for research in disability studies and in South Africa.; En tant que soutien à la participation et à l’inclusion, le fauteuil roulant constitue un objet d’étude intéressant pour comprendre l’expérience quotidienne des personnes en situation de handicap physique. Cet article s’intéresse dès lors au fonctionnement du fauteuil, à ses déplacements, et à la façon dont le fauteuil influence l’identité individuelle de son utilisateur. À partir d’une ethnographie de dix-huit mois dans un township coloured du Cap (Afrique du Sud), cette approche du fauteuil roulant mobilise une lecture relationnelle et intersectionnelle de la citoyenneté. Définie largement comme la relation à son corps, à son environnement, à ses proches, et à l’État, la citoyenneté est dès lors expérimentée à travers un réseau de relations sociales, institutionnelles et matérielles. En fin de compte, une telle approche soulève des questions bien plus larges autour de l’inclusion, de l’appartenance, et de la stigmatisation. Après une présentation du contexte de la recherche, trois sections de l’article examinent respectivement les concepts de citoyenneté active, citoyenneté moderne et droit à la ville. La conclusion revient quant à elle sur les apports d’une telle approche dans les études sur le handicap et en Afrique du Sud.

As produções culturais periféricas, além de serem uma opção de lazer, de produção, de trabalho e de participação político-cultural para as juventudes periféricas, podem ser entendidas como uma poderosa agência de letramento (KLEIMAN, 1995). Fundamentadas pela nossa experiência em um sarau periférico, chamado Sarau V (de Viral), realizado na cidade de Nova Iguaçu, região metropolitana do estado do Rio de Janeiro, idealizado e organizado pela coautora “autor”, tecemos uma narrativa constituída por uma ‘dupla autoria’ em dois gêneros textuais distintos (BAKHTIN, 1997), que chamamos de escrita-cena e de escrita-bastidor (GOFFMAN,1985). Fundamentadas pelo campo de estudos dos letramentos (STREET, 2001), argumentamos que as práticas do sarau evidenciam uma escrita multissemiótica e multissensória (MILLS, 2016) que desnaturaliza as projeções escalares hegemônicas (CARR; LEMPERT, 2016), reterritorializa espaços urbanos (GUATTARI; ROLNIK, 2010) e reinvindica o direito à cidade (HARVEY, 2016).

Non-formal education is a space for training and learning knowledge for life, a space that is socio-political, cultural and pedagogical. In this sense, NGOs and social movements are the most common places where it occurs. Based on this premise, the present article aimed to identify, from the perspective of the young participants, the effectiveness of the pedagogical practices of the Youth and Urban Space course, in an NGO located in the city of Recife, in the state of Pernambuco. As a methodology, qualitative research was used, having as instruments the systematic observation and interviews with nine peripheral young people participating in the course. In the analysis of the collected data, we used content analysis according to Bardin (2011). Based on the monitoring of training meetings and interventions carried out in their communities, we identified that NGOs uses pedagogical tools to conduct workshops, projects, interventions, self-assessment and class evaluation. The systematicity and intentionality of social educators, when carrying out the meetings, was latent during the researched period and very significant for the effectiveness of learning. Furthermore, through the interviews, we identified the young person's view of the course and non-formal education, in this path, we realized how some young people, for example, did not know how to distinguish the practices carried out at school and at the NGO, while others noticed a great difference. In addition, we seek to verify the efficiency of the course in the citizen education of the young participants, mainly through the engagement generated, as well as their awareness of the space where they live. Therefore, we verify the importance of non-formal education in the lives of these peripheral young people, since it provides theoretical and practical knowledge about the right to the city and the possibilities of intervention in their communities, expanding their critical look at the space where they live, as also, the pedagogical practices used during the course, brought freedom, criticality and above all autonomy to them, helping them to propose effective projects and expanding the knowledge they had. KEYWORDS: Non-formal education; right to the city; young. RESUMO: A educação não formal é um espaço de formação e aprendizagem de saberes para a vida, espaço este, sociopolítico, cultural e pedagógico. Nesse sentido, as ONGs e os movimentos sociais são os locais mais comuns onde ela ocorre. Partindo dessa premissa, o presente artigo teve como objetivo identificar, a partir da perspectiva dos jovens participantes, a efetividade das práticas pedagógicas do curso Juventude e Espaço Urbano, em uma ONG localizada na cidade de Recife, no estado de Pernambuco. Como metodologia utilizou-se a pesquisa qualitativa, tendo como instrumentos a observação sistemática e entrevistas com nove jovens periféricos participantes do curso. Já na análise dos dados coletados empregamos a análise de conteúdo segundo Bardin (2011). A partir do acompanhamento dos encontros formativos e das intervenções realizadas em suas comunidades, identificamos que a ONG utiliza como instrumentos pedagógicos a realização de oficinas, projetos, intervenções, autoavaliação e avaliação da turma. A sistematicidade e a intencionalidade das educadoras sociais, ao realizarem os encontros, foi latente durante o período pesquisado e muito significativas para a efetividade da aprendizagem. Ademais, através das entrevistas identificamos o olhar do jovem para o curso e para a educação não formal, e percebemos como alguns jovens, por exemplo, não sabiam distinguir as práticas realizadas na escola e na ONG, enquanto outros constatavam grande diferença. Além disso, buscamos verificar a eficiência do curso na formação cidadã dos jovens participantes, principalmente através do engajamento gerado, assim como da conscientização dos mesmos sobre o espaço onde vivem. Portanto, verificamos a importância da educação não formal na vida desses jovens periféricos, uma vez que proporciona o conhecimento teórico e prático acerca do direito à cidade e das possibilidades de intervenção em suas comunidades, ampliando o olhar crítico deles para o espaço onde vivem, como também, as práticas pedagógicas empregadas no decorrer do curso, trouxeram liberdade, criticidade e acima de tudo autonomia para eles, os auxiliando a propor projetos efetivos e ampliando o conhecimento que possuíam. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Educação não formal, Direito à cidade, jovens.

The right to the city represents a critique of the city as a place and an object of capitalist accumulation, in which priority is given to exchange value over use value. This critique references an ongoing and collective struggle for urban production to be radically democratic, as the expanded participation of city users would lead to appropriation, with social movements occupying a central role. This paper discusses the practices of urban social movements that cooperate with governmental institutions participating in and influencing the design and implementation of public policies. We focus on the possibilities of transformation towards the right to the city as well as the conflicts and contradictions that social movements face when partnering with the State. We carry out an in-depth investigation of two social movements involved in building housing units in Brazil as part of a federal government programme. By conceptually translating the right to the city into the economies of worth, we propose an original theoretical approach. Our study contributes to advance the understanding of the role of social movements that collaborate with governments without abandoning the goal of struggling for the right to the city. We add a pragmatic perspective to the radical conception of the right to the city by showing how different logics of action enable or hinder the possibility of the right to the city horizon. We propose that the prominence of the civic common world might transform operational processes mainly through self-management.

Given the common confusion about the allegedly Lefebvrian notion that every public work must have, by default and inevitably, a coercive character that curtails the inhabitants' right to the city -and given that this erroneous premise is usually applied, not infrequently, to infrastructures for a more livable city, such as those that promote urban cycling- it is necessary to examine the repeated exceptions that Lefebvre himself enunciates throughout his work when he characterizes those urban interventions that, when fulfilling certain conditions, strengthen the lived space in our cities. We here pursue not only to enumerate these notes by Lefebvre, which are often overlooked, but to illustrate them taking as a model an urban intervention of great repercussion such as the infrastructure for the promotion of urban cycling in the city of Seville in the past decade, and applying to its characteristics such Lefebvrian contributions. In the confrontation of the different space-producing strategies, infrastructures such as the one addressed in this case study guarantee the right to the city, instead of being, as could be argued from a superficial reading of Lefebvre's analysis, an element that restricts that right. Keywords: Production of space. Urbanism. Urban infrastructure. Transportation. Urban cycling.

На материалах Иркутска анализируется процесс конструирования оспариваемых городских пространств в связи с изменением миграционного потока из КНР. Анализ построен на основе двух серий полуформализованных интервью в логике идей «права на город» Дэвида Харви, Анри Лефевра, Дона Митчела и представлений Георга Зиммеля о чужаке. Проводится сравнительный анализ двух типов городских локальностей, определяемых горожанами в качестве «мигрантских» и «китайских». В городе, знакомом с миграцией из Китая с конца 1980-х–начала 1990-х гг., сформировались устойчивые локальности, описываемые в качестве «китайских»: рынки, автомастерские, автомойки, лесопилки. «Китайскость» таких локальностей описывала не столько доминирующую группу, сколько репертуар допустимых практик взаимодействия с другим. Массовый въезд туристов из Китая в 2015–2019 гг. привел к появлению новых городских пространств, описываемых жителями и медиа в качес­тве «китайских». Такие локальности получили иные визуальные маркеры, которые стали символом нарушения сложившейся ранее конвенции о возможных местах и способах взаимодействия горожан и мигрантов. Меняющаяся символика интерпретируется принимающим сообществом как признак изменения пространства репрезентаций и вторжение в «обжитое пространство» горожан. Если в первом случае «китайские» локальности выступают «местом встречи», площадкой совместного создания и использования городской инфраструктуры, то во втором – пространством конфликта, борьбы за город, выливающейся в локальные бои за историю. Парадоксальным образом ключевыми акторами в конструи­ровании ситуации оспаривания пространства во втором случае оказываются горожане и местные медиа, тогда как мигранты включены в этот процесс лишь пассивно. Переопределение мигрантских локальностей города от места контакта к пространству оспаривания права на город может являться механизмом выработки нового спектра практик взаимодействия. Смена модели поведения Другого требует нового репертуара допустимых исполнений, и именно конфликт позволяет определить новые границы допустимого и одобряемого. Если приезжие не участвуют в конструировании такого конфликта, то за них это делают «местные».

Food equity includes the right to food that is cul­turally appropriate. Immigrant neighborhoods can be sites of contestation over who participates in the production, distribution, and consumption of food. Manhattan’s Chinatown is a good example of a neighborhood where food is central to its com­merce, cultural heritage, and reputation as a tourist destination. The coronavirus’ origin in China caused imme­diate material impact on Chinese restaurants and food purveyors in New York City as well as in other cities with major populations of Chinese people. Chinatown suffered disproportionate closures of its grocery stores, restaurants, and produce vendors due to COVID-19 as compared to other neighbor­hoods in NYC. The grassroots response to this crisis is a reminder that people have the power to use food to assert the society that they desire, to shape a highly contested urban space, and to claim their right to the city.

The study attempts to discover elements of learning by practicing the right to the city through the embodiment and re-articulation of the identity of the flâneuse. In this urban investigation, we will explore perspectives that emerge from the city, how they are connected to specific city sites, and how they form our becomings, having in mind the gendered division of urban life. In order to do so, we will engage in reflexive wandering and performing in the city. Learning that unfolds with this action is a bodily and sensorial process of reading the layers of public spaces in the city. As wandering implies a turn off the main road, the learning process is marked by unpredictability and meandering. It does not follow a familiar path that leads to specific learning outcomes, but involves a journey through unknown and unowned places. We aim to describe learning that evolves by wandering around the side roads of Belgrade by mapping the experiences of the three authors. The research also involves reminiscences of the wandering of women in Belgrade that we want to re-enact and document.

While smart city initiatives claim to be ‘citizen-focused’ or ‘citizen-centric’, there are several troubling aspects of how citizenship and social relations are produced within them. First, they prioritize technological solutions to social and urban problems from the perspective of businesses and states, rather than serving local communities. Witha focus on digital technology, they also exclude a wide range of marginalized publics from the possibility to participate in the smart city and only rarely address issues of social differences in cities. The smart city thus creates new or exacerbates existing challenges to the possibility of all city dwellers to fully enjoy urban life with all of its services and advantages, as well as taking direct part in the management of cities – in other words, it creates challenges for ‘the right to the city’. In this article, the author thus explores the notion of the right to the city in order to inform and recast the smart city in emancipatory and empowering ways, one that would work for the benefit of all citizens and not just selected populations.

The paper debates social participation in city management. In particular, it analyzes the experience of social participation in the drafting and reviewing processes of the master plans for the municipality of Belem/PA in the years of 1993 and 2008. It uses the right to the city as the theoretical reference approach. The paper is an outcome of a broader research on social participation, building of democratic cities and the use of information technology to promote the right to social participation in urban politics. The research uses the method of action research under qualitative approach. In the case of this paper that is part of the broader research, it was used documentary analysis. Data organization and examination were carried out using the cognitive mapping technique. The paper demonstrates that in Brazil, the city of Belem emerged as a vanguard in the issue of social participation in the processes of elaboration and revision of its master plans. In formal terms, the plans foresee the practice of participatory democracy. The paper also shows que in spite of the progress made until 2008, there was a setback from the experience started in 2018 regarding the proportion of civil society representation in the Urban Development Council.

This paper focuses on how residents of public housing in Hawaiʻi view residents from Micronesia, a geographic region of Oceania. Drawing on in-depth interviews with an ethnically diverse sample, we...

This article contributes to an emerging field of ‘urban communication’ research and its intersections with civic culture and digital citizenship. It does so by presenting a case study of how an activist group in North London’s Tottenham region co-designed bespoke digital media platforms, akin to civic media, to advocate an approach to urban planning that also recognizes migrants’ rights. Conducted as a part of a broader participatory action research project, the study outlined here offers an analysis of the online and offline communicative routes taken, the urban rights enacted and the visions expressed during an eight-week consultation period. Drawing on both quantitative and qualitative metrics from the official and alternative digital platforms inviting consultation around the community-led planning application, the article offers insights about the co-construction of space, and the effect that the particular site had in unearthing wider enactments of ‘the right to the city’ and affective belonging, alongside struggles against threats of displacement. By offering these insights, the study contributes to a better understanding of the digital mediation of belonging through space/place and what this means for urban citizenship. Looking beyond processes of urban planning, this understanding seeks to contribute to wider debates of urban citizenship, often expressed at the intersection of urban rights, digital citizenship and virtual reality.

In Dhaka, the capital city of Bangladesh with a population of 18 million, nearly one-third are living under the threat of eviction without resettlement due to lack of tenure security. This occurs despite the Bangladesh government’s ratification of multiple international conventions as well as provisions within the national Constitution with regard to people’s rights. Within this context, drawing on Lefebvre’s theorization of space and using the right to the city (RTC) framework, this article explores the urban poor’s right to housing in the context of Dhaka, Bangladesh. Findings suggest that the local and central government officials categorize slum dwellers as encroachers and criminals, who pose a direct threat to an orderly, clean and green city. Hence, they cannot be allowed to exist in the city. Additionally, the state has shifted the development of land and housing markets to real estate developers, following a neoliberal economic model. Consequently, a few powerful developers control Dhaka’s land and housing markets, only supplying housing for the growing middle class. Access to these houses is far beyond poor people’s reach. Thus, the urban poor’s housing rights are denied both by the state and by the market in Dhaka.

Resumen Con este trabajo proponemos restituir el conocimiento que nos aporta una etnografía feminista sobre la producción de desigualdades de género y sexualidad en el espacio urbano, así como la contestación a éstas desde resistencias enmarcadas en la vida cotidiana. Partiendo de una revisión crítica de la noción del “Derecho a la Ciudad” nos preguntamos sobre el lugar que en ella ocupan las desigualdades de género y sexualidad. Seguidamente planteamos el valor de las emociones en su relación con el derecho a la ciudad y la etnografía como metodología apropiada para captar conflictos que tienen lugar en el espacio urbano y prácticas de resistencia en la vida cotidiana. Para explicar nuestra propuesta nos apoyamos en diferentes trabajos que estudian el espacio urbano desde una perspectiva etnográfica. Dos son las emociones que encontramos inscritas en la reproducción de desigualdades de género y sexualidad a la hora de habitar la ciudad -las cuales también actúan como motor de resistencias cotidianas-: el “miedo” y la “no pertenencia”. Nuestra indagación teórica y etnográfica nos lleva a presentar la etnografía feminista como una estrategia metodológica útil para ampliar la noción de derecho a la ciudad a la complejidad del conflicto urbano, más allá de la clase, así como para politizar estrategias de resistencia cotidianas, a menudo invisibilizadas.

In November 2018 eight people, including a mother from the Comoros and residents from Tunisia and Algeria, died when two buildings collapsed in the run down area of Noailles in the old port area of Marseille. A 2015 government report had already warned that 40,000 dilapidated and dangerous homes put 100,000 people at risk in France's second city, but campaigners say little was done. The tragedy occasioned widespread anger about run down and exploitative housing in the Mediterranean city. It also refocused public attention on housing and the concept of the home. In turn this raised questions about how housing and the home connect to space and social justice, the division of labour between national and local government, citizenship and ‘the right to the city’.

This paper discusses the role played by popular participation in the preparation of master plans in Brazilian cities, addressing the case of Salvador. Master plans are defined as instruments that democratize the management of the res publica. The paper proposes a reflection on the limits and possibilities of the exercise of democracy in the current context in which the political party known as PMDB has a huge influence in the Brazilian politics. That reflection is supported by concepts such as participation, the right to the city and democracy, and the research sources used in our study were official documents and semi-guided interviews. The study concludes with the thesis that the recent advance in the democratization process of the construction of Salvador’s Master Plan finds limits in the persistent situation of inequality, in the radicalization of the instrumentalization of participation, in the government’s capture by private interests, and in the abandonment of politics.

During the recent refugee crisis and following the common statement-agreement between the European Union and Turkey (18 March 2016), more than half a million refugees have been trapped in Istanbul. Although the vast majority is living in remote areas in the perimeter of the city, there is a remarkable exception in the central neighborhood of Tarlabaşı. Over the decades, this area has become a shelter for newcomers from eastern Turkey and, recently, for thousands of refugees from the Middle East and Africa. In this neighborhood, refugees with the support of local and international solidarity groups establish communal houses, social centers, and collective kitchens, creating an example of commoning practices, mutual help, and transnational togetherness in the urban core. At the same time, over the past few years, Tarlabaşı has been the target of gentrification policies that aim to dislocate poor residents and refugees and to transform the area into a highincome residential area and a tourist destination. Thus, ongoing urban conflict is taking place for the right to the center of the city. This article follows the Lefebvrian concept of ‘the right to the city’ and Soja’s and Harvey’s notion of ‘spatial justice,’ taking also into account the discussion on the spatialities of ‘urban commons’ and ‘enclosures.’ It combines spatial analysis, participatory observation, and ethnographic research, and its main findings concern the refugees’ daily efforts against social segregation and exclusion shaped by commoning practices for spatial justice, visibility, and the right to the center of the city.

This paper uses a novel qualitative visual methodology—scoping—to interrogate the Lefebvrian right to the city across the social movement landscape of Thessaloniki, Greece. Generating a reflexive a...

Since the European Union’s agreement with Turkey on March 18, 2016, more than 70,000 refugees have been trapped in Greece. Most have been settled in state-run camps on the perimeters of Athens and Thessaloniki. However, these state-run camps do not meet international standards and are located at significant distances from urban centres, within industrial zones where residential use is not permitted. At the same time, a number of self-organized and collective refugee housing projects have been created within the urban fabric of Athens and Thessaloniki. In the context of these projects, refugees develop forms of solidarity, mutual help, and direct democracy in decision-making processes. There is a significant volume of bibliography which studies the NGOs’ activities and state migration policies. However, little attention has been given to the various ways by which refugees create self-managed and participatory structures to meet their needs. This article aims to fill the gap in the research concerning the production of housing common spaces by the refugees themselves. Based on the current discussions on the Lefebvrian ‘right to the city’ and the spatialities of ‘commons’ and ‘enclosures,’ the article aims to compare and contrast refugee housing commons with state-run refugee camps. Using qualitative methods, including ethnographic analysis and participatory observation, the main findings show that refugees attempt not only to contest state migration policies but also negotiate their multiple identities. Consequently, refugees collectively attempt to reinvent a culture of togetherness, to create housing common spaces, and to claim the right to the city.

A phenomenological research design guided the study that documented the daily lives of citizens living in emerging settlements. Hopley Farm Settlement in Harare, Zimbabwe, was used as a point of reference. The study argued that emerging settlements are neglected spaces in which residents improvise in their daily life activities to enhance the livability of the settlements. The theory of desperation, which puts into perspective issues of spatial (in) justice, exclusion, power, and oppression, formed the theoretical foundation of the study. Findings spotlight some of the dilemmas experienced by residents living in emerging settlements. These citizens experience multiple shocks and stresses, which include lack of basic services, disconnection from formal services and the urban core, political exclusion, and violation of their human rights. In this regard, households engage in various activities that fall between resilience and desperation as they try to navigate their way in claiming the right to the city. The study recommends politicians and the government to put aside political differences and consider the welfare of the people instead of advancing political agendas.

The category of the right to the city, conceptualized over five decades ago by the French Marxist philosopher and sociologist Henri Lefebvre, is currently experiencing its second life. It has becom...

Rights-based urban social movements have proliferated since the mid-1970s, but our understanding of their real impacts remains insufficient. Using the housing movements in Sao Paulo as an example, ...

Este artigo aborda como o instrumento urbanístico denominado ZEIS de vazios vem sendo pensado e implementado na cidade planejada, no caso Brasília - DF. Discute-se sua efetividade em atender a demanda de habitação de interesse social, debatendo sobre os limites e as potencialidades desse instrumento, que surgiu pela necessidade de flexibilização de parâmetros urbanísticos para viabilizar a moradia social. Mas será que isso vem atendendo ao ideal planejado? A utilização de outros instrumentos poderia potencializar os resultados de ZEIS de vazios quando se pensa na inserção de moradias sociais em áreas que garantam o efetivo direito à cidade, com dignidade às famílias, integrando-as ao meio social adjacente a esses núcleos? A metodologia utilizada partiu da revisão bibliográfica sobre o tema, seguido do levantamento de dados históricos e ocupacionais e das ações do poder público para a criação de ZEIS de vazios. Averiguou-se nos estudos se as ações adotadas foram relevantes para suprir a demanda socioespacial e do direito à cidade da população de baixa renda no Distrito Federal. O que se constatou foi a pouca efetividade desse instrumento que, apesar de contemplar a delimitação de algumas áreas no planejamento local, ainda se encontra aquém da demanda de moradia.

This paper presents an attempt to document some of the informal initiatives launched by the citizens of Alexandria City in Egypt; to create a bond with their city and help preserve part of its identity within an ever-changing public space on which they have no control. One of the greatest shocks and stresses within the case of Alexandria city is the rapid urbanization through which the face of the city has been dramatically changed within the last few decades. However, the pressing question here is: How did the people of Alexandria City react to these urban changes? Have they practiced David Harvey’s the right to the city? In order to understand the way in which the structure is changed through people’s actions, the author depends on Anthony Giddens’s ‘structure-agency’ duality to study different Alexandrian bottom-up initiatives of heritage preservation and urban resilience. The paper also derives its sociological analysis from Max Weber's theory on the city as appeared in his treatise in 1921 Die Stadt: Eine Soziologische Untersuchung (The City; a Sociological Study). The connection comes from putting Max Weber's Occidental City in parallel with the Contemporary Urban Alexandria, through juxtaposing the 5-Weberian features of the ancient and medieval city vis-a-vis the modern status quo of Alexandria City in Egypt. Methodologically, the author uses Ryo Terui & et al.'s model 'Visual Narratives of the Actantial Map,' known as the ‘Actor-Networking Map,’ in analyzing different public initiatives of heritage preservation and urban resilience. The findings ascertained new theoretical and methodological insights within the discipline of urban sociology.

[EN]The Senegalese street vendors of the city of Salerno have been the object, in recent years, of repressive policies resulting from the neoliberal ordering of public space that has been promoted by the institutions of this city. Through this case study, we will seek to reflect the main characteristics of the conflict, as well as the responses of the actors involved. It will thus be possible to see that, to face the repression exercised against this collective, its protagonists have reacted by deploying a notorious capacity of agency with the aim not only of resisting, but also to construct new political logics aiming to build a more democratic government of the city. Thus, the resistance of Salerno’s street vendors is part of a broader struggle, replicated in numerous other cities in the world, against “urban decorum” and for the right to the city, [ES] Los manteros senegaleses de la ciudad de Salerno han sido objeto, en los últimos años, de políticas represivas fruto del ordenamiento neoliberal del espacio público que se ha impulsado desde las instituciones de esta ciudad. A través de este estudio de caso buscaremos reflejar las principales características del conflicto, así como las respuestas de los actores involucrados. Podrá verse de esta manera que, frente a la represión ejercida contra este colectivo, sus protagonistas han reaccionado desplegando una notoria capacidad de agencia con el objetivo no solo de resistir, sino de construir nuevas lógicas políticas que permitan un gobierno más democrático de la ciudad. Así, la resistencia de los manteros en Salerno se englobará dentro de una lucha más amplia, replicada en numerosas otras ciudades del mundo, contra el “decoro urbano” y por el derecho a la ciudad.

This paper studies the homeless population as an emblematic case todiscuss the relationship between daily life and bureaucracy, displaying thetensions between living on the streets and the functioning of public policiesconcerning homeless people’s living in two capitals in the Northeast ofBrazil. Based on homeless people’s narrative excerpts, participant/itinerant’sobservation records and workers’ reports through interviews, the studyproblematizes the distance between the letter (bureaucracy) and life (dailylife) and the relation between regulated time and space, highlighting how,outside the institutional walls, the daily life is practiced in its uniqueness, but excluded from the right to the city. In this context, the city is understoodas polis, concluding that the challenges on the street are the challenges of thecity: aggregating stories and supporting the differences.

DOI: 10.1590/2179-8966/2020/48214 Resumo O presente trabalho tem por objeto a analise do conceito do Direito a cidade como obra e sua ressignificacao diante da ocupacao das ruas pelas manifestacoes pelo #EleNao nas eleicoes presidenciais de 2018, pautando-se a questao dos protestos, dos corpos e materialidades para se repensar a democracia do espaco urbano. Para ao final trazer reflexoes para um direito a servico de um Direito a Cidade encarnado pelos corpos em protesto. Palavras-chave: Direito a cidade; #Elenao; Corpos. Abstract The present work aims to analyze the concept of the Right to the City as a work and its resignification in the face of the occupation of the streets by the demonstrations by # NotHim in the 2018 presidential elections, focusing on the issue of protests, bodies and materialities to rethink the democracy of the urban space. In the end, to bring reflections to a right in the service of a Right to the City incarnated by the bodies in protest. Keywords : Right to the city; #NotHim; Bodies.

DOI: 10.1590/2179-8966/2019/37918 Resumo O presente artigo tem por objetivo compreender os limites e as possibilidades da luta pelo direito a cidade tendo como referencia as recentes contribuicoes do debate da derivacao do Estado. Essa investigacao se faz por meio do metodo historico-dialetico, considerando aspectos teoricos e historico-sociais da luta pela transformacao do espaco urbano. Verifica-se que as formas juridicas e politicas ao derivarem da forma mercadoria sao essenciais para a reproducao da atual sociabilidade. Conclui-se, portanto, que a reducao da luta pelo direito a cidade as demandas institucionais pela positivacao de direitos e por politicas publicas reduz seu potencial emancipatorio ao aprisiona-la as formas sociais do capital. Palavras-chave : Direito a cidade; Debate da derivacao do Estado; Marxismo. Abstract This paper aims to understand the limits and possibilities of the fight for the right to the city taking into consideration the recent contributions from the State derivation debate. The methodology utilized was the dialectical historical method, considering theoretical and historical-social aspects from the transformation of urban space fight. It was possible to verify that legal and political forms are essential for the reproduction of the current sociability as they derive from the commodity form. Thus, as a conclusion, the fight for the right to the city based only on institutional demands by the positivation of rights and public policies reduces its emancipatory potential by restricting it to the social forms of capital. Keywords : Right to the city; State derivation debate; Marxism.

Housing ideally supplies many physical comforts, social and economic benefits, as well as forms the basis for the right to the city. It also addresses an additional challenge of adaptation to the current as well as expected impacts of climate change—one of them being heat waves—especially in the context of developing countries like India. Few studies in the Indian context have explicitly examined the experience of heat on the indoor temperatures linked to the housing quality and typologies and the quality of the surroundings. Official state and urban policies do not explicitly include heatproofing for existing or new housing to address indoor heat exposure, especially in the case of vulnerable populations. We have measured the indoor and outdoor temperatures in 860 low-income residents living in three different housing typologies in 26 settlements (formal and informal) of Ahmedabad, India, in peak summer months. Building the case for a long-term urban housing strategy to address the impact of indoor temperature particularly for low-income households and residents of informal housing, we argue that conscious and deliberate efforts towards heatproofing existing informal housing are required. One of the options, which is being pursued currently, is transiting informal housing dwellers to formal housing. But, another one for immediate consideration is renewal of current informal housing due to limited coverage possibility of the first option.

DOI: 10.1590/2179-8966/2020/48472 Resumo O artigo explora as formas pelas quais o direito a cidade e desenvolvimento sao categorias opostas, em permanente tensao e disputa. Ao pensar o urbano re-centralizando sujeitos e trajetorias historicamente desumanizadas, a partir das contribuicoes da critica decolonial e antirracista, propomos que a vinculacao politica e juridica da nocao de direito a cidade a de desenvolvimento urbano captura e neutraliza as potencialidades da proposta lefebvriana. Palavras-chave: Direito a cidade; Desenvolvimento urbano; Racismo. Abstract The article explores how the right to the city and development are opposite categories, in permanent tension and dispute. Engaging with decolonial theory and antiracist critique, we propose to think the urban re-centralizing historically dehumanized subjects and trajectories. The analysis suggests that political and legal connection of the right to the city conception to the urban development one captures and neutralizes the potentialities of the Lefebvrian proposition. Keywords: Right to the city; Urban development; Racism.

DOI: 10.1590/2179-8966/2020/48192 Resumo O artigo objetiva discutir a concepcao de direito a cidade colocado em pratica nos projetos urbanoambientais e nos discursos e acoes dos agentes das distintas instituicoes do sistema de justica na Amazonia brasileira, particularmente na cidade de Belem, estado do Para.A pergunta orientadora do artigo e: “quais sao as concepcoes de direito a cidade na Amazonia dos agentes pertencentes ao sistema de justica que atuam administrativamente e judicialmente nas grandes intervencoes urbanas de macrodrenagem na cidade de Belem, estado do Para?”. Metodologicamente o estudo esta alicercado no estudo de caso, de carater exploratorio e abordagem qualitativa. Os agentes publicos entrevistados sao os que atuam hodiernamente nos casos envolvendo os projetos de macrodrenagem das bacias do Una, Tucunduba e Estrada Nova, e que estao vinculados aos seguintes orgaos: Ministerio Publico do Estado do Para (MPE), Defensoria Publica do Estado do Para (DPE), Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil – Secao Para (OAB), Procuradoria do Estado do Para (PGE) e Tribunal de Justica do Estado do Para (TJE). A principal conclusao e a de que o exercicio do direito a cidade esta dentro do sistema politico e que o sistema juridico atua na mediacao dos conflitos que insurgem nas disputas politicas e de concepcoes de desenvolvimento que se expressam na cidade. Palavras-chave: Direito a cidade; Sistema de justica; Concepcoes. Abstract The paper aims to discusses the conception of the right to the city put into practice in urban-environmental projects and in the discourse and practice of the diverse institutions’ agents of the justice system in Brazilian Amazon, particularly in the city of Belem, Para state. The paper central question is: what are the conceptions of right to the city followed by the justice system agents that act administratively and judicially in large urban macro-drainage interventions in the city of Belem, Para state? Methodologically the study is based on the case study method and on exploratory and qualitative approach. The public agents interviewed are those who routinely act in cases involving the macro-drainage projects of the Una, Tucunduba and Estrada Nova basins and they are linked to the following organizations: Para State Public Prosecution Service (MPE), Para State Public Defender (DPE), Brazilian Lawyers Association - Para state section (OAB), Para State Attorney's Office (PGE) and Para State Court of Justice (TJE). The main conclusion is that the exercise of the right to the city is inside the political system and that the legal system acts in the conflicts mediation that arise in political disputes and in the conceptions of development that emerge in the city. Keywords: Right to the city; Justice system; Conceptions.

En la actual crisis urbana, el nuevo municipalismo reclama la reconstrucción de comunes urbanos para avanzar en el derecho a la ciudad. Señala al respecto la importancia de los movimientos sociales y de la acción pública municipal para generar procesos de innovación social “desde abajo”. Sin embargo, no se ha explorado suficientemente la literatura sobre innovación social con miras a comprender la construcción de comunes urbanos. Por ello, este trabajo propone, a partir de la literatura sobre innovación social de base, un marco para explorar prácticas de generación de comunes desde la ciudadanía, así como políticas municipales que pueden articularse para apoyarlas. El marco se emplea para explorar, con métodos cualitativos, iniciativas en Valencia (Estado español), en los sectores agroalimentario y energético. Los resultados revelan el potencial y la diversidad de las iniciativas de generación de comunes urbanos para el derecho a la ciudad, así como tensiones y contradicciones que pueden emerger.

The right to the city concept is widely debated in academic discourse yet ambiguously executed in public discourse. In much of the discussion, the right to the city is advocated as a right that humans should claim—i.e., participating in urban space living. Nonetheless, constraints and limits are imposed on such advocacy, resulting in a tokenized implementation state. With such a background surmounting the COVID-19 pandemic era, this study is aimed at understanding the right to the city propagation and revealing the possible wrongs of such civic advocacy. Multiple cases in Malaysia were selected for analysis and as the discussion context representing the state-of-the-art aspect of right to the city in the context of an emerging country. Two potential misconceptions through the action of right to the city were identified: first, the concept of right to the city has the potential to infringe the centrality of power, which both citizens and the authority have to make clear; second, the lack of a sign of contribution from citizens poses a severe challenge to build a co-created urban space for all. This paper contributes to removing a blind spot—the possible wrong to the right to the city—and provides ideas to achieve authentic citizen participation.

The last decade has seen the rise of a new alliance among U.S. housing advocates, human rights advocates, and right to the city advocates that stands unified in opposition to rising rents, gentrifi...

Recent critical scholarship regarding the right to the city suggests that the concept inadequately addresses the function of rights within urban socio-legal processes. This paper draws from various...

Este artigo discute as influências da ideologia positivista no planejamento urbano e suas consequências sobre o movimento da reforma urbana que, desde a redemocratização do Brasil, defende a bandeira do direito à cidade. Entendendo o positivismo como ideologia da ordem burguesa, profundamente enraizada no Estado moderno brasileiro, este texto acompanha sua interiorização pela burocracia estatal na década de 1930, a posterior absorção pelos planejadores urbanos desenvolvimentistas nos anos 1950 e 1960 e a captura das estratégias da Frente Nacional da Reforma Urbana em luta por cidades mais justas no país. Vinculado à gestão do Partido dos Trabalhadores, a institucionalização de procedimentos participativos e negociações oficiais tornam-se vias prioritárias para alcançar uma difusa e abstrata função social da cidade, distanciando o Movimento das lutas populares e impossibilitando-o de alcançar autonomia política. Incapaz de reagir à política de conciliação, submete suas bandeiras ao desenvolvimento capitalista, agravando desigualdades socioespaciais e contribuindo para a crise das cidades, contexto que leva a luta urbana ao impasse e exige reflexão e autocrítica.

This paper reflects on the question of urban growth in South Africa to understand the consequences that new urban dynamics have on the effective rights to the city and on quality of life; and, in the context of urban studies, on the southern turn and on the effective possibility of applying the paradigms produced by the Global North to the countries of the Global South and emerging economies. There is a growing interest in analyzing the reasons behind the cultural and organizational differences that typify African cities. In this scenario, the contribution of urban studies is crucial to understand how cities work, the needs of their residents and the changes that take place, especially in cities like Johannesburg whose urban fabric still shows traces of racial segregation and class division stemming from apartheid. By considering Johannesburg as a case in point, this paper sets out to investigate whether the diversity and differentiation of the urban spaces that characterize South African cities as seemingly unreadable, chaotic and difficult to understand and govern reflect on the one hand the role of the social forces that shape the built environment and urban planning, and on the other hand social and racial inequalities, the actual enjoyment of the right to the city, the identity-defining features of urban space. In other words, the article intends to investigate the outcomes of the interaction between the superficial layers of the urban landscape (for example, the transformations of the built environment) and the deep structural forms that are rooted in the local history and memory.

The thesis of social isolation places inequality at the doorstep of society as a whole. Sociologists have argued that poverty-stricken neighborhoods do not enjoy the same resources as richer areas, which exacerbates social and economic inequality. Poor Blacks are particularly affected by this phenomenon, as they are generally unable to relocate to wealthier spaces, remaining outside of the clusters of wealth and opportunities. Contemporary Brazilian literary productions (e.g., Vinicius Faustini's Guia afetivo da periferia and Jessica Balbino's Traficando conhecimento) claim the underclass' right to the city throughout movement, placing peripheric subjects at the center of the city's new social and cultural meanings. In this paper, I study Paulo Dutra's collection of short stories Aversao oficial to discuss how poor Afro-Brazilians reject guettoization and mark their physical, social, and cultural presence in urban spaces by setting characters always in motion. Aversao oficial turns to elements of literatura periferica to construct its narrative; however, it complexifies the "estetica que vem das ruas"-at the same time ratifying and rejecting a direct relation between reality and literature. Dutra creates a metafiction that pulls attention to the writing process as much as the reality of dispossessed Afro-Brazilians.

Inspired by the dispute regarding the Cais Jose Estelita, in Recife, in this essay our aim is to reflect about the contradictions and disputes that mark the process of urbanization and leisure in contemporaneity. More specifically, our objective is, on the basis of a historical analyses, to understand how the fight for the right for leisure and the right for the city are linked, as a part of a different project of society. The impossibility to conquer the full right to the city and leisure by public policies that promote realignments or regulations of the existing system is indicated and, finally, we consider the need to associate the local struggles for the social rights warranties to an anticapitalist greater fight, for a substantial radical democracy and against any form of commodification of life.