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Abstract: The dominant constitutional ideology in post-war Europe is based on a fear of democracy, constituent power, and popular sovereignty, and a desire for political and economic stability. Constitutional relations are transformed over time through a mixture of political authoritarianism and economic liberalism, in a combination of domestic and supranational developments. The transformation also has a utopian dimension, and outlining its utopianism can help identify its ideological character. It is captured by such related terms as ‘post-politics’, ‘post-nationalism’, ‘post-sovereignty’, and ‘the end of history’. These terms all point to the way in which authoritarian liberalism is maintained not only—and perhaps not even predominantly—through coercion and consent but also in the grey area in between, namely through practices and beliefs that suggest politics can be transcended and the medium of law can reign supreme. We may call this the new German ideology. It has gradually come to dominate the European constitutional imagination. Although it was unsettled after Maastricht and entered a critical phase after the financial crisis, the new German ideology remains relatively resilient. It benefits from the acquiescence of a critical theory that has lost its moorings and a political system that is able to incorporate aspects of authoritarian populism, even as the centre ground appears increasingly unstable.

Este breve artículo presenta de manera sintética la comprensión teológica del bien común que se elaboró en la Iglesia a raíz de la revelación neotestamentaria y de su subsecuente desarrollo en la era patrística. La primera parte presenta los tres ejes de la síntesis patrística del bien común. La segunda hace hincapié en la dinámica del bien común, es decir, en los procesos que generan bien común en una sociedad. Finalmente, la última parte propone, a partir de las encíclicas del papa Francisco, dos “virus” y dos “pandemias” adversas al bien común en nuestro tiempo: el virus del liberalismo económico y la pandemia del individualismo, por una parte, y el virus del resentimiento y la pandemia del populismo, por otra. La conclusión cierra con dos actitudes prácticas que permiten generar, en una sociedad líquida, dinámicas del bien común.

O artigo tem como objetivo analisar a influência neoliberal na educação e seus reflexos na elaboração da Base Nacional Comum Curricular. Trata-se de um estudo bibliográfico e documental fundamentado no materialismo histórico e dividido em três partes principais: (1) A origem dos princípios neoliberais; (2) A influência desses princípios na origem e na estrutura da educação; (3) A dinâmica da relação entre os conceitos neoliberais e os princípios do aprender a aprender, das competências e habilidades e do protagonismo do aluno, presentes na BNCC. Dessa forma, o artigo teve como questionamento central: Qual a influência neoliberal na educação e quais são seus reflexos na elaboração da Base Nacional Comum Curricular brasileira? Conclui-se que o neoliberalismo enquanto corrente de pensamento e conjunto de políticas adotadas por governos neoconservadores surge a partir de um liberalismo econômico que culminou em inúmeras crises e necessitou de reformas econômicas. Esse processo de reformas é observado nas políticas brasileiras de privatização, de incentivo à competição, bem como na educação voltada para o mercado de trabalho. Portanto, os ideais neoliberais e os documentos dos organismos internacionais influenciaram a estruturação da BNCC que se orienta pelo aprender a aprender, para promover a formação de competências e habilidades, assim como o protagonismo do aluno no processo de ensino, o qual é permeado por esses princípios.

Introduction: great disruptions: the new normal? Recent history has not been kind to Fukuyama’s ‘end of history’ thesis, expounded thirty years ago (Fukuyama, 1989, 1992). Writing back then, with the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the break-up of the Soviet Union, Fukuyama’s contention concerned what he saw as the triumph of Western-style liberal-democratic free-market capitalism. Subsequent events have thrown such celebratory claims of the success of global political and economic liberalism into question. The resurgence of Russia, the ascendancy of China’s state authoritarianism, and the rise of Islamic fundamentalism are all proof that major ideological contests have far from disappeared. Yet further, over the past two decades or so, disruptions and upheavals within and among the capitalist West itself have revealed the fragility of market-based democracies.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the relation between conservatism and the doctrine of economic liberalism from the perspective of Roger Scruton’s critique to Friedrich A. Hayek. We carry out this attempt through three means: first, Hayek’s concepts of negative freedom, spontaneous order, and catallaxy are analyzed; second, the English philosopher’s critique of Hayek is explained; and finally, Scruton’s social and economic theory is presented as a response of the inconsistencies of economic liberalism.

Widespread belief in economic liberalism in the second half of the nineteenth century, combined with the development of safer, faster, and cheaper transportation, paved the way for huge migration to occur. Between 1850 and 1914, 55 million people departed Europe, with the vast majority heading to the Americas during what Hatton and Williamson term “the age of mass migration”. According to McKeown, something similar in scale and duration took place at approximately the same time – albeit enduring for slightly longer – involving Indians and southern Chinese moving to Southeast Asia and people from north-eastern Asia and Russia to North Asia. However, “the booming of the guns of August 1914 brought to a sudden close the era during which foreigners were relatively free to traverse borders”, according to John Torpey. States in Europe and North America, in particular, reintroduced passport controls with vigour during World War I and instead of lifting these bellicose measures at the end of the conflict, they generally reinforced them. The United States led the way in introducing such restrictions. Following on from the imposition of the 1917 Literacy Act came the 1921 and 1924 US Immigration Acts, which limited arrivals by introducing quotas for countries. The development in much of Europe of the modern welfare state in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century simultaneously gave rise to more restrictive immigration policies in Europe, thereby leading to an even greater distinction between citizens and non-citizens.

Now a day, the crises of value are pervasive and influences all walks of life. Growing economic liberalism, uneven social development, scientific and technological advancements have been the main factors influencing value system. When considering the concept of values in education, the educators are faced with multiple agendas and a plethora of interest, motivation, tensions and conflicts about values. Teachers own broad context of values, cultures, imitativeness for using their own internationalized skills, their personality and their attitude, all these put immense influence for value inculcation in students. A teacher is “What his Education has been” so it is essential that teacher education at preparatory levels should focus on developing moral, national and ethical values. The concept of education should be value based and it must be taught especially to teachers at the time of pre-service training. The study is an attempt to find out the answer to the question that which formal and informal teaching strategies contribute in value inculcation in students?

PurposeThe relationship between government and market is the key to the economic development performance of market economy countries. Due to the limits such as the state/market dichotomy, the focus on static allocation efficiency and the ignorance of the diversity of the market economy and the relationship between government and market, economic liberalism and state interventionism can hardly position and explain the role and evolution of government and market in the real world accurately.Design/methodology/approachChina’s economic transition has always adhered to the reform direction of the socialist market economy and the development goal of a modern socialist country as well as the symbiosis and positive and progressive evolution of government and market, blazing a “third way” in handling the relationship between government and market.FindingsThe “China’s experience” shows that the key for emerging market economies to achieve good economic development performance lies in whether they can build a new relationship of the mutual integration between and common prosperity of government and market regarding target selection, production organisation, technological innovation, institutional change and regulatory adjustment.Originality/valueThe second part of this paper analyses the inherent defects of economic liberalism and state interventionism as well as the reasons why they can hardly be adopted as the theoretical guidance for emerging market economies to handle the relationship between government and market. The third part analyses how China has transcended the inherent thinking of liberalism and interventionism and shaped the new relationship between government and market through goal-oriented, active and progressive, two-way interactive exploration and practice to ensure the success of China's economic transition.

Resumen El presente aporte se realizó en el marco de nuestra labor académico-investigativa en la UNED, siempre dentro de la búsqueda del mejor entendimiento acerca de la realidad nacional. Por ello, y desde una perspectiva cualitativo-documental, se abordaron los momentos en que, aparentemente, la ideología socialcristiana, propiamente la Doctrina Social de la Iglesia Católica, influyó en las condiciones económicas internas, dada su supuesta cercanía con la corriente del Liberalismo económico. De esta forma, se arriba a consideraciones que arrancan en la década de 1940 y alcanzan hasta el 2006, permitiendo inferir la existencia de un grupo político con tendencias católicas, que en ningún momento ocultó su preferencia por dicha ideología, y que, aunque latente, no tomó la forma radical propugnada por ellos. Abstract This contribution was made within the framework of our academic-research work at UNED, always in search for a better understanding of the national reality. For this reason, and from a qualitative-documentary perspective, the moments were approached when, apparently, social-christian ideology –Social Doctrine of Catholic Church– influenced internal economic conditions, given its proximity to the current of economic liberalism. In this way, the articles deems the start in the 1940s and until 2006, which allows to infer the existence of a political group with catholic tendencies, but that at no time hid their preference for such a current that has not taken the radical form that they advocate.

The author discussed the version of the modernisation of the Union State of Belarus and Russia based on the theory of socially oriented market economy, the experience of building a solidarity society and a social state in Germany, carried out during the work of Federal Chancellor K. Adenauer. Firstly, the author made a comparative analysis of the socio-economic policy in Belarus and Russia. Secondly, the author has shown the role of religious moral and spiritual values and Christian ideology in creating a solidarity society. Finally, the author grounded the beginning of the termination of the state policy of social and economic liberalism in Russia and formulated the reasons for the inhibition of political integration and permanent economic conflicts in the Union State of Belarus and Russia.

Konfederacja Wolność i Niepodległość (Confederacy for Freedom and Independence) is new, far-right force in Poland. Success of the KWiN broke political monopoly of the Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice) party on the right wing. The paper examines structure, strategy, ideology and social basis of the Confederacy. This new formation amalgamating cultural conservatism and economic liberalism is similar rather to American Trumpism and alt-right than the protest movements of Western-European right wing populism.

The 2018 Brazilian elections saw the rise to power of Jair Bolsonaro, yet another conservative politician who won an election in recent years. What were the ideological underpinnings of the Bolsonaro vote? Was his support based exclusively on resentment toward the Workers’ Party? This article uses a unique public opinion dataset, the 2018 Brazilian Electoral Panel Study, to explore how positions on divisive issues related to social, political, and cultural factors influenced vote choice and Bolsonarismo—affection toward Bolsonaro supporters—in the 2018 Brazilian presidential elections. Results indicate that in addition to resentment against the Workers’ Party, a cultural backlash perspective, and strict views on law and order, as well as economic liberalism and rejection of social policies, were the characteristics of support for Bolsonaro.

The proponents of liberal economic orders generally praise the role of the market in allocating resources and benefits, and they tend to subscribe to a norm of social justice which has at its core ...

These days, economic liberalism and international capitalism are typically presented as two sides of the same coin. Therefore, when discussing the downsides of capitalism, the critique usually stem...

The article offers a reconstruction of the interrelations between law, state, and culture in the design of Polish economic liberalism after 1989 based on an analysis of publications in the liberal journal Przegląd Polityczny. The notion of ‘liberal pedagogy’ is used to connect the liberal transformation design and the social ideal fuelling the democratic backsliding in Poland. The role of law as a pedagogical device is discussed together with the role of the state in liberal transformation design. The vulnerability of the liberal project is explained as a consequence of the liberals’ failure to appreciate the inseparability of the symbolic, epistemic, and organizational facets of the state’s institutional functionalities, including law-making.

Friedrich List (1789–1846) is one of the three leading economists who founded their own economic system. In short: Adam Smith (1723–1790) is regarded as the father of free trade and economic liberalism, Karl Marx (1818–1883) the father of central administration economy and socialism, and in the middle Friedrich List, a pioneer of the social market economy and infant industry policy. This article focuses the difficulties of the definition of List’s maxim “From prosperity to liberty” as well as his social conscience and the characteristics of the social market economy in the context of List’s approach and with his aspects of the Magical Hexagon of the social market economy. His main work “The national system of political economy” of 1841, which has been translated into many languages, became the first German classic in the field of economics in the first half of the 19th century.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the nature of the transformation of the civil legislation of the Russian Empire in terms of regulating the sale and purchase relations in the 19th and early 20th centuries. The essence and legal nature of the sales agreement is determined, the analysis of the objective prerequisites for the emergence and development of this institution in Russian law is carried out. It was established that its occurrence was a logical and logical outcome of socio-economic processes during the period of “economic liberalism”. A circle of sources of law has been determined, establishing the basis for legal regulation of this type of obligation. In particular, these include: regulatory legal acts, materials of judicial practice of higher instances and norms of customary law. Assessing the arguments of the participants in the scientific discussion about the appropriateness and validity of highlighting the sale as a separate obligation, the author formulates the key differences between the sale and the sale, which allow us to consider the sale as an independent legal institution.

THE AIMS OF THE PAPER To examine how the 19th century economic modernisation (Western type of industrialisation, technological transformation and the birth of the manufacturing industry) unfolded in Central Europe; and more importantly in Hungary, in Pecs, and what technological innovations were created by local entrepreneurs. METHODOLOGY Literature review including the history of the manufacturing industry. We involved sources from monographies, employment and census records, reminiscences and our own data from researches of archives. The research framework is the history of distinct businesses. We introduced five businesses whose economic effects influenced the operations of Pecs in the long run. We made a structural analysis examining the entrepreneur and its business together. MOST IMPORTANT RESULTS The Austrian First-Danube-Steamboat-Shipping Company (DDSG) became the largest works in the city by starting the intensive coal mining and creating modern technological background since 1852. It employed four thousand souls in the beginning of the 20th century and the city profited a lot from its developments (railway construction and electric power plant). The Zsolnay Porcelain Manufactory has quickly become the synonym of Pecs. Vilmos Zsolnay ended up being a world famous entrepreneur because of his technological innovations (eosin, pyrogranite, etc…) and products. The term „Glove of Pecs” came alive in the ages of the dual monarchy. Janos Hamerli founded the first glove manufacturing plant in the country. The Angster Organs have being played for hundred and fifty years. The company founded by Jozsef Angster emerged at the end of the 19th century and represented state of art technology. The multitalented Adolf Engel’s businesses aided the spa culture (Balokany), the wood industry, the construction industry and the coal mining at Komlo. ECONOMIC POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS The innovations and the economic development were promoted by the dominant policy of the era, the economic liberalism; the liberal entrepreneur environment, the huge market of the Dual Monarchy, the technological creativity and the increase in the populations’ needs. Acknowledgements: This publication/research has been supported by the European Union and Hungary and co-financed by the European Social Fund through the project EFOP-3.6.2-16-2017-00017, titled "Sustainable, intelligent and inclusive regional and city models".

The article analyzes some directions of the evolution of scientific thought of the founder of the Austrian School C. Menger, which became the subject of discussions in the last decade. It is shown that it is wrong to tract changing of his definition of the "capital" as a principal reversal. It is just a different accent: on the one hand, capital is a homogeneous fund for generating future income, and on the other, it realized in the heterogeneous capital goods. Money as an organic institution by its origin is combined with the possibility of the state's influence on its improvement. Classical liberalism as a worldview basis of the theory does not contradict the performance of certain economic functions by the state. The introduction to the analysis of human associations as an uber-individual agent with their own needs and demands for goods, however, does not mean Menger's abandon of the methodological individualism. The main method is the content analysis of both well-known and less-known his works, including the second posthumous edition of "Grundsatze der Volkswirtschaftslehre".

Objetive: The purpose of this article is to analyze the economic thought of Jose Joaquim da Cunha Azeredo Coutinho, the Bishop of Olinda (1742-1821), leader of the Brazilian enlightenment thought, and Jose da Silva Lisboa, the Viscount of Cairu (1756-1835), who was considered one of the most important critics of the colonial system in Portugal and one of the formulators of the economic policy of King Joao VI in Brazil. We sought to rescue the main proposals and theoretical-philosophical influences for the definition of a reformist project of the relations between the metropolis and its American colony, in order to preserve the bond that united Portugal and Brazil. The methodological procedure was based on the use of rhetoric, that is, it consisted of the analysis of the economic ideas defended in the main works of these two authors, published between 1794 and 1820, and its context, identified in the works of their critics and commentators, paying attention to the influences that these two authors received from the dominant trends and authors of the European economic thought, such as the mercantilists, the French physiocracy and the liberal thought of the eighteenth century. The analysis of the Luso-Brazilian economic thought during the crisis of the colonial system revealed the ambiguities of a period in transition. For Azeredo Coutinho, the preservation of the metropolis-colony relationship between Portugal and Brazil required the revision of the restrictions on production and trade, while the Viscount of Cairu shows itself to be quite compatible with the historical context experienced, defending a radical change in the Portuguese foreign policy considering the economic liberalism.

This paper develops a three-sector general equilibrium model for a small open developing economy with a non-traded sector that uses only unskilled female labour to provide final services to the skilled families. For measuring the gender-based inequality, we concentrate solely on the unskilled labour market knowing fully well that there exists gender wage discrimination in the market for skilled labour as well. The unskilled female labour supply is endogenously determined from the optimizing behavior of a representative unskilled working family. The consequences of FDI flows and credit market reform have been analyzed on the gender-based wage inequality. Besides, we have gone in for examining the policy impacts on skill-based wage inequality assuming away discrimination against female labour in the high-skilled labour market. Finally, the consequences of FDI flows and credit market reform on the welfare of a poor unskilled working family have also been studied.

The differences between ordo- and neoliberalism are many and varied. This article suggests, however, that in directing the constitutional dynamic of European integration and postwar reconstruction, ordo- and neoliberalism represent a single movement: a conjunction of political authoritarianism and economic liberalism in opposition to democracy and especially in opposition to democratic constituent power. This dynamic becomes more evident with the Euro-crisis response, but it represents the deeper logic of postwar reconstruction. With a longer historical arc in view, authoritarian liberalism can be traced as a reaction to the interwar breakdown of liberal democracy, based on a narrow diagnosis of democratic collapse. Postwar Europe is thus reconstituted on the basis of a substitution of economic for political freedom as a legitimating device for the new constitutional imagination.

This article discusses the nature and extent of ideological predispositions of the Jakarta electorate. Using a survey of a random sample of voting-aged Jakarta population, this research attempts to explore how polarised the voters are and how their ideological proclivities are related to their political alignment. The distribution of the ideological map shows that voters are generally divided on political secularism and economic dimensions. On the political secular dimension, Anies-Prabowo’s voters tend to support the larger role of Islam and Muslim clerics in politics while Ahok-Jokowi’s are resistant to the increasing role of Islam and its clerics in politics. On the economic dimension, Anies-Prabowo’s voters are more inclined towards economic nationalist views while Ahok-Jokowi’s are more tolerant of economic liberalism. However, further multi-variate tests reveal that the political affiliation drives the ideological cleavage in political secularism dimension only. Meanwhile, in the economic dimension, the main driver is party identification.

Recibido: 24-02-2021. Aprobado: 22-03-2021. La época post revolucionaria en México se encuentra marcada por el ambiente político mundial y los intentos de generar una identidad nacional. Esta última fue creada con la necesidad de unificar y moldear un paradigma de temáticas en torno a México; presentando así una imagen de país con culturas ancestrales. La ideología política del siglo XX define dos puntos de vista y paradigmas con respecto al arte. La primera es el liberalismo económico de lado de las grandes potencias occidentales; el segundo pertenece al bloque socialista – comunista, protagonizado por la Unión Soviética. En México, las nuevas ideologías ampliaron las diversas perspectivas hacia el papel del arte: un enfoque utilitarista y político; contra un conceptualismo creciente, el cual dejaba de lado al objeto o la finalidad didáctica.Bajo las características propias de su tiempo, el artista José Clemente Orozco pinta una serie de murales en las escaleras del Palacio de Gobierno de Guadalajara. En el mural central de la obra, se observa un Miguel Hidalgo efectista: un brazo arriba y una antorcha en la otra. El padre de la patria mexicana es graficado de manera particular. Es así como el artista lo rodea de distintos elementos y conceptos. Orozco presenta una interpretación personal del cura de Dolores; la cual, a su vez, responde a las ideas propias del artista hacia el escenario político y social del México post revolucionario. ¿De qué manera es presentado Miguel Hidalgo bajo la perspectiva de José Clemente Orozco? Como hipótesis, señalo que la representación del muralista no es de carácter heroico o hierático; por el contrario, Hidalgo es representado como parte del paradigma político de la post revolución.

In its programming, branding strategies, and attempts to influence media policy around the world, Netflix promotes a broad vision of globalized cultural and economic liberalism geared toward humanist principles, cosmopolitan branding, international free trade, technological disruption, and economic deregulation. This chapter traces Netflix’s politics across the company’s recent partnerships with powerful Democratic Party figures, its attempts to gain D.C. influence, and its international diplomatic and cultural policy apparatus. I argue that Netflix’s institutional politics encourage deregulatory platform-imperialist practices, while its cosmopolitan brand promotes the platform as a responsible, progressive global actor. The publicly visible elements of the latter practice both ease and mask the behind-the-scenes wheeling and dealing of the former.

The article presents the main signs of political, economic and social reforms in the era of Turgut Ozal - a head of economic activity, the Prime Minister and the President of the Republic of Turkey during the 1980s and 1990s. Political ozalism (domestic and foreign policy), economic ozalism, social ozalism. Turgut Ozal 's ideology is a synthesis of technological Westernization and cultural Turkism and Islamism. Many Turkish scholars call his ideology "Turkish-Islamic synthesis" (Atila Eralp et al., 1993). Following the principles of the new ideology, Turkey has embarked on the path of achieving a special position in the international arena that would allow it to participate in global processes. it should be emphasized that Ottoman and Islamic culture was one part of the political course of Ozalism. The second half was economic and political liberalism. Such ambivalence or dualism of views is linked to Turgut Ozal’s belief that modernization can only be carried out through liberalization. The Prime Minister of the Republic used economic liberalism to achieve political pluralism. The article outlines the peculiarities of the "Turkish miracle," which occurred as a result of the measures taken to thoroughly revise domestic economic regulation and state intervention in the economy. The essence of them was a significant reorganization, weakening the legal and de facto monopoly of the state over the economy of the country.

Since 2019 Brazil has been ruled by a populist radical right (PRR) leader. In the context of the conservative shift in Latin America, Jair Bolsonaro’s government can be characterized by exclusionary populism. His political support base is grounded on a nationalist and chauvinistic ideology, which bets on maintaining social polarization. A look at his government’s concrete policies in the field of public health reflects a combination of increasing authoritarianism and high levels of economic liberalism wherein austerity policies and cuts in public investments are his government’s signature. The strategies to deal with the COVID-19 pandemic reveal in an even clearer manner this general style of doing politics. Bolsonaro simplified the complexity of the situation, denied the risks of the pandemic and used his public appearances and communication as a stage for the spectacularization of his own interests. In this chapter the author first presents a brief overview of the literature which characterizes Bolsonaro as a populist radical right leader, specially discussing the meaning of the concept in the Brazilian context. In the second part, the author brings some examples of health policies under his government highlighting how his politics mostly focus on disinvestment in the public sector. Following, in the final parts of the chapter, the author portrays his strategies for dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic, which represent a new accentuation of his authoritarian agenda for public health in Brazil.

A second transformational change in Spanish economic policy took hold from the mid-1870s as the country began to turn from free trade to protectionism and then to economic nationalism. The careers and writing of two important writers and politicians of the period, Pablo de Alzola and Santiago Alba, provide a clear picture of this key transition and the impact it had on Spain’s wider political and economic policies. Both Alzola and Alba played major roles in the evolution of Spain’s economic policy from nineteenth-century economic liberalism to twentieth-century economic nationalism. Although from different generations, these two politicians shared a strong commitment to liberal economic reform and were important political actors in shaping Spain’s response to the intense pressures of European industrialisation. Out of the bitter disputes over free trade and investment, the issue that dominated the nineteenth century, a broader debate emerged over how to mobilise the state to build a modern economy capable of competing in a rapidly industrialising continent. As progressive and strongly patriotic liberals, Alzola and Alba were close colleagues in the construction of a programme for national economic reform, part of the movement to regenerate the country in the wake of Spain’s catastrophic defeat in the Spanish-American War of 1898. Both men supported protectionism, not as an end in itself but as an essential basis for a programme of national economic reconstruction led by an active and interventionist state. Their common interest—and distinctive contribution—lay in drawing up detailed and practical plans for change and in working to build the necessary political alliances to put them into practice.

The chapter compares the Polish society to its international peers to determine the extent to which FTA attitudes are country-specific, and to what extent they fit and connect with the pan-European perspectives. We look closer at the values relevant from the perspective of international trade and the processes of globalisation. How similar or how different are the Poles from other Central-Europeans? How specific is the perspective of transition countries compared to the states with established democracy? Prior to presenting the analyses that could get us closer to these answers, we are pointing to the consequences of the 2008 financial crisis noted and analysed by many sociologists. Especially interesting for us are the conclusions of Alain Touraine and Miroslawa Marody. Then we analyse the results of international social surveys and find that the Polish society quite widely shares the image of living on the “underdeveloped” side of Europe and agrees that Poland is still “catching up” with the world’s more successful parts. This comes together with quite a high level of legitimisation of income inequalities that suggests that Poles are generally quite optimistic about their chances to finally succeed in this “catching-up” process and believe it is possible to do by individual effort.

Many anthropologists consider Pierre Bourdieu to be a sociologist, who is also the author of some more ethnology-oriented texts about Kabylia and Bearn. In fabricating the illusion of closed kinship systems which would obey their own laws, one forgets that basically kinship anthropology is no more than a subset of political anthropology. The critical argument applies as much to the 'structuralist exercises' on kinship as to the anthropological theories of the gift. The reading by Bourdieu of the economic anthropology of the gift and of the structural anthropology of kinship denounces both the free will credited to actors by economic liberalism and the automatic obedience to unconscious rules preached by structuralist anthropology. The importance granted by Bourdieu to the notion of habitus testifies to the hold of anthropological culturalism on a work whose critical power and originality are thus moderated.

Though contemporaries, Adam Smith and Sir James Steuart are commonly portrayed as if they belonged to different eras. Whereas Smith went down in history as both founder of the science of political economy and patron saint of economic liberalism, Steuart became known as the last, outdated advocate for mercantilist policies in Britain. Smith himself was responsible for popularizing the notion of the “system of commerce” as an approach to political economy that dominated the early modern period. As a historiographical concept, the mercantile system became a misguided international trade theory grounded upon the Midas fallacy and the favorable balance of trade doctrine. Smith’s treatment of international trade in the Wealth of Nations, however, was criticized for its inconsistencies and lack of analytical clarity even by some among his own followers. Given Smith’s doubtful credentials as an international trade theorist, the chapter investigates the reasons that led him and Steuart to be placed on opposite sides of the mercantilist divide. The authors analyze the works of both authors in depth, showing that their disagreements had chiefly to do with different views on money and monetary policy. Additionally, the authors explore how early nineteenth-century writers such as Jean-Baptiste Say and J. R. McCulloch helped forge the intellectual profiles of both Steuart and Smith.

>The heart of the Chicago School’s attack on the antitrust laws was a skepticism about the ability of government to improve upon unregulated market outcomes. Although the attack failed to eliminate regulation or antitrust entirely, it has proven so enduringly devastating as an intellectual matter that virtually no proposal for government regulation or increased antitrust enforcement is put forward today without an attempt either to justify the proposed departure from an assumed-legitimate free market baseline or to dismiss Chicago School skepticism as an intellectual plot bankrolled by business elites. Chicago School skepticism has been so devastating because it draws sustenance from an inapt metaphor for the economy: that of evolution through natural selection. The free market is, for the Chicago School, nature itself, and all the glories of life suggest that evolution does just fine when left to its own devices, creating a powerful basis for skepticism regarding the need for government intervention in the economy. Except that evolution never did do anything to promote economic growth, so much as theft, a fact that human beings know well given their status as predators of unparalleled success. Humanity did not escape from the subsistence economics that characterizes all of evolved life until humanity started to exert control over the forces of evolution, which is to say: to regulate.------>A better metaphor for the economy than natural selection is that of a computer running a machine learning algorithm engineered to channel evolutionary forces away from theft and toward growth. The first such algorithm embraced by humanity set evolution aside almost entirely, in favor of identifying optimal productive behaviors directly. That was central planning, which flourished throughout the ancient world and was practiced globally right up to the 19th century. The second such algorithm embraced evolution, but sought to improve upon it by imposing a rule against theft. That was the economic liberalism practiced in the West in the late 19th century. It is also the regime favored by the Chicago School. Approached from the metaphor of the algorithm, the Chicago School’s program appears retrograde, rather than foundational, because it amounts to the position that there should be no version 2.0, no further tweaks to the algorithm. But the antitrust laws, in prohibiting behavior that degrades competitors’ products, even when the behavior does not amount to theft, improves upon the algorithm that is economic liberalism, better channeling life’s evolutionary forces toward productivity and growth, rather than destructive forms of competition.

This chapter deals with the tendency for fiscal policy to be partly taken out of politics through various self-imposed rules and disciplines, which is a form of arm's length policy-making. A more recent and significant factor influencing the changing character of quasi-independent government (QUIGs) has been the perceived need to make economic policy more responsive to private markets, yet distant from politics. While globalisation played a part, a more important factor driving the rise of economic liberalism was 'the combined impact of events and ideas on the prevailing climate of opinion. Industrial arbitration began in the colonies before Federation in 1901. The Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission (HREOC) is a statutory body to promote respect for and observance of human rights and to investigate alleged infringements of Commonwealth anti-discrimination laws. The most important challenge to the Commission is coming from economic liberals.

This article utilises Karl Polanyi’s landmark 1944 text The Great Transformation to explicate economic liberalism as it is represented in Thomas Pynchon’s Against the Day. Polanyi argues that a fun...

Surplus populations are back on the political agenda. With the rise of automation technologies and the advent of the hyperflexible ‘gig economy’, millions of individuals across the post-industrialised world will likely become supernumerary or consigned to low-quality jobs in the service sector. Neoliberalism signalled the abdication of the state’s responsibility for ensuring full employment and providing high-quality employment. However, criminology has largely forgotten the central roles played by both in preventing the spread of social pathologies. Against the logic of neoliberalism, what is needed is a state capable of counteracting the formation of surplus populations, or an anti-surplus state. A second New Deal would enact infrastructure investments and re-embed superfluous populations into meaningful employment relations. Following Bourdieu’s criticism of a scientistic ‘flight into purity’, criminologists should adopt the lessons learned by Sweden’s interwar social democrats and advocate policies capable of preventing the augmentation of social superfluity. Norges forskningsråd 259888

This article addresses the phenomenon of dual constitutionalism, using a case study on Indonesia that presents a double conundrum. The first facet of this conundrum is that the Indonesian president can constitutionally ignore the views of the Constitutional Court and the House of Representatives regarding the highly sensitive subject of energy policy and instead write policies in response to perceived political or economic necessity. The second facet pertains to the fact that Indonesia’s energy policies ultimately converge with “soft” ASEAN norms and diverge from its own Constitution, jurisprudence, and legislation. This article argues that this conundrum has emerged because Indonesia operates a dual constitutional system. This dual constitutional system comprises two spheres of legislative action, which are legally and politically autonomous from one another. There is a presidential system of decision-making committed to economic liberalism, whose main checks are those of international law. There is, also, a parliamentary system whose main checks are provided by electoral politics and the constitutional court. This dualism forms part of the Indonesian constitutional identity through two means. First, it provides a platform for the enactment of the continuing ideological conflict between economic liberalism and economic democracy. Second, the dualism is maintained by a constitutional abeyance, a “suspended irresolution,” which none of the actors seek to resolve, lest they cause a constitutional crisis.

The negative relation between right-wing ideologies and environmentalism constitutes a relatively classic finding in environmental research. Despite this, the mechanism (or mechanisms) behind such an effect are still unclear. Here, we argue that given the importance of the economic sphere in most political-environmental issues, political ideologies related to economic beliefs could be one of the underlying mechanisms that drive this classic effect. Two correlational studies were carried out to test this hypothesis. Study 1 explored the relation between political ideology and economic liberalism, partially ruling out an alternative explanation. Study 2 tested the mediational role of economic liberalism on the relationship between political ideology and pro-environmental behaviour. Results gave support for full mediation. Results are discussed in line with research on environmental politics and psychology.

A widely accepted view of the Matsukata financial reform of 1881–1885 is that, by privatizing the state’s non-military factories and shipyards as well as mines, the reform produced a dramatic change in industrial policy away from direct government intervention in the economy, in keeping with classical European economic liberalism. In addition, the sale of state enterprises is seen as having played an integral role in Matsukata’s program of financial stabilization, which some have claimed resembled IMF-style neoliberal reforms of the late twentieth century. In this article, I argue that these understandings require considerable qualification. For one thing, government spending on industry actually rose during the Matsukata reform compared with the previous four years, and the privatization of state enterprises contributed little to the reform itself. While the government adopted the divestiture program a year before Matsukata became finance minister, most of the sales, including the biggest ones of...

This historical-themed critical paper utilises selective education writings by John Dewey to review how constructions of participatory social democracy might benefit conceptions of contemporary physical education which are informed by social interaction and personally relevant learning. After defining the boundaries of enquiry, the review focuses on Dewey’s early ethics writings which considered that society functioned best when collective moral purposes merged with individual freedoms in a context where one should be alert to the marginalising influences of laissez-faire liberalism. The paper then briefly reviews why previous attempts to engage with Dewey’s theorizing in the United States of America in the early to mid-twentieth century failed to result in sustained progress. Using this analysis, the paper then reviews whether a greater interest in meaningful and activist forms of participation could be enhanced further by establishing clearer Deweyan-informed links to democracy and learning. In conclusion, it is argued that physical education is best equipped to withstand the ramifications of advanced capitalism if students experiences are continuous and interactive, and with a degree of responsibility and control over the pace and direction of learning. If effective, this is likely to develop improved levels of reasoning, active deliberation and decision-making.

This research investigates migrant self-selection on values, beliefs, and attitudes using data from Eastern European and former Soviet countries. We find that individuals who intend to emigrate are more politically active, more critical of governance and institutions, more tolerant toward other cultures, less tolerant of cheating, more optimistic, and less risk averse. With the exception of risk aversion, all selection patterns are heterogeneous across regions of origin. On the other hand, no self-selection pattern is detected on education, willingness to pay for public goods, and economic liberalism. These findings provide new insights into the determinants of international migration and reveal some of its less known consequences, such as a possible reduction of domestic pressure for political improvements in post-Soviet states due to politically active citizens’ higher propensity to emigrate.

Building on a public address given at NLU-Delhi in May, 2016, this Article examines the question of the relationship between economic liberalism and democracy. Is it a contradiction, or even a matter of concern, for a society to have free speech but not free markets, as Ronald Coase suggested? The Article resolves the tension through a consideration of the two different meanings of freedom and the differing, even if overlapping, goals of markets and politics. The ongoing debate over free expression and trademarks serves to anchor the argument with the main conclusion that commercial speech offers a unique example for economic liberalism and democracy, one that is distinct from the need for a multiplicity of viewpoints in the marketplace for ideas. The Article examines these ideas both in current United States Supreme Court jurisprudence and in global debates.

O propósito deste trabalho é analisar a doutrina do liberalismo social tal como defendida pelo diplomata e sociólogo José Guilherme Merquior (1941-1991). Pretendo compreender o peso de cada uma das principais influências que Merquior mescla no seu ideário político: o “liberalismo de esquerda” de Keynes; o liberalismo humanista de Humboldt; a ênfase na individualidade de Stuart Mill; a síntese democrático-liberal de Bobbio; e o liberalismo economicista, laissez-faire de Hayek. Por fim, cabe investigar, a partir das críticas de Merquior à social-democracia (acusada de ineficiência econômica) e ao neoliberalismo (criticado por seu déficit democrático), como ele se situava no debate político no Brasil dos anos 1980, época marcada pela redemocratização e por uma aguda crise econômica.

This paper examines the strong support for Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) from lower socio-economic groups like blue collar workers and the unemployed in Germany, who would be most economically weakened by the radical market-oriented policies of this party. The AfD has achieved remarkable electoral successes within a short period of time, with the main basis of the support it receives coming from the above-mentioned demographic groups. These are not the dominant segment or the majority of all the supporters of the AfD, but they provide a considerable proportion of the party’s votes and are the groups which display the highest approval ratings for the AfD. Their support is quite surprising, given the fact that the economic, labor, welfare and tax policies of the party are very market-oriented. In this light, this paper focuses on the major factions (the economic liberal and the national conservative) and main agenda items (opposition to the euro and antipathy to immigration and refugees) of the AfD, and demonstrates the discrepancies between the party’s policy goals and the circumstances and needs of the core groups which support the party. The two internal party factions prioritize different agendas, though they are both fundamentally opposed to the existing euro system and the influx of immigrants and refugees to Germany. The party’s radical market-oriented policies were devised under the influence of the eurosceptic economic liberalism which played a leading role in the party’s foundation and in its initial phase. However, even in the early period when it drew most attention as an anti-euro party, the AfD owed its electoral successes to its anti-immigration and anti-refugee stance rather than to its anti-euro position. The former issues were more emphasized by the national conservatives within the party after they won the ideological struggle with the economic liberals. The anti-immigrant and anti-refugee policies first appealed to blue collar workers and the unemployed. In addition, their support was mobilized effectively by the election strategy of the AfD, which campaigned mainly on an anti-immigration and anti-refugee platform, and obscured or de-emphasized the radical market-oriented policies of the party.

This paper seeks to make a contribution to the study of personhood in EU free movement law by linking a historical and doctrinal analysis with the internal transformation of the homo economicus in economic liberalism. It is argued that a shift can be observed in the government of mobility from ‘freeing up’ the ability of the worker as a relatively passive subject tied to external economic mechanisms to the targeting of the individual him/herself as a responsible, active bearer of economic capability or ‘human capital’, whereby past socio-economic conduct and prospective economic activity serve as the thresholds for the entitlement to rights. The essence of the ‘new’ homo economicus of EU free movement law is situated at the intersection of the social and economic, serving as a rational frame for the government of the European mover on the basis of a mutual responsibility between the Union citizen and his/her host Member State towards social and economic activity, self-sufficiency and integration.

Is a feminist political liberalism possible? Political liberalism’s regard for a wide range of comprehensive doctrines as reasonable makes some feminists skeptical of its ability to address sex inequality. Indeed, some feminists claim that political liberalism maintains its position as a political liberalism at the expense of securing substantive equality for women. We claim that political liberalism’s core commitments actually restrict all reasonable political conceptions of justice to those that secure genuine substantive equality for all, including women and other marginalized groups. In particular, we argue that political liberalism’s criterion of reciprocity limits reasonable political conceptions of justice to those that eliminate social conditions of domination and subordination relevant to reasonable democratic deliberation among equal citizens and that the criterion of reciprocity requires the social conditions necessary for recognition respect among persons as equal citizens. As a result, we maintain that the criterion of reciprocity limits reasonable political conceptions of justice to those that provide genuine equality for women along various dimensions of social life central to equal citizenship.

Argentina’s post-crisis political economy was viewed as part of the emergence of a post-neoliberal governance and the rise of New Left governments in Latin America in the past decade that marked a renewal of state activism in economy and poverty reduction. Using the concept of ‘new developmentalism’ described by Bresser-Pereira, this article offers a more nuanced approach to post-neoliberalism in Argentina. It argues that the post-neoliberal project or neo-developmentalism in Argentina does not mark a distinct departure from neoliberalism. Instead, it embodies a hybrid and complex process that maintains the core elements of economic liberalism. This article aims to contribute to the debates on post-neoliberalism and the New Left in Latin America.

Entre los arbitristas y reformistas de los siglos XVI y XVII, sobresale por su novedad el Diálogo sobre el comercio (1624) de Alberto Struzzi, si bien otros escritores de su época han ofrecido no sólo en tratados, memoriales y arbitrios, sino en la misma ficción literaria una imagen positiva de la actividad comercial como alternativa a los valores propios de la mentalidad nobiliaria. Se ha postulado con respecto a la difusión en España de las doctrinas de Adam Smith la tradición de un liberalismo ilustrado que culmina a finales del siglo XVIII, del cual constituye el Diálogo sobre el comercio un temprano antecedente en defensa de los valores de la burguesía mercantil contrarios al modelo económico cortesano predominante durante el gobierno de los Austrias.PALABRAS CLAVE: Struzzi, Arbitristas, Diálogo, Liberalismo Económico. __ The Diálogo sobre el comercio, by Alberto Struzzi, stands out for its innovative approach when considered in relation to the work of XVI and XVII century Spain 'project-makers' and reformers --even if at the time other writers offered (in treatises, memorials and books of projects, as well as via literary fictions) a positive image of trade as an alternative to the values of nobility. A tradition of enlightened liberalism, culminating at the end of the XVIII century, has been evoked in relation to the spread of Adam Smith's ideas in Spain; the Diálogo sobre el comercio comes across as an early antecedent of such a tradition, as it promotes the values of the merchant bourgeoisie in contrast with the courtly economic model which was dominant during Hapsburg Spain KEYWORDS: Struzzi, 'Project-makers', Dialogue, Economic Liberalism.

The chapter scrutinizes the structuration of sovereign debt and state power in Germany after the end of the First World War, under democratic as well as under dictatorial rule. It argues that the history of German public debt practices in this period cannot be understood without taking the intermingling logics of national politics and international finance into account. Two aspects are highlighted: the blurring lines between state agency and market interests, and the growing importance of intermediary institutions and financial mediators. The findings show that the power of the state was measured decreasingly by the amount of subscriptions of public bonds by individual citizens. The most powerful asset of the state became its differential, sometimes even coercive impact on the capacity of (national as well as international) market actors to realize their goals. These developments transcended the caesura of 1933 and question normative narratives that connect parliamentarian representation, economic liberalism and sustainable debt.