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This article analyses the racialization of discourses about national identities, and explores the implications for populations racialized as white. Two extensive datasets have been brought together, spanning a decade and 560 interviews, to explore discursive interplay, the oppositional nature and relationality of majority and minority claims about national belonging. We demonstrate that national identity claims are constructed discursively from positions of relative advantage and disadvantage: here the English majority and Polish minority. Discourses of national identity involve positioning and using resources differentially available. Dominant majority groups, perceiving themselves as entitled through their conceptualization of the nation-state and indigeneity, interpret and police minority claims in ways that equate to a gate-keeping function. The analysis examines the contingent hierarchy of whiteness and the discursive implications for entitlement, deservingness and resentment. The framework of whiteness helps illuminate the construction and contested racialization of hierarchies around national identity and belonging.

This article is a critical review of racial and ethnic categories on the U.S. Census with a focus on how the census categories affect opportunities to track racial and ethnic inequality. The authors summarize how motivations behind the census categories changed from a historical basis in controlling people of color and protecting Whiteness toward a contemporary orientation around equity. Yet, many issues remain that confound the racial and ethnic census data, which are then used in research. A look at these issues and possible changes for the upcoming 2020 census serves as a critical reminder of the limitations of the census data. Taking this information into account, the authors conclude with comments and suggestions on the principles underlying racial and ethnic data collection on the census and the implications for tracking inequality.

Racialization is frequently deployed but seldom defined precisely. The agent(s) and mechanisms of the process are often not analysed. Such processes have multiple agents, mechanisms and rationales, all of which may change over time. The key agents of the racialization of Gypsy/Travellers in England have historically been the State and the media. This article claims that a key mechanism in the racialization of Gypsy-Travellers in the twenty-first century is the English planning system. There has been a long-term racialization of Gypsy-Travellers based around criminality, dirt and various threats to order. Gypsy-Travellers respond to the State’s criminalization of their cultures by both adjusting their degree of mobility, and engaging with the discriminatory planning system to procure more advantageous outcomes. Gypsy-Travellers’ “cultural adaptations” end up further embedding the existing racist frame, in which they unfairly gain advantage over sedentary people by simultaneously infringing rules and claiming they are discriminated against.

The influential special issue and overview essay co-edited and co-authored respectively, by Winddance Twine and Charles Gallagher, set out their interpretation of whiteness studies’ genealogy, development and future. In this essay I identify their arguments and critique them in the light of a further eight years’ work on the racialization of white identities produced by the global academy. Particular attention is paid to the proliferation of micro studies about an ever-increasing array of sites, both in thematic and international terms, and to the corpus’ addressing of power relations. Moreover, I underscore Twine and Gallagher’s prescience on the strand of the work they review that bears on the racial project of recuperating white supremacy in a variety of ways, a project that is enjoying heightened visibility in 2016.

This extended review of two 2013 publications, Guia, van der Woude, and van der Leun (eds.) Social Control and Justice: Crimmigration in the Age of Fear and Aas and Bosworth (eds.) The Borders of Punishment: Migration, Citizenship and Social Exclusion, critically engages with the potential for race scholarship in the paradigms utilized by the contributors. While acknowledging that these volumes represent an imaginative and significant recasting of criminology, raising as they do a number of useful theoretical issues, the author identifies a reluctance to frame any aspect of these studies in terms of racialization. While much of the substantive content might easily be examined using that concept, it is implicit rather than explicit in this scholarship. Sociologists interested in the racialization of immigration are urged to engage seriously with the work and ideas contained in these two volumes and to bring their insights to bear in complementing this emerging field.

Racialization is a concept that is theoretically underdeveloped. Although there has been an increased interest in Islamophobia since 9/11, it is very rarely discussed as racial in its nature. In this special issue on Islamophobia and the Racialization of Muslims scholars connect racism to Islamophobia. This issue situates racialization as a way to explain and understand Islamophobia, as racism towards a Muslim population. Through empirical studies, this issue uncovers the processes of racialization of Muslims and the rise of Islamophobia in both Europe and the USA. Case studies include the experiences of middle-class US Muslims; of white British converts to Islam; of young working-class British-Pakistani men; policing practices in Ireland; and the construction of Muslim identities through online comments about a reality television show. As well as identifying some issues specific to the nation, each case study also reveals the intersection of the racialization process with class and gender experiences.

SUMMARY It is generally assumed that leatherback turtles (Dermochelys coriacea), like other species of sea turtle, do not feed while offshore from nesting beaches, and rely instead on fat reserves to fuel reproductive activities. Recent studies, however, provide evidence that leatherbacks may forage during the internesting interval while offshore in the Western Atlantic Ocean and Caribbean Sea. Bio-logging technology was used to investigate the foraging behavior of female leatherback turtles at St Croix, US Virgin Islands. Leatherback gastrointestinal tract temperatures (TGT) were analyzed for sudden fluctuations indicative of ingestions, and laboratory ingestion simulations were used to characterize temperature fluctuations associated with ingestion of prey versus seawater. Dive patterns associated with prey ingestion were characterized and the proportion of prey ingestion during the day (05:00–18:59 h) and night (19:00–04:59 h) were compared. A combined total of 111 prey ingestions for seven leatherback turtles were documented during the internesting interval. The number of prey ingestions ranged from six to 48 for individual turtles, and the majority (87.4%) of these events occurred during the daytime. Prey ingestions were most frequently associated with V-shaped dives, and the mean (±1 s.d.) maximum dive depth with prey ingestion ranged from 154±51 to 232±101 m for individual turtles. Although leatherbacks were found to opportunistically feed during the internesting interval, the low prey ingestion rates indicate that energy reserves acquired prior to the breeding season are critical for successful reproduction by leatherbacks from the St Croix, USVI nesting population.

[Dissolving the Diaspora] provides a Canadian perspective on the problem of intergration viewed through the prism of a particular understanding of multiculturalism. In this article the three key themes; the conceptualisation of diversities, diaspora and dialogue, are identified, and these conceptes are engaged with critically. I argue that despite the many advantages of the multicultural paradigm, there are still a number of fault lines that require critical attention, among which are the relationship of culture to class, and the failure to fully incorporate racism in its vocabulary. I suggest, using the phrase ‘the grammar of social location’, that the language of multiculturalism still ties us to a relatively static model of culture and away from an analysis of the complexity of inequalities. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

This article seeks to explain the absence of far-right political formations in the history of the Republic of Ireland, especially in relation to immigration. I argue that the ‘mainstream’ nationalist parties have implemented a racialized governance of Ireland via the issue of citizenship (in the referendum of 2004). While hegemonic ideas on the racial purity of indigenous populations and the highly ambivalent attitudes and policies on immigration pursued over the last decade are characteristic of a broader European trend, this has not, in the Republic, been accompanied by meaningful far-right political mobilization. Ireland has frequently been seen as sui generis in political terms, and indeed emerges in some ways as a counter-case: increasing hostility towards Others has been identified in the midst of rapid economic growth and political stability. A variety of issues related to the country's political development have given rise to an especially small left-wing vote, a nationalist centre ground and longlasting domination by a single populist party, Fianna Fáil. This party has been partnered in government since 1997 by a free-market party, the Progressive Democrats, who have contributed to Ireland's movement towards neo-liberal policies and a highly functional approach to immigration. The transition from country of emigration to country of immigration has thus taken place against an ideological backdrop in which the imperatives of labour demand and consolidating domestic support for reform have made an uneasy match, resulting in the racialization of Irishness. The state has, however, amended the Constitution in order to qualify jus soli citizenship entitlement in the case of particular categories of people: those whose parents are not Irish nationals. The significant stakes of these changes are analysed in the context of state responses to Eire's transition to a country of immigration, and the role of nationalist-populism in the country's political culture.

Whiteness studies are trans-disciplinary, but here the focus is principally on sociology and social history. Firstly, I identify, elucidate and synthesize the major ways in which whiteness in this literature has hitherto been problematized, to provide a sociological view of the multidisciplinary work so far. Five interpretations are identified; whiteness as absence, as content, as a set of norms, as resources and as a contingent hierarchy. Secondly, I make some proposals regarding the whiteness problematic’s degree of pertinence to European settings, with a brief discussion of the Irish case. Finally, I argue that whiteness is useful if conceptualized in a way that sets it within the parameters of studies of racism.

The recent demography of Ireland has been dominated by contrasts, both with the rest of the world and within itself. Ireland became highly exceptional among the populations of Europe by the mid-nineteenth century and has remained so almost up to the end of the twentieth. Ireland’s remarkable example – North and South – has challenged any attempt to establish general rules for the demographic behaviour of modern industrial societies. The structure of this chapter will be in four sections. In section one, we will suggest a brief historical background up to the partition of Ireland into two political entities in 1921. Section two aims to provide an overview of emigration in terms of approximate figures and timings, and points to the massive impact of the Famine since the middle of the nineteenth century. We then look at each of the two political components of the island of Ireland; Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. Section three addresses Northern Ireland, from its inception in 1921 to the present through three key periods; the 1920s (state formation); the 1960s and 1970s (the birth of the ‘Troubles’); and the 1990s (peace process), and the inward migration of the twenty-first century. The themes addressed are segregation, gerrymandering, discrimination, fertility rates/mortality rates, and emigration/immigration. The final section on the Republic of Ireland will be split into three parts: the first will focus on the ethnic distinctions between the dominant Catholic majority and its minorities; Protestants, Travellers, Jews, and the ongoing role of emigration in the nation’s demography. The second identifies the period 1996–2008 as crucial to the modern dynamics of ethnic demography, as it is then that the Republic becomes a nation of net immigration. The third part, traces the phenomenon up to the present, using a case study of the State’s attempts to use ethnic demography to redefine formal Irishness in the 2004 referendum on citizenship. We conclude by putting forward a framework for an alternative interpretation of Irish ethnic demography that acknowledges its complexity, beyond a bipolar and essentialising Catholic-Protestant dichotomy, and stressing the importance of nationalisms on the island.

Whiteness studies are trans-disciplinary, but here the focus is principally on sociology and social history. Firstly, I identify, elucidate and synthesize the major ways in which whiteness in this literature has hitherto been problematized, to provide a sociological view of the multidisciplinary work so far. Five interpretations are identified; whiteness as absence, as content, as a set of norms, as resources and as a contingent hierarchy. Secondly, I make some proposals regarding the whiteness problematic’s degree of pertinence to European settings, with a brief discussion of the Irish case. Finally, I argue that whiteness is useful if conceptualized in a way that sets it within the parameters of studies of racism.

Can children and adults learn anything from building robots? In 2001 we ran a robot design competition with the BBC TelevisionBlue Peter, program. Some 32 000 children, aged between 5 and 16 years, submitted paper designs. We built prototypes of the four winners' robots for a Robot Design MasterClass at the London Science Museum. It is widely believed that across the curriculum, robotics is a powerful force in motivating education. We ask what the children learned from the robot design process. Our answer is that they learned many things, both inside and outside the science and technology curriculum.

This paper defines and discusses ‘mood boards’– those assemblages of images and, less frequently, objects, which are used to assist analysis, creativity and idea development in design activity. There is need for discussion since little published information currently exists to guide students and tutors. The paper proposes that mood boards can assist problem finding as well as problem solving. Primarily, mood boards provide a mechanism for students and practising designers to respond to perceptions about the brief, the problem as it emerges and the ideas as they develop. The construction of mood boards potentially stimulates the perception and interpretation of more ephemeral phenomena such as colour, texture, form, image and status. They are, like Debono's lateral thinking techniques, partly responses to an inner dialogue and partly provocation to become engaged in such a dialogue. Examples are drawn from recent work in the field of industrial design at Loughborough University.

Although there is a vast corpus on ‘race’ in the British context, a relatively small proportion of this is devoted to the ethnic majority, i.e. white Britons. While there is no direct parallel with the investigation of white identities that has occurred in the USA with the multidisciplinary field of ‘whiteness studies’ (Garner, 2007), this chapter provides a contribution to the analysis of how people discursively make ‘white’ identities in contemporary Britain, in both working and middle-class milieux in places where there are fewer BME people than average.

This paper presents recent research into the functions and value of sketch outputs during computer supported collaborative design. Sketches made primarily exploiting whiteboard technology are shown to support subjects engaged in remote collaborative design, particularly when constructed in ‘nearsynchronous' communication. The authors define near-synchronous communication and speculate that it is compatible with the reflective and iterative nature of design activity. There appears to be significant similarities between the making of sketches in near-synchronous remote collaborative design and those made on paper in more traditional face-to-face settings With the current increase in the use of computer supported collaborative working (CSCW) in undergraduate and postgraduate design education it is proposed that sketches and sketching can make important contributions to design learning in this context.

Book review: Moon-Kie Jung, Joao H. Costa Vargas, and Eduardo Bonilla-Silva (eds.), STATE OF WHITE SUPREMACY: RACISM, GOVERNANCE AND THE UNITED STATES, Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2011, 340 pp., $24.95 (paper) Scholarly critiques of the State that explicitly position ‘race’ at their heart are few and far between. Apart from Omi and Winant, and Goldberg's Racial State, as well as Angela Davis’ assault on the US prison-industrial complex, there is (in the European context) the multinational work of Ronit and Alana Lentin, and Ronit Lentin and Robbie McVeigh on Ireland. We could also include Harold Wolpe's work on South Africa, as well as that of Anthony Marx. States of White Supremacy (SoWS) sits comfortably alongside these studies, while clearly occupying a different space. SoWS confidently affirms that the contemporary US ‘racial’ State, in its numerous guises, is a valid object of analysis. A combination of established stellar voices and newer scholars provide a multidisciplinary frame of critical engagement with the US state's practices across a broad spectrum of arenas; from a fundamental critique of the idea of the USA as a ‘nation-state’ at all, through racial profiling of Muslims and Latinos, to racialized patterns of educational provision and welfare sanctions via supreme court decisions on affirmative action. In a collection with a uniformly high standard, there are a number of exemplary sections. Charles Mills’ customary economy of style and precision make his contribution on the white underpinnings of the state readable and rigorous; Lipstiz's forensic deconstruction of the bias of supreme court decisions around affirmative action; Romero's very accessible narrative style hides the sophisticated endeavour of portraying the impacts of state actions on real people's lives (in this case, racially profiled Latinos in Phoenix) and gives us an insight into the precise interactions between state representatives and people that racialize the latter; Andrea Smith's emphasis on the paradox of the State's historical monopoly of violence whilst portraying itself as women's protector against gendered violence enables us to see that the State constructs itself as post-racist while simultaneously re-producing racism. This collection is engaging because it is not only about different groups of people (Latinos, Muslims, African-Americans, etc.), but also about particular functions of State (education, welfare, security, etc.), and contains both theoretical and empirical work. There are many positives in this collection. The US state's position as a nation-state according to contemporary understandings of that term is queried: it is problematized instead as an imperial state producing multiple oppressions. The normative notion of citizenship as the point at which discrimination ends and equality begins is critiqued. The racial profiling of Muslims (moving between the USA and other countries) is, by juxtaposition, linked to that of other groups, such as Latinos (subject to border control more than 100 miles from the geographical border). Racial profiling then emerges as a technology of power, operationalized differently to procure similar results. Above all, the contributions suggest there are contours and patterns that need more scrutiny, research and precision to be worked through. In short, the collection opens a portal, making connections that were not always obvious. My feeling is that ideally, there should be a short and explicit overview essay that does only that work, but we are intelligent enough readers to join the dotted lines. Is there too much variety? It is always hard to juggle that, as an editor, while still keeping the contributors interested in writing about what they feel is important. However, the discursive linking of violence, genocide, border policy, racial profiling and the activation of ‘race’ as an ideological ‘depth charge’ (in James’ account of the 2006 Massachusetts gubernatorial election) apposes topics that are habitually addressed in a more fragmented way, enabling the reader to access a more complex map of the State than any one of these chapters could do alone. I found the radical scholarship and framing of the issues stimulating and thought-provoking. It is in some ways a redundant exercise to say what is missing: there are only a certain number of topics that can be covered. However, maybe the next volume could also deal with state surveillance and its interaction with radical social movements; more explicitly with Asian-Americans in the contemporary USA (although Rodriguez's historical development of the Philippines is appreciated); state responses to Katrina and the rebuilding of New Orleans; science and the genome; and possibly contemporary cultural representations of the US state (there is a proliferation of these, identified in recent work by Hamilton Carroll, for example). SoWS promises to be an agenda-setting work, establishing a base for radical scholarship concerned with ‘race’ and the state for decades.

BOOK REVIEW: Mathew W. Hughey and Gregory S. Parks (eds), BLACK GREEK-LETTER ORGANIZATIONS 20: NEW DIRECTIONS IN THE STUDY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN FRATERNITIES AND SORORITIES, Jackson, MS: University of Mississippi Press, 2011, 320 pp., $50.00 (hb). Hamilton Carroll's reading of various forms of American media is that in response to a perceived current ‘crisis of masculinity’, white masculinities are being reformulated in specific ways suggesting that redemption is possible. This crisis positions white males as the victims of the turn toward public discourses of civil rights, equality and affirmative action since the 1960s. The book develops Carroll's interpretation of how these alternative versions of masculinity are articulated, in the ‘representational politics of identity’ (6). Here, white masculinity becomes plural, demonstrating its ‘multiple locations’ (7). Carroll argues that white masculinity makes itself marginal (e.g. queer, Irish, working-class, etc.) by turning to ‘a reactive strategy under which it redefines the normative by citing itself as a marginal identity’ (6), to re-position itself. The key term to describe the representations that Carroll identifies and analyses is ‘labile’, which embraces both mutability and mobility. The multiple locations are explored in the six essays comprising the three main chapters. These deal with heroes, popular television, music and film. The character Jack Bauer from the series 24 serves as the starting point for this analysis of mutability, introducing the threads of individualism, duty and redemption through family values that reappear throughout the analysis. Presentations of heroism in illustrated stories and magazines follows: these representations are now dominated by firefighters, as white ethnic working-class heroes. Leading on from this is a discussion of working-class men at work, using the television series American Choppers. Here the values of production deadlines and creative craftwork are locked in tension, as two brothers embody the ‘bottom-line’ vs creative prongs of the world of labour and their importance within masculinity. Eminem's recuperation of ‘white trash’ in 8 Mile involves what Carroll sees as an ultimately reactionary embrace of individualism, as he makes temporary class alliances with black Detroiters in order to recreate himself as unconnected to the negative aspects of white working-classness. While Eminem seeks to distance himself from his family and make a new one with kindred spirits, the protection of family (or of surrogate family) resurfaces as a theme in the essay on film: Michael Douglas's character in Traffic, Matt Damon's in Syriana and Clint Eastwood's in Million Dollar Baby all stabilize themselves by (re-)assuming a patriarchal position. I found Carroll's reading coherent, convincing and resonant in many respects with the ethnographies and qualitative interviewing projects on American whiteness with which I am more familiar. Addressing whiteness as contingent, heterogeneous and rooted in cultural, political and economic shifts is a project in which a number of scholars are already engaged, and Carroll's text is a very welcome contribution to this field. Both American studies and whiteness studies are multi- rather than interdisciplinary fields. While I am sure cultural studies scholars’ would benefit from reading the social science research such as Lois Weis and Michelle Fine's many studies of working-class masculinities, and John Hartigan's ethnographies of ‘white trash’, so too would sociologists get something out of Carroll's study. Unfortunately, cross-over work with a foot in both empirical social science and cultural studies is still minimal in this field, although Hartigan's Odd Tribes (Duke University Press, 2005) is cited here. Carroll's central argument illustrated in these essays is a stand-alone piece of work, however, I would like to have seen some representations of the past as points of comparison in this mainly ahistorical development. If the underlying themes of representations are mutability and mobility, what are the starting points against which the movement and transformations of the current formations are to be charted? What makes Michael Douglas's character in Traffic different from the ones that he and Robert Duvall play in Falling Down, a film with both a redeemed and a doomed white male, for example? How do representations of white men's twenty-first century relationships to the emotional craft of labour, business imperatives, class, African Americans, service to the flag, family, etc. compare to those of the 1980s and 1990s? We get a glimpse of this possibility from Carroll's treatment of Clint Eastwood's career (chapter 5). Eastwood's development represents almost a microcosm of the author's whole argument, moving as it does from the Man with No Name and Dirty Harry versions of aggressive masculinity, via the transitional man-with-a-name in Unforgiven, to the sacrificial protagonist of Gran Torino to Frankie Dunn. For me, this historicization, although limited in this particular monograph, is a necessary element of this project: hopefully to be continued?

The design professions today claim to take responsibility seriously, but the knowledge base for guiding responsible designing is erratic. Some definition of the topic has been provided through the interface between engineering and ethics, but the relationship between responsibility and product design has received less attention. This paper investigates design responsibility in design education and practice. It explores the way in which designers' perceptions mediate the interpretation and application of responsibility in their practice. The results show how concepts of responsibility change across levels of expertise, with the contexts of education and practice appearing to mould and influence designers' perceptions of responsibility. The paper presents three snapshots – of first year design students, graduating students and practising designers – to demonstrate how the development of responsibility evolves.

Since the mid-1990s, automatic citizenship for children born in the Republic has been a source of growing debate against a backdrop of increasing immigration and the peace process. In June 2004, the debate culminated in a referendum, opening the way to a constitutional amendment that attaches residence qualifications to the hitherto unfettered entitlement to citizenship available through ius soli. Arguments for the amendment were couched in terms of a threat posed by Third World women having babies in Ireland to obtain residence, and a putative obligation to the EU to harmonise citizenship laws. This article explores how pregnant foreign women's bodies became a site of perplexity about the borders of the twenty-first century Irish nation. It is therefore suggested that neither the ‘racial state’ theories nor feminist theories of the nation-state account fully for this. On closer inspection, the seemingly sui generis case of the Irish referendum is therefore fruitful in that it demands further reflection in terms of bridging gaps in the existing theory.