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Combining a unique dataset of birth records with municipal-level real estate information, we assess the impact of the 2008 recession on the health of immigrants’ newborns in Italy. Health at birth (e.g., low birth weight) of children born to immigrants deteriorated more than health at birth of children born to Italian natives. The negative effects on immigrants are not equally distributed across ethnicities, but rather are driven by the main economic activity of the ethnic group and its related network at the municipal level. Immigrants whose ethnic group is mainly employed in the sectors most affected during the recession suffered the most. Living in a municipality where their ethnic network is organized through more registered immigrant associations mitigates the recession hardship for immigrants. The characteristics of ethnic groups and their organization at the municipal level do not explain the heterogeneous effects on Italian newborns, which confirms the presence of network effects rather than neighborhood effects

Problem setting. On the way to the realization of Ukraine’s European integration aspirations, there are many unresolved problems related to the improper implementation of reforms that slow down the processes of economic development and social security of the population. Ukraine needs proper governmental guidelines, capable of promoting proper socio-economic development of society with the help of methods adopted in the civilized world.Recent research and publications analysis. Features of public administration in the field of socio-economic development are the subject of research by many scholars. In particular, it is necessary to mention such scientists as A. Antonenko, D. Babych, V. Bazylevych, V. Besedin, N. Voronina, V. Geiets, Z. Gerasymchuk, B. Danylyshyn, V. Kutsenko, I. Mikhasyuk, V. Myagkyi, Y. Pakhomov, O. Panukhnyk, V. Savchenko, M. Sokolov and others. These researchers study issues related to public administration and the formation of effective public policy in the field of socio-economic development, focus on the need to implement government functions with maximum effect.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Despite the large number of publications on the peculiarities of economic and social development of the state and public administration of these processes, there is still a need for in-depth scientific research related to the implementation of European integration aspirations of the Ukrainian state. Ukraine’s intention to be a full member of the European Union requires radical transformational changes in the field of socio-economic development and increasing the efficiency of the state’s implementation of its management functions.Paper main body. The fundamental legal framework of Ukraine provides grounds for talking about the close relationship and harmonious combination of social and economic development and determines the overall strategic course of public policy as a whole. Based on this, it is safe to say that the outcome of the functioning of economic entities in the economy of Ukraine directly depends on what are the management actions of public authorities authorized to regulate, coordinate, evaluate and control the actions of these entities and affect the welfare of life population as a whole. Thus, the state performs its functions in all spheres of socio-economic life of the country.Effective economic policy of the state directly affects the social development and well-being of citizens. Increasing the level of welfare, social protection, ensuring equal rights and opportunities for all citizens, the right to property, work and earnings, decent social security, education, health care, etc. are the result of effective management of economic processes in the country. Accordingly, it makes it possible to implement such basic tasks of social policy as improving the quality of life of the population; increasing its employment; providing an opportunity for every citizen to realize his potential to meet his needs for the development of his personality; improving the remuneration of employees in all areas; ensuring the availability of a sufficient number of social infrastructure facilities in the state.Standards of socio-economic development in Ukraine differ from their counterparts in developed European countries. Given the European integration aspirations of the Ukrainian state, it is necessary to ensure continuous and effective transformational transformations that affect this area, and to improve the institutional support of this process, which would correspond to the basic principles, standards and norms of the European Union.At present, it is difficult to talk about the adequacy of public administration actions in the field of socio-economic development of the Ukrainian state, which would meet European standards. Evidence of this is the inefficiency of public finance management, incomplete decentralization transformations, imperfection of regulatory and legal support of processes in the economic and social spheres. Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. Socio-economic development of the Ukrainian state has sufficient legal support, but to implement the European integration vector of Ukraine it is necessary to provide a number of tasks: to develop an effective mechanism on the basis of which will systematically and purposefully implement the strategy of socio-economic development; to unify institutional support in the field of development and implementation of strategic plans in the field of socio-economic development; to form new and improve existing approaches to the development of strategic plans for the short, medium and long term at the national and regional levels; to provide a system of monitoring and control over the implementation of those tasks that are set in the implementation of the strategy of socio-economic development; to determine the criteria for analyzing the effectiveness of the implemented measures within the strategy of socio-economic development, which will allow to assess the degree of achievement of the strategic goal. An integrated approach to the implementation of these tasks will allow to take the socio-economic development of Ukraine to a qualitatively new level and to increase the welfare of the population as a whole.

The authors conducted a comparative analysis of the household consumption in Russia and China on the basis of the reputable empirical information sources. The article focuses on the main trends and peculiarities in how households from each country differed in terms of the structure and level of consumption under dramatic transformations associated with market reforms. Inequality in consumption in Russia and China, which can be characterized as high or excessive, largely determines the overall situation with social inequality and significantly influences the development of state social policy in various fields. As for the most differentiating items of expenditure for both countries, those are groceries, durable goods, public utility payments, cultural activities and entertainment. After noting the effect that income has on consumption, which is undeniable, though differs in nature and degree, the authors focus on other factors of this type of inequality, in particular, on the territorial, regional and settlement-specific characteristics of consumption inequality in both countries. The authors argue that in Russia, there is significant regional inequality in consumption, while in China such inequality is more settlement-specific; there are also differences in consumption inequality between urban and rural areas, which contribute to the overall situation with social inequality. In China, urban household expenditures are growing much faster than those of rural households, while in Russia the difference is not that pronounced. That said, the share of spending on groceries in the structure of expenditures is decreasing more rapidly in urban China, and compared to Russia, there is a smaller gap between urban and rural areas. At the same time in China, consumption inequality as a result of age and class differences is a much more acute issue, while in Russia, the differences caused by intensifying economic stratification seem to be a more important factor of inequality.

The article is devoted to the study of the role of corporate social policy as a managerial mechanism for reducing the level of social pollution on the manufacturing enterprise example. The concept of social pollution from the economic activity of economic entities is considered, the main factors of negative impact on the quality of working life and the employees’ well-being are outlined. Evaluation of the effectiveness of the social policy of the investigated enterprise was carried out using the author's methodology for analyzing the relevant socio-economic indicators. The authors studied data on the structure and volume of costs for social policy measures, the main socio-economic indicators of the enterprise and their ratio, calculated indicators of social policy parameters and identified directions for improving social policy and developing management decisions.

This study examines how an increase in home value affects fertility decisions of homeowners in China by exploiting regional heterogeneity in housing markets driven by local regulatory and geographic land constraints. In sharp contrast to the literature on developed countries, our instrumental variable results show a negative fertility response to house value growth driven by the recent housing boom in China, where a 100,000-yuan increase in lagged home values—about 43% of the average housing wealth at baseline—results in a 14% decrease in the likelihood of home-owning women giving birth. Further evidence suggests that underdeveloped credit markets may suppress the positive wealth effect of house value growth on childbearing.

In the quest to reduce global under- and malnutrition, which are particularly high among smallholder farmers, agriculture-nutrition linkages are receiving increasing attention. Researchers have analyzed the link between the quantity and diversity of food that farmers produce and nutritional outcomes but paid limited attention to a third agriculture-nutrition link: the link between how food is produced and nutritional outcomes. This neglect persists despite the majority of smallholder farmers relying on hand tools for farming, which implies heavy physical work and, thus, high energy requirements. To address this research gap, this study compares the energy requirements of farm households in rural Zambia that are characterized by three different levels of mechanization: hand tools, animal drought power, and tractors. 1638 days of detailed time-use and nutrition data were collected from 186 male and female adults and boys and girls during different seasons (land preparation, weeding, and harvesting/processing) using an innovative picture-based smartphone app called “Timetracker”. This data served to calculate different proxies for physical activity and energy requirements using “Ainsworth’s Compendium of Physical Activities”. The results suggest that detailed time-use data offers great potentials to study physical activity and energy requirements. The findings show strong linkages between farm technologies, physical activity levels, and energy requirements, suggesting that this agriculture-nutrition link deserves more scientific and political attention to reduce under- and malnutrition among smallholder farmers.

We revise Atkinson’s concept of a ‘participation income’ (PI), repositioning it as a form of green conditional basic income that is anchored in a capabilities-oriented eco-social policy framework. This framework combines the capability approach with an ‘ethics of care’ to re-shape the focus of social policy on individuals’ capability to ‘take care of the world’, thus shifting the emphasis from economic production to social reproduction and environmental reparation. In developing this proposal, we seek to address key questions about the feasibility of implementing PI schemes: including their administrative complexity and the criticism that a PI constitutes either an arbitrary and confusing, or invasive and stigmatising, form of basic income. To address these concerns, we argue for an enabling approach to incentivising participation whereby participation pathways are co-created with citizens on the basis of opportunities they recognise as meaningful rather than enforced through strict monitoring and sanctions.

Many volunteer organizations offer short-term international voluntary service (IVS) opportunities as an avenue for participants to provide aid and humanitarian relief in international communities. This study empirically examines four potential antecedents of IVS performance among short-term IVS participants in developing countries: IVS participants’ intention to serve in similar IVS roles in the future, whether their IVS is at their preferred geographic location, IVS participants’ prior experience in the host country, and their performance in the sending organization’s trainings prior to the IVS. Utilizing both analyses of variance and OLS regression analysis of 147 IVS participants across 18 developing countries, we find evidence that short-term IVS performance is positively associated with future intentions to participate in IVS, previously having visited the host country, and performance during pre-travel trainings. Further, we analyze 158 blog posts written by 19 sample IVS participants, which provides a unique ‘inside look’ into the relationship between host country language skills and IVS performance.

Migrant transgender individuals are at an increased risk of becoming victims of human trafficking and yet are under-represented in research and policy on human trafficking. In the United States (US), they may often be seen in hospital emergency rooms but are frequently mis-gendered and discriminated against. This article discusses the issue of human trafficking of migrant transgender women through the lens of a case example and advocates for the use of trauma-informed care in US-based agencies serving this population. The composite case of Esperanza illustrates the implementation of human rights principles, ethical treatment, and trauma-informed care with a transgender survivor of human trafficking in US-based agencies. The ethics of care are discussed with an emphasis on the core social work principles of service, social justice, dignity and worth of the person, importance of human relationships, integrity, and competence. Autonomy and beneficence are also integral to the ethical approach of provision for trauma-informed and culturally responsive care of migrant transgender women who are survivors of human trafficking.

The distinctive feature of absolute poverty in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), as a region of the North and the Arctic, is its persistence over a long time (2003–2019). The growth of industrial pr...

The health of Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) communities remains an understudied area of racial/ethnic minority research in the United States, and even more so in the field of social work. The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted how AAPI health and social welfare issues have not received adequate attention in social policy, social work practice, and research. Contrary to model minority myths, AAPIs are subject to racialized attitudes and discrimination, which have been associated with adverse physical and mental health outcomes, including increased anxiety, depression, and suicidality. Drawing from the theoretical framework of AsianCrit, which is grounded in critical race theory, authors analyze health disparities among AAPI communities as reflected in COVID-19 hospitalizations and fatalities, as well as increases in acts of anti-Asian racism and xenophobia. Better understanding health disparities of AAPI communities needs to be a key research issue for social workers in future years. The authors conclude by offering a short set of recommendations to improve social policy, social work practice, and research to more aptly address contemporary social issues impacting AAPI communities.

Two radically different descriptions of immigrant earnings trajectories in the USA have emerged. One asserts that immigrant men, following the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act, have low initial earnings and high earnings growth. Another asserts that the post-1965 immigrants have low initial earnings and low earnings growth. We describe the methodological issues that create this divide and show that low earnings growth becomes high earnings growth when immigrants are followed from their initial years in the USA; earnings growth is allowed to vary with entry earnings; and—when following cohorts instead of individuals—sample restrictions commonly used by labor economists are avoided.

The study developed a set of universal challenges for social workers and investigated the impact thereof on social workers in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Based on a qualitative analysis of previous research, a set of 10 universal challenges was developed. A questionnaire was created, and a survey was conducted among 304 respondents currently employed as social workers in the UAE. The survey results showed that most survey respondents selected the risk of infection as the strongest challenge. Emotional burnout, lack of reliable information, limited resources, staff capacity, problems with social distancing, lack of instructions/protocols, remote client service, and inadequate education obtained average scores meaning that they are important but not critical. Scientists and practitioners can use this set of universal challenges to investigate pandemic-related challenges for social workers in various countries and regions.

In 2013, Illinois enacted a new law (SB 957) to allow undocumented motorists to acquire Temporary Visitor Driver's Licenses (TVDLs). We explored the impact of this legislation on organ donor registration in the state. Using Freedom of Information Act requests, we obtained the Illinois TVDL and general adult driver's license applicant organ donation statistics for the last 3 years from the Illinois Secretary of State. We found that between 2017 and 2019, TVDLs directly resulted in 91,720 newly registered organ donors. This group registered as organ donors at rates significantly higher (p < 0.0001) than the general population. In the 3 years studied, only 7.3% of general driver's license registrants became new organ donor registrants, while TVDL drivers signed up at an average rate of 44.9%. TVDLs resulted in a significant increase in registered organ donors. Similar policies implemented nationwide could increase donor registrations substantially. In addition, this finding among a population largely of Latin American origin may suggest strategies for future organ donor registration efforts globally.

In 2001, following the Immigration and Asylum Act 1999, four towns and cities in Wales became asylum dispersal locations. Whilst immigration and asylum remain matters reserved to the Westminster government, the Welsh Government has devolved responsibility in social policy areas that may impact upon refugee integration. This article highlights how successive Westminster governments have introduced immigration and asylum legislation creating a ‘hostile environment’ for asylum seekers. Such policies have restricted the civil and social rights of asylum seekers whilst simultaneously the Westminster government has focused upon policies for the integration of those granted refugee status only. This article reports on the findings from interviews conducted with 19 refugees and asylum seekers living in Wales, where in contrast to Westminster, the Welsh Government see integration as a process beginning on day one of arrival in Wales. It demonstrates how policies introduced by the Westminster government have led to restrictions on the day-to-day lives of forced migrants in Wales and their ability to integrate. It argues that in a system of multi-level governance, the Welsh Government’s vision of being a ‘Nation of Sanctuary’ and for integration from day one remains difficult to achieve when immigration and asylum remain matters reserved to Westminster.

The paper examines the spending pattern of Indian states on human priority sectors (HPS) during 2001–2019 particularly stressing on its responsiveness towards the Development Goals and Population Demography. The observed expenditure pattern reveals that among all the major Indian States, Bihar is the most vulnerable state having the lowest spending and lowest growth rate of expenditures. We also find Water Sanitation and Family Welfare to be the most neglected subsectors of HPS as these sectors received only 3% of HPS expenditure on an average. Besides, the pattern also exposes the huge inter– state disparities in HPS expenditure, which is detected to be highest as regard Nutrition and has a rising trend for the Family Welfare component. Moreover, in response to Millennium Development Goals we find there was no significant change in spending pattern, however, we find mixed bearing of population demography on the HPS. For instance, states with a large base of rural population are observed to spend more on the priority sector, but contrary to the expectation, the size of the poor population has no bearing on the states’ allocation of resources. The findings of the paper are particularly significant for policy prescriptions to attain the Sustainable Development Goals as it offers sufficient evidence of negligence of timely spending on the HPS in response to the development goals and population composition. So, we find there is a need for introspection on HPS spending and its concurrent evaluation in terms of its allocation criterion and timing of allocation.

This paper reviews evidence of how drug control has been used to uphold colonial power structures in select countries. It demonstrates the racist and xenophobic impact of drug control policy and proposes a path to move beyond oppressive systems and structures. The ‘colonization of drug control’ refers to the use of drug control by states in Europe and America to advance and sustain the systematic exploitation of people, land and resources and the racialized hierarchies, which were established under colonial control and continue to dominate today. Globally, Black, Brown and Indigenous peoples are disproportionately targeted for drug law enforcement and face discrimination across the criminal system. These communities face higher arrest, prosecution and incarceration rates for drug offenses than other communities, such as majority populations, despite similar rates of drug use and selling among (and between) different races. Current drug policies have contributed to an increase in drug-related deaths, overdoses and sustained transnational criminal enterprises at the expense of the lives of people who use drugs, their families and greater society. This review provides further evidence of the need to reform the current system. It outlines a three-pillared approach to rebuilding drug policy in a way that supports health, dignity and human rights, consisting of: (1) the decriminalization of drugs and their use; (2) an end to the mass incarceration of people who use drugs; (3) the redirection of funding away from ineffective and punitive drug control and toward health and social programs.

A recent special issue of this journal focussed on the emergence of the Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) movement as a key driver of Scottish social policy. In this article, we extend the critiques advanced therein by locating ACEs within a wider cultural turn towards psychological trauma which, over the past decade, has become reified as a master theory across social welfare. Yet, the concept is insubstantial and ill-defined, and the claims made for policy based upon it are at best disputable. Its prominence is less evidence-based than it is testimony to how a particular (cultural and professional) ideology, regardless of its intellectual merit, can be insinuated into policy discourse. ACEs, we suggest, is utilised to provide the trauma paradigm with some ostensibly quantifiable substance. We illustrate our argument through reference to the Scottish Government’s National Trauma Training Programme (2020). We go on to consider some of the implications of such ideological capture for the direction of Scottish social welfare policy and practice. The prominence given to trauma perspectives has potentially iatrogenic consequences for those identified or self-identifying as traumatised. At a wider level, it reflects a professional and epistemic privileging of a narrow, ostensibly therapeutic, worldview which, in turn, acts to marginalise ‘the social’ that characterised erstwhile Scottish approaches to welfare.

Given its ubiquitous nature, sport events are one of the most popular venues for episodic volunteering around the world. This article explores the rare dataset of volunteering in sport events in seven countries-Finland, Ghana, India, Japan, Switzerland, Tanzania, United States-to overview the differences and similarities identified in demography, volunteers' reactions to hosts' management strategies, satisfaction, and intention to volunteer again. Key findings include differences in the level of satisfaction, where responses among American volunteers were the highest. We also find that although well-organized management strategies such as quality training, communication, and proper appreciation led to higher satisfaction, these factors did not contribute to volunteers' intent to volunteer again. Such management style might be too impersonal with less autonomy on the part of volunteers that they may not feel needed in future events. Somewhat messy management might motivate volunteers to participate again.

Background Women in prison are a vulnerable group, often with a history of abuse, out-of-home care, mental health problems and unemployment. Many are mothers when they become involved in the criminal justice system and their gender and parenting related needs are often not considered. The aim of this rapid review was to thematically synthesize the existing research on the needs and experiences of mothers while in, and following release from, prison in Australia. Methods We conducted a rapid systematic search of electronic databases, search engines, the websites of key agencies, and contacted key agencies and researchers. Results Twenty-two publications from 12 studies met the inclusion criteria and were thematically synthesized in relation to the mothers, their children, family and community, and systems and services which mothers had contact with. We found that mothers in prison have a history of disadvantage which is perpetuated by the trauma of imprisonment. Release from prison is a particularly challenging time for mothers. In relation to their children, the included studies showed that the imprisonment of mothers impacts their maternal identity and role and disrupts the mother-child relationship. Specific strategies are needed to maintain the mother-child relationship, and to ensure the needs and rights of the child are met. In relation to family and community, we found that although family and social support is an important need of women in prison, such support may not be available. Moreover, the stigma associated with having been in prison is a significant barrier to transitions into the community, including finding employment and housing. In relation to systems and services, although limited services exist to support women in prison and on release, these often do not consider the parenting role. Evaluations of parenting programs in prison found them to be acceptable and beneficial to participants but barriers to access limit the number of women who can participate. Conclusion Mothers have gender- and parenting-specific needs which should be considered in planning for corrective services in Australia. Any service redesign must place the woman and her children at the centre of the service.

Policymakers are generally most concerned about improving the lives of the worst-off members of society. Identifying these people can be challenging. We take various measures of subjective wellbeing (SWB) as indicators of the how well people are doing in life and employ Latent Class Analysis to identify those with greatest propensity to be among the worst-off in a nationally representative sample of over 215,000 people in the United Kingdom. Our results have important implications for how best to analyse data on SWB and who to target when looking to improve the lives of those with the lowest SWB (The authors owe a massive debt of gratitude to the Office for National Statistics for their support throughout this research. We are particularly grateful to Dawn Snape and Eleanor Rees for their valuable comments on earlier drafts of this paper, to Salah Mehad for the thorough review of methodology, and to Vahe Nafilyan for advice on clustering analysis. We also thank the anonymous reviewers for the very helpful comments. Thank you all very much.).

This policy brief reviews recent rulings on public accommodations access for transgender and gender-variant students in the school system as well as pending debates within the Supreme Court of the United States. This article opens with a review of current and past policies related to LGBTQ and transgender and gender-expansive adults and youth and the implications of these policies. A discussion related to the protection of the civil and human rights of LGBTQ youth and current advocacy needs follows, with a focus on understanding current educational and mental health issues of queer youth, particularly those who identify as transgender and gender-expansive and the consequences when the basic human and civil rights of this population are not protected. For inclusive and affirmative practice with LGBTQ adults and youth, it is an ethical necessity to understand the trajectory of civil rights and advocate for appropriate policies that will provide the supportive environment required to reduce mental health risks. Implications for practice, future policy development, and advocacy are suggested with a focus on informing and empowering social workers working with gender-variant youth, particularly within the school system.

This article explains digital capital in the wayang kulit (Javanese traditional shadow puppet) association in Yogyakarta during the Covid-19 pandemic era and how its digital capital can protect and serve as informal social protection for the wayang kulit artists association in Yogyakarta in the difficult time. Following the case study method is to investigate WL (Ki SN) association, the group of wayang kulit GP (Ki CB) and SK (Ki GS). The three associations were chosen because they can survive in the middle of the pandemic by holding wayang kulit performances virtually using existing social capital and digital capital. Based on the research results show during the Covid-19 pandemic, digital capital is more effective in providing social protection for group or associations of wayang kulit in Yogyakarta than the traditional social capital scene. The higher the digital capital has seen from the virtual social network (subscriber and viewer or virtual audience), norms of reciprocity, and trust existing with external parties to increase the virtual shows, therefore it can meet the economic needs and welfare of every member in the group and association for facing the pandemic. This research offers a new alternative framework related to digital capital as a informal social protection form. Meanwhile, the practical result is as references for wayang kulit artists to survive in the uncertainty of pandemic and adapt to the challenges of technological digitalization. In addition, it can suggest for the government in formulating rules and an effective model of social protection policy for wayang kulit performances, shadow puppet artists, and in general other artist who rely on art performance as their livelihoods.

Drawing on Annette Lareau’s conceptual framework of concerted cultivation versus accomplishment of natural growth this qualitative study examines the impact of parental practices on children’s exposure to financial topics and offers insight into how parents socialize their children on financial matters. Lareau’s model suggests that middle- and upper-class families tend to provide more opportunities for their children to socialize with institutions than working class families, thus, better preparing children to navigate, interact, and thrive in complex social systems as adults. Though the study’s findings don’t precisely align with Lareau’s theory, they suggest that mothers’ education level plays a role in financial socialization of children.

Although social work has long expressed support for human rights principles, scholarship in this area suggests that many social workers still struggle to apply human rights principles to practice. This paper aims to help address this gap by illustrating how a common human rights principle, the right to be free from discrimination, can be applied to a popular risk assessment tool used by social workers in the child welfare system in Ontario, Canada. This paper draws on case examples and knowledge from the field of law to highlight how this risk assessment instrument may increase the tendency of social workers to violate this right. It then offers suggestions about how social workers can modify their practice to better comply with their human rights obligations.

The human rights of immigrants and asylum seekers are threatened by the erosion of asylum and a system of crimmigration that combines immigration and criminal law. This paper explores social work practice with immigrants and asylum seekers in a legal service organization. A qualitative research study asked social workers, lawyers, and administrators (n = 27) to discuss the relationship between human rights and social work. Data from key informants were collected in five focus groups and one individual interview. Findings indicate that the participants see social work practice as an important response to the attack on immigrant and asylum seekers’ rights. Social workers identified human rights as a primary motivation for their practice, and integral to the profession. The findings also reveal that this legal service organization applies a rights-based approach by integrating social and legal services. Participants described how this rights-based approach protects and promotes the human rights of immigrants and asylum seekers. This paper illustrates the value of rights-based approaches and how they can be incorporated into social work practice.

Growing social, political, and economic uncertainties have shown that organizational resilience is becoming increasingly important for nonprofit organizations (NPOs). To ensure their long-term survival, NPOs need to respond to extreme events and adapt their services and processes. The theoretical premise of resource dependence theory assumes that interactions between an organization and its environment are crucial for the long-term adaptation to adversities. The present study investigates the contributions of nonprofit–private collaborations to organizational resilience of NPOs in light of the refugee crisis in Germany in 2015. Findings from a multiple holistic case study design indicate that collaborations of nonprofits with for-profit organizations support NPOs with stability, resources, expertise, and compassion to overcome resource-based, conceptual, and emotional challenges.

In Ukraine, as a social and legal state, a person, his life and health, honor and dignity, inviolability and security are recognized as the highest social value. Human rights and freedoms and their guarantees determine the content and direction of the state and its bodies. The right to social security is one of the fundamental rights and freedoms. This right is one of the natural human rights, which is due to the course of human development in society.The principles of social security play an important role in the formation and development of social security. They serve as a basis for combining individual legal norms into a single logical system, make it possible to distinguish specific features of the relevant industry, provide an opportunity to carefully and meaningfully understand the meaning of a particular rule relating to social security, and determine the general direction and main trends. Such principles help to properly understand the essence of social security legislation and its relationship with the economy, social policy, legal awareness of citizens, are the basis for the interpretation of legal norms, especially in cases where regulations contain contradictions.The article analyzes the scientific principles on the development of doctrine on the principles of the right to social security as a social and legal basis embodied in social security law. The concepts, classification and meaning of the principles of social security law are clarified. The essence of such an important category as the principle of social security law is defined. The opinions of scientists who have studied this issue in their scientific works are analyzed.The principle of social security law answers the question: how, on what basis is the legal regulation of social security, which scientific ideas underlie it. They express, on the one hand, the laws of law, and on the other - act as guidelines for the rule-making body in the development and adoption of regulations. Principles are the link between the basic laws of development and functioning of society and the legal system.

Victims of high-risk domestic violence in Malaysia return to their husbands if they lack the necessary support to face life challenges, especially after separation. Violence against women is part of the violation of human rights. Therefore, several action strategies are essential to counteract the various pressures of the social injustice they have endured. This qualitative study identifies how victims of domestic violence use coping strategies to face various challenges and pressures after deciding to break up with their spouse. In-depth interviews using purposive sampling and snowball techniques were conducted on 15 female respondents in Penang, Malaysia. Actions including filling in time, positive thinking, seeking formal services assistance, religious approaches, and sharing problems with informal systems successfully reduced the stress and concerns of victims of domestic violence. Enhancing and empowering domestic violence victims about their rights is vital for them to exit the abusive cycle. It is hoped that by understanding their rights as a person, they will be able to resort to better social support systems to overcome their current challenges to better social functioning. Hence, social workers must continuously provide the source of support, including empowering/allowing victims to continuously aware of their rights, which are the most fundamental elements of professional social work practice.

There is a lot of discussion about social work, its forms, and whether social work is needed. If so, then in its existing or a different form? Often, only subjective thoughts or practical experiences are presented. They are subjective because, by pointing out the unfavorable situation, they describe a certain unidentifiable barrier, a shortcoming in building this profession, which social work has not been able to overcome in the past long period. As if we were wasting our chances of change. The performance of social work still has a socialist flavor, and therefore the Western models adopted in our country since the end of 1980's have not met with legislative support. This situation was partly caused by the fact that we took over "a little of each corner", without complexity, as if the richer competencies remained somewhere at the border crossing between Kittsee and Bratislava. It is not possible to compare the beginnings of social care in our country, which began elsewhere in the world in the '30-'40s, because, for ideological reasons, there was a certain effort to discredit some issues, together with other deviant problems. These ideological motivations have already disappeared but were replaced by economic reasons, which continued to prevent social care from undergoing a change of opinion and structure. Evidence of these shortcomings is also the fact that no government has so far embarked on the creation of family social policy, as if this situation suited all actors. Within the EU, considerable financial support comes to the social area, but it disappears in the wallets of non-profit organizations, often without control, and that is why there is no such systematic change. Even very beneficial projects in various "non-profit" organizations work only until the allocated funds are spent, and after the expiration of the time required for the existence of the project by the EU, the project falls into oblivion, and those organizations often apply for a completely different project. Research data is missing for a systemic change. Without the available research data, we cannot even expect a change in paradigms, so we continue to lag behind the more developed part of the world in this area.

Although stated-preference surveys take various forms, the use of either text or visuals to represent attributes is uncontroversial and remain commonly used. While prior research has investigated the impact of these formats in other disciplines, little is known about their effects in terms of relative importance in environmental economics. We conduct surveys on households’ preferences for water efficient technologies in South Africa, where we compare three presentation formats, namely text, visuals, and both text and visuals. Survey data collected from 894 households in the Gauteng Province are analysed using the mixed-logit model to test whether these three formats generate differences in estimated utilities and marginal willingness-to-pay (MWTP). This research sheds light on how to develop a valid presentation method for attribute levels in choice experiments, which is critical considering most environmental economics goods and services are not traded in the market. Our results obtained from the various presentation methods differ. There were also differences in MWTP estimates between the three groups. This suggests that the presentation format has significant impacts on choice. Thus, more research on presentation formats in environmental economics is warranted.

We build a political competition model to analyze the welfare effect of campaign finance policies in a context where parties spend campaign contributions on mobilizing voters—rather than on advertising, as is usually done in this literature. This modification results in key consequences for the welfare evaluation of campaign finance policies. Additionally, we measure the social cost of contributions in terms of the quality lost on public works delivered by contributors. We find that subsidizing campaigns with public funds and simultaneously banning contributions is welfare-improving for citizens only if the parties’ mobilization technology is not especially productive. Combining non-matching subsidies with limits on contributions is Pareto improving under same technological conditions. Imposing a contribution lump-sum tax, while simultaneously investing these revenues on public projects is welfare-improving for citizens, and combining this policy with a limit on contributions is Pareto improving. These tax results hold regardless of parties’ mobilization productivity level.

In this paper, we examine the changing landscape of migration policy work conducted by civil society organisations (CSOs) in the Czech Republic. We focus on how funding opportunities affect CSOs’ policy work, long-term planning and everyday practices. Through a qualitative analysis of 15 interviews with representatives of non-governmental organisations and 11 interviews with policy stakeholders, we explored the critical and reflexive strategies adopted by CSOs. A crucial role in developing critical capacity seems to stem from umbrella organisations—organisations whose members are organisations. With respect to CSOs’ strong dependency on the state, umbrella organisations might serve as shields protecting individual organisations from direct conflicts with governmental policies and institutions. In the end, we assume that meta-organisations potentially function as important vehicles for the reflexive development and evolution of organisations and decrease transaction costs for the organisation field.

The international criminology and social policy literature have long explored possible connections between social welfare and crime. However, existing studies tend towards high‐level comparisons of crime versus total aggregate welfare spend, overlooking sub‐national contextual differences between and within countries. There are also few studies that deeply explore this link in the Antipodes, including in Australia: a settler colony and (neo)liberal welfare state with a recent strong coupling of punitive social and penal policies that disproportionately impact Indigenous populations. This paper attends to these gaps by examining the welfare‐crime link in remote Indigenous Queensland (Australia). We use crime‐report data and an interrupted time series design to explore the effects of dynamic social welfare policies during 2020–2021: a period that saw a temporary shift away from a strict neoliberal welfare model (i.e., heavy conditionality, low benefit rates) to more supportive and decommodifying social welfare in response to the COVID‐19 induced economic recession. Our findings align with previous studies that suggest more supportive and decommodifying policies are associated with lower crime. We also bring greater nuance to how the crime‐welfare link is understood within the ‘structural complexity of [Australian] settler colonialism’ (Wolfe. Journal of Genocide Research. 2006;8:392), by illuminating how a politics of race animates social policies that can either produce or reduce criminogenic strains and, thus, socially construct crime in the image of the Indigenous ‘Other’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Social Policy & Administration is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article offers a practical methodological ‘toolkit’ for creating more diverse reading lists for social policy teaching. It reports on the findings of the award-winning ‘Reading List Diversity Mark Project’, carried out at the University of Kent in 2018–20, which investigated how many Black, Asian and other ethnic minority authors were included on undergraduate reading lists. Through the application of critical race theory (CRT), we argue that inclusive curricula matter. We then analyse the reasons for the marginalisation of race and ethnicity in the social policy curriculum. A distinctive aspect of the project was the nature of our staff-student collaboration and we discuss how this shaped its design and outcomes. We argue that our approach could be implemented at other institutions and conclude with suggestions about how to achieve a more diverse social policy curriculum.

According to Principle 14 of the European Pillar of Social Rights, everyone should have the right to adequate minimum income benefits that ensure a life in dignity. Reference budgets have been proposed to monitor this principle. Reference budgets are priced baskets of goods and services that represent a given living standard. At the moment, no common methodology for constructing reference budgets exists; instead, different methods are used to construct them. This study sought to compare the approaches and results of two Finnish reference budgets: one created by the Centre for Consumer Society Research (CCSR), and the second by the ImPRovE project. The purpose of the article is to respond to a gap in existing literature around how different methods for constructing reference budgets impact their outcomes. The two reference budgets offer a strong basis for comparison because they both sought to capture the same living standard in the same context for similar household types (single woman, single man, heterosexual couple, and heterosexual couple with two children), while using different approaches. The results suggest that the two reference budgets arrive at different estimates of what is needed for social participation. Ultimately, we found that the most significant differences between the budgets were housing and mobility costs for the couple with two children due to differences in information bases, selection criteria, evaluators, and pricing. The study makes a significant contribution to the literature because it is one of the first to explore how different approaches to constructing reference budgets affect their outcomes. The results suggest that clear criteria for constructing reference budgets are needed to monitor Principle 14 of the European Pillar of Social Rights.

The article defines the priorities of the social policy of Ukraine at the present stage. The socio-economic problems of Ukraine are analyzed, their causes and solutions are identified. It is shown that the main reason for the failures of the socio-economic policy of independent Ukraine is the uncritical attitude of Ukrainian reformers to the consequences of neoliberal policies in other countries, as a result of which foreign experience of socio-economic reforms began to be introduced without taking into account domestic specifics. The decline in the role of the state in socio-economic policy, the increase in the role of private business, the privatization of "everything and everyone" led to a sharp social stratification, an economic crisis, which became a trigger for crises in all spheres of Ukrainian society. One of the fundamental principles of neoliberal economics, deregulation, has also collapsed. It turned out that the market is not efficient in areas in which the business cannot make quick and large profits. The so-called "market failures" demonstrated the need for state regulation in the spheres of education, health care, ecology, etc. Conclusions of the study and prospects for further research in this direction. Thus, if the new government really wants to build a successful country of happy people, it must make social and economic policy its top priority. Its primary tasks at the present stage should be: reduction of tariffs for utilities by eliminating from them the corruption component and excess profits of suppliers; revision of the principles of granting subsidies for utility bills. Exclusion from the number of subsidies of those who do not need state aid, but have a formal right to receive it (they work unofficially); the fight against the shadow economy, with the concealment of income from taxation; reforming the system of wages and pensions; creation of jobs with decent wages; establishing interaction between the state and private business in order to increase the social responsibility of the latter.

Addressing the fact that studies on self-care of Vietnamese middle-aged women remain scarse, our presenting study aims to investigate the relationship between supportive resources utilized by Vietnamese middle-aged women and their types of self-care. Data were collected from survey interview with 512 middle-aged women (aged from 40 to 60 years old) in Hanoi city and Quang Ninh province. A series of linear regression was performed on the six types of self-care, including: physical care, supportive relationships, mindful awareness, self-compassion & purpose, mindful relaxation, and supportive structure. Three types of supportive resources and other covariates (age, education, and residence area) were entered into these models as key predictors. The study results show that the use of different level of resources was associated with different types of self-care practice. The use of micro-resource system significantly predicted all six types of self-care among Vietnamese middle-aged women. The mesenchymal and peripheral resource systems significantly predicted physical care only among Vietnamese middled-age women. The macro resource system was significantly associated with the practice of mind-relaxing and supportive structure. In addition, people who were older, had better education and lived in urban areas tended to participate more in physical care. Women with a higher education level and living in urban areas were predicted to utilize more supportive relationships and mindful relaxation. Women living in urban areas, having a higher level of education practiced mindful relaxation significantly more than their counterparts. Using more supportive structure was significantly more among women living in urban areas, in older age groups and having higher education levels. The key findings suggest the promotion of active support from the micro-level system, as well as advocate for social policy development to help less privileged groups of women access and use mezzo and macro resources more effectively.

PurposeThis article aims to explore whether and how economic, political and demographic municipal conditions shape citizens' attitudes regarding decentralised social policies.Design/methodology/approachThe authors analysed the 2018 wave of the Dutch Local Election Studies, which includes a novel survey item asking respondents whether they prefer local social policies to be primarily: (1) protection-based, (2) cohesion-building or (3) activation-based. The authors appended context indicators to that survey and performed multilevel logistic regression analyses (1,913 respondents nested in 336 municipalities).FindingsAt the individual level, these preferences are affected by gender, age, income, education and political inclination, as expected. However, preferences towards local social policies are not shaped by local economic, demographic or political conditions. The authors discuss the implications of these findings for future research.Originality/valueBy using unique data, including a newly developed survey item, this study is the first to explore whether and how municipal conditions shape preferences regarding local welfare. Understanding those preferences is increasingly important as many Western European countries have decentralised swathes of social policies from the national to the local level in recent decades.

Benevolent sexism takes a subjectively positive view of women in traditional gender roles, revering them as gentle, nurturing, and in need of protection by men. While studies show that people who express attitudes of benevolent sexism are willing to restrict women’s choices at an individual level, limited research exists on the impact of benevolent sexism in social policy. Using a single-case study method and benevolent sexism as a conceptual framework, I examined the introduction, passage, and legal defense of Texas House Bill 2 (TX HB2), a targeted regulation of abortion providers (TRAP) law. HB2 was passed by the Texas legislature in 2013 and ruled on by the U.S. Supreme Court in the 2016 case of Whole Woman’s Health et al. v. Hellerstedt. Primary source legislative and court documents were analyzed to explore whether and how benevolent sexism ideologies were reflected in the introduction, passage, and legal defense of HB2 as a TRAP law. Four themes emerged: The State has the Right to Protect Women, Women Need Protection from “Bad Players,” Women are Emotional, and Women are Mothers/Vessels. Results confirm that language consistent with benevolent sexism was used in the context of policy making to justify restricting women’s access to pre-viability abortion.

In a social dilemma, group members have equal access to collective resources, but each must decide between acting in self-interested or collectively interested ways when considering their contribution to the group. Our research focused on how the perceived fairness of contributions and outcomes affects these decisions. We report on an experiment that manipulated two factors related to fairness: dilemma-framing that emphasized either individual or collective gains, and whether the partner’s relative contribution was high, low, or equal to the subject’s. Also, subjects’ social value orientations—individualist vs. prosocial—were balanced across conditions. Subjects made two rounds of contribution decisions and received feedback on their outcomes after each. As hypothesized for first-round contributions, prosocials contributed more to public goods and framing had no discernable effect. In the second round, neither social value orientation nor framing influenced participants’ fairness evaluations when partners made a low initial contribution to the group, but dilemma-framing affected participants’ fairness evaluations when the partner made a high contribution to the group. Importantly, results generally supported key hypotheses for participants’ attempts to rectify injustices via subsequent contributions and bonus sharing. Partner’s contributions, social value orientation, and dilemma-framing all affected redistributive behaviors.

As one of the most potent hypothesis in political economy, the negative impact of ethnic diversity on the provision of public goods made the welfare state–nation state isomorphism seem a one-way connection. Against the grain of existing studies I argue, through a case-study of interwar Romania, that welfare states are constructed to proactively (re)build the nation, rather than retroactively emanate from it, once established. Rather than an ahistorical ethnolinguistic fractionalization, the article takes nationhood as historically fluid and contested because through institutionalized action, elites can and do proactively revamp the political arena, redistributing coalitions of winners and losers based on exogenously given criteria. The article therefore shows that nation forgers typically internalize the global social question through the topoi of local socio-economic problems construed as a national question. Because elites can pick and choose who becomes part of the national compact, the politicization of the perception of incomplete nationhood provides a sufficient ideational thrust for welfare policymaking, irrespective of pre-existing national solidarities. Consequently, welfare policies are typically layered as remedial or compensatory policies designed to foster a specific social mobility, deemed in a top-down fashion to be completing the nation.

Quasi-markets in employment services often follow social policy turns toward activation. Critics see this as no accident, arguing that marketization is intended to raise the odds that workfare policies will be implemented. Drawing on surveys of Irish frontline activation workers, this study harnesses a natural policy experiment whereby Ireland introduced a Payment-by-Results quasi-market alongside a parallel program contracted without outcomes-based contracting. Although the demandingness of activation remains modest in Ireland, the study finds that regulatory approaches are more common under market governance conditions, which in turn has been associated with significant workforce changes and stronger systems of performance monitoring.

Institutional care is one of the most prevalent alternative care forms in Egypt. There were more than 500 registered care homes when Wataneya Society started its journey in 2008. Care homes in Egypt are managed by civil society and supervised by the government. However, their management system and quality of care vary from one place to another depending on the managers’ background and beliefs. Care homes need intensive and constant technical support to be able to provide a healthy environment that promotes the physical and psychological well-being for children and youth without parental care, an environment that secures their good education, employment and social integration. Therefore, standardising and unifying the care system was crucial to ensure that children received quality of care inside these care homes. As a result, since 2008, Wataneya Society has pioneered the development of the national quality standards for care homes in collaboration with the Egyptian Ministry of Social Solidarity, international and local non-governmental organisations (NGOs and INGOs) working in the alternative care sector. The national quality standards were mandated nationwide by the Ministry of Social Solidarity in 2014. Prior to that, in Egypt there were no standards, there was only a set of outdated guidelines and regulations dating back to 1977. The national quality standards were driven from, (a) UN Guidelines for the Alternative Care of Children (2009); (b) best practices in the field of alternative care; and (c) Wataneya Society’s field experience in piloting the standards with seven care homes for four years starting in the year 2009. Wataneya Society continues to assist care homes to apply the national quality standards to be able to provide a safe environment for children and youth. This article will discuss the journey of developing, mandating and applying the national quality standards for care homes in Egypt.

Research on the welfare state has devoted considerable attention to social policy expansion. However, little is known about why governments expand social policies serving groups with limited power on issues with low visibility. I call these “benevolent policies.” This class of social policies improves population well-being but produces minimal political gains for the governments enacting them. Why do governments expand benevolent policies if political incentives for reform are weak? I investigate this question by focusing on government responses to malnutrition. Drawing on nine months of fieldwork, including 71 interviews, I argue that the origins of policy expansion can be found in the government bureaucracy. Bureaucrats with technical expertise—technocrats—can play a defining role, deploying international pressure to court executive support and orchestrate policy change. Their actions help explain the Indonesian government’s unexpected expansion of nutrition policies, which serve low-income women and children and address micronutrient malnutrition.

Social policy represents a critical dimension of the governmental response to COVID-19. This article analyses the Australian response, which was radical in that it signalled an unprecedented policy turnaround towards welfare generosity and the almost total relaxation of conditionality. It was also surprising because it was introduced by a conservative, anti-welfarist government. The principal argument is that, though the generosity was temporary, it should be understood simultaneously by reference to institutional change and institutional tradition. The 'change' element was shaped by the urgency and scale of the crisis, which indicated an institutional 'critical juncture'. This provided a 'window of opportunity' for reform, which would otherwise be closed. 'Tradition' was reflected in the nation's federalist conventions, which partially steered the response. The central implication for other countries is that, amid the uncertainty of a crisis, governments need to consider change within the bounds of their traditional institutions when introducing welfare reform. © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press.

Growth-dependent welfare states contribute to climate emergency. The ecological economics, degrowth, and sustainable welfare literatures demonstrate that to re-embed Western production and consumption patterns in environmental limits, an encompassing social-ecological transformation would need to be initiated very soon. This article focuses on the potential roles of the welfare state and social policy in this transformation, applying the concepts of 'sustainable welfare' and 'safe-operating space'. Based on two Swedish studies, it also provides an empirical analysis of the popularity of selected eco-social policies designed to steer the economy and society towards this space: maximum and basic incomes, taxes on wealth and meat, as well as working time reductions. In analogy to the historical role of the state in reconstituting the welfare-work nexus in the post-WWII era and its present engagement in the context of the Covid-19 crisis, it is argued that a more interventionist state is required to grapple with climate emergency. © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press.

Статья посвящена изучению перехода от религиозно-нравственного и правового контроля рождаемости к биополитической модели в конце XIX–начале XX вв. Цель статьи – установить, каким образом медикализация репродуктивного поведения повлияла на социальную политику государства и формы контроля деторождения. Использованы исторические источники XIX–начала XX в.: законодательные акты, судебная статистика, медицинские документы, отчеты родильных клиник и женские эгодокументы. В условиях развития капиталистических отношений, урбанизации и секуляризации религиозно-нравственное и законодательное регулирование деторождения становилось малоэффективным. Резкое увеличение числа выкидышей, фиксируемое в медицинских учреждениях, свидетельствовало о возросшем стремлении женщин ограничивать процесс деторождения. Государственный контроль через уголовный запрет абортов оказался неэффективным. Происходила легитимация абортивных практик в условиях их законодательного запрета. Новым средством регулирования репродуктивного поведения стала профессиональная медицина. С последней четверти XIX в. формируется медикосоциальная модель контроля репродуктивного поведения. «Политика абортов» стала приобретать биополитическое измерение и связываться с появлением абортов по медицинским показаниям. Аборт в глазах общественности приобретал легитимность в условиях акушерской клиники, осуществляемый под контролем профессионального сообщества. Вначале XX в. многие врачи предлагали ввести социальные показания к аборту. В отличие от западных коллег, которые настаивали на ужесточении законодательства об абортах, в России врачи заняли более либеральную позицию, что стало основой для формирования новой модели контроля рождаемости – биополитической. Декриминализация абортов отражала интересы государства (в части контроля над репродуктивным поведением) и врачей (рост их авторитета). Принятое в 1920 г. решение о легализации абортов стало логическим завершением дискуссии о контроле над рождаемостью, возникшей с конца XIX в. В контроле над рождаемостью советское правительство сделало ставку на абортную политику, а не рационализацию сексуальности через распространение средств искусственной контрацепции и новых принципов планирования семьи.

Today, many countries in the world are concerned about the well-being of pensioners, as their number is growing every year and pension systems cannot cope with ensuring a decent old age. The well-being of pensioners is part of the well-being of society, and the pension system is an institution for ensuring the well-being of pensioners. Therefore, it is important to understand the relationship between the financial well-being of older people and the country’s pension system. It is also important to understand that the family is an integral part of a person and therefore the well-being of each family member affects family relationships. This article is devoted to the assessment of the financial well-being of pensioners in Kazakhstan as a key factor affecting the family relations of a pensioner with partner, children, and grandchildren. Primary and secondary data were used for this study. The primary data were collected through interviews, which allowed us to obtain a subjective definition of financial well-being on the part of pensioners and its impact on family relations. This data was processed and encoded using the Atlas.ti program. Data from the Bureau of National Statistics made it possible to objectively assess the financial situation of Kazakhstani pensioners. The study found that the concept of financial well-being among Kazakhstani pensioners is more important for men than for women. Pensioners are not happy with their financial well-being, but this does not significantly affect their relationship with their families. The results of the study will allow us to assess the financial well-being of pensioners and can be used in the reform of social policy, pension provision of the country. Through the use of interviews financial literacy has been identified as one of the key factors, which depends on circumstances and the context.