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Our paper builds on earlier research to show how Bimal Krishna Matilal and Henry Odera Oruka challenge dominant narratives of the West-centered progress of philosophical and other forms of critical rationality. On the basis of persisting “enlightenment” and colonialist prejudices, a majority of Western philosophers have ignored philosophical inquiry in non-Western cultures. Both philosophical decolonizers had much of their upbringing and education while their countries were British colonies, earned their Ph.D.s in the West, and became renowned philosophers at Oxford and the University of Nairobi. Oruka advocated mainly oral but increasingly written philosophical reflections in various ethnic traditions of Kenya and East Africa, though his ideas have also been applied to other cultures of the continent. Matilal focused on South Asian, Sanskrit philosophical traditions, which though comprising a large written literature are also often oral in their origins and ongoing pedagogical and hermeneutic culture. Beyond just demonstrating that Africans, Indians, and others can think for themselves, the two thinkers have laid the groundwork for, and initiated a number of more substantive philosophical engagements. The perhaps initially slow but exponentially increasing exchanges among non-Western peoples are well exemplified by the dialogs being organized in the present issue, as well as other efforts throughout the global academy.

Equity has both legal and philosophical meanings. The Paris Agreement includes important references to equity, including in relation to the global stocktake. Elaborating equity in relation to the Paris Agreement regime can be done as part of the Paris Agreement; outside the Agreement eg through climate think tanks; or not at all—viz implicitly. These options are assessed in terms of their effectiveness, legitimacy and political feasibility drawing on philosophical concepts of equity. The latter—particularly Aristotle—provides a fresh lens for interpreting understandings of equity that have developed within the Paris regime. Elaborating equity outside the Paris Agreement is the most politically feasible option, while weaker in terms of likely effectiveness. Ultimately, the Paris Agreement regime will only succeed if parties are willing to embrace Aristotle’s concept of equity in the sense of acting morally with a willingness to compromise for the greater good.

Inequality between nations could be viewed as a major global faultline and although there is evidence that it is slowly being reduced, the gap between countries at the top and bottom remains enormous, with GDP per head of the top 25 high-income countries of the Global North being 52 times that of the bottom 25 countries. Inequality within countries is increasing, with evidence of a growing concentration of income and wealth in the hands of a small number of very rich individuals and senior corporate executives on astronomical salaries and bonuses. The COVID-19 pandemic appears to be reinforcing inequality. These developments are widely considered to be a threat to national and international security. Studies that have sought to find a relationship between inequality and threats to security in the form of terrorism and violent and property crime have found it to be positive. There are, therefore, sound practical reasons why inequality should be reduced, if not moral ones to underpin genuine democracy and human rights.

This chapter examines industrial policy (IP) in Africa from late colonial times to the present. It focuses on explanations of the failure of African countries to transcend the first stage of import substitution and effect the structural transformation of their economies. These explanations lie in the nature of a country’s power relations, their interaction with foreign capital and international institutions, and their effect on the ability of the state to implement IP. We point to the continuities from colonial IP to the post-independence adoption of more rapid import substitution, then to the effects of liberalization through structural adjustment programmes on IP and industrialization, and finally to the return of a more focused IP. We show the policy effects on industrial growth and economic structure in each period and argue that particular policies were followed because of the power of specific class and state coalitions to prevent or effect change.

The articles in this issue are in one way or the other concerned with the state and its function within the economy. ROAPE has since its inception engaged with issues relating to the nature and rol...

International climate litigation is an important supplement to the global United Nations negotiating process. Establishing a normative basis for such litigation is important in terms of its legitimacy. Rehfeld’s concept of representation is used in this article to argue that it is coherent to talk about representation of future generations in relation to climate change-related claims brought by States on behalf of their citizens and future generations before international tribunals. The article argues that international law ought to promote justice (following Buchanan and Ratner) – but extended to include intergenerational justice defined as an obligation on current generations to ensure subsistence enjoyment of core human rights by future generations. It is further argued that international tribunals ought to represent future generations as a vehicle for promoting intergenerational justice, given the massive bias against future generations in current law-making and institutions. How this would translate into a concrete case is illustrated by discussion of a potential advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice. The normative framework is utilised to illustrate how the Court should 1) interpret some selected general principles of international environmental law in relation to the Paris Climate Agreement and 2) take a liberal interpretation of its procedural rules to allow amicus curiae briefs by international organisations purporting to represent or highlight the interests of future generations in the climate context.

International institutions that purport to represent future generations have the potential to act as powerful vehicles for promoting sustainability. The normative basis for this approach rests on an assumption that international institutions ought to promote justice – including intergenerational justice. The massive bias against future generations in contemporary rule-making and institutions justifies international institutions with a mandate to represent future generations as a means for redressing this imbalance. The democratic ideal also justifies such institutions which can provide a voice for future generations that are inevitably impacted by contemporary decision-making. These normative arguments are explored in relation to a proposed UN Commissioner for future generations. This case study addresses the question of how a mandate for such an institution should best be framed – in terms of human rights or sustainability, and also the democratic legitimacy of such institutions. The chapter concludes with some proposals for further research.

This paper is a revised version, for this issue, of the keynote address to the Colloquium in Cape Town in honour of Lionel Cliffe. It maps out the key features of Lionel’s life and his work starting in Tanzania in 1961, where through his long period of teaching, research and engagement, he formed much of what became his approach to the analysis of African social formations and appropriate policies for development and change. His founding role in this journal, his periods of further work in Zambia, the Horn, and then Southern Africa, are viewed through the three themes of the title. They add up to a major contribution to both theory and practice that has continuing relevance to answering the question he often put: what is to be done?

The refugee crisis of 2015 in Europe has brought out the best and the worst in human behaviour and public policy on the immigration of refugees, asylum seekers and ‘economic’ migrants. While German...

International audience; Abstract. Human land-use activities have resulted in large changes to the Earth's surface, with resulting implications for climate. In the future, land-use activities are likely to expand and intensify further to meet growing demands for food, fiber, and energy. The Land Use Model Intercomparison Project (LUMIP) aims to further advance understanding of the impacts of land-use and land-cover change (LULCC) on climate, specifically addressing the following questions. (1) What are the effects of LULCC on climate and biogeochemical cycling (past–future)? (2) What are the impacts of land management on surface fluxes of carbon, water, and energy, and are there regional land-management strategies with the promise to help mitigate climate change? In addressing these questions, LUMIP will also address a range of more detailed science questions to get at process-level attribution, uncertainty, data requirements, and other related issues in more depth and sophistication than possible in a multi-model context to date. There will be particular focus on the separation and quantification of the effects on climate from LULCC relative to all forcings, separation of biogeochemical from biogeophysical effects of land use, the unique impacts of land-cover change vs. land-management change, modulation of land-use impact on climate by land–atmosphere coupling strength, and the extent to which impacts of enhanced CO2 concentrations on plant photosynthesis are modulated by past and future land use.LUMIP involves three major sets of science activities: (1) development of an updated and expanded historical and future land-use data set, (2) an experimental protocol for specific LUMIP experiments for CMIP6, and (3) definition of metrics and diagnostic protocols that quantify model performance, and related sensitivities, with respect to LULCC. In this paper, we describe LUMIP activity (2), i.e., the LUMIP simulations that will formally be part of CMIP6. These experiments are explicitly designed to be complementary to simulations requested in the CMIP6 DECK and historical simulations and other CMIP6 MIPs including ScenarioMIP, C4MIP, LS3MIP, and DAMIP. LUMIP includes a two-phase experimental design. Phase one features idealized coupled and land-only model simulations designed to advance process-level understanding of LULCC impacts on climate, as well as to quantify model sensitivity to potential land-cover and land-use change. Phase two experiments focus on quantification of the historic impact of land use and the potential for future land management decisions to aid in mitigation of climate change. This paper documents these simulations in detail, explains their rationale, outlines plans for analysis, and describes a new subgrid land-use tile data request for selected variables (reporting model output data separately for primary and secondary land, crops, pasture, and urban land-use types). It is essential that modeling groups participating in LUMIP adhere to the experimental design as closely as possible and clearly report how the model experiments were executed.

This article carefully critiques existing educational literature in relation to simulations, identifying some methodological flaws in the relevant empirical studies, but also pointing to a strong correlation between simulations and student engagement in studies involving a range of methodologies. The article builds on this literature by reporting the findings of empirical research relating to a treaty simulation based on the Paris climate agreement. These findings support the value of treaty simulations in enhancing student engagement. The value of simulations as an effective method to assess both skills and conceptual knowledge is also analysed using a model based on Biggs’ ‘constructive alignment’ approach. The article provides a complete set of materials for running an international treaty negotiation simulation exercise which can be utilized in international law, international relations, international environmental law and negotiation subjects at university. This exercise places an emphasis on the teaching of negotiation skills and developing conceptual knowledge through stimulating student engagement. The simulation is designed to be time-effective, to mitigate any trade-offs with respect to the coverage of other course content. It is also largely free-standing and can be easily adapted to any subjects in which negotiation skills are relevant, including those suggested above.

Few would now disagree that we must reduce levels of atmospheric CO2 if we are to avoid catastrophic changes in our climate. In the medium- to long-term we must produce less CO2, but changing to lo...

This study examines business students’ individual values and their perception of their university’s values and the relationship between these values and affective organisational commitment. Findings indicate that both groups of business students rated their personal values as consistent with the rankings of the major pan—cultural values with strong ethical orientation and self—development and learning values. In both educational institutions organisational vision values and individual conservatism values predicted affective commitment. Findings also indicate statistically significant differences between the students’ personal values and their perception of their university’s values, suggesting a degree of lack of P—O fit between the students’ values and their university’s values.

Utpaladeva (c. 900–950 C.E.) was the chief originator of the Pratyabhijnā philosophical theology of monistic Kashmiri Śaivism, which was further developed by Abhinavagupta (c. 950–1020 C.E.) and other successors. The Ajaḍapramātṛsiddhi, “Proof of a Sentient Knower,” is one component of Utpaladeva’s trio of specialized studies called the Siddhitrayī, “Three Proofs.” This article provides an introduction to and translation of the Ajaḍapramātṛsiddhi along with the Vṛtti commentary on it by the nineteenth–twentieth century paṇḍit, Harabhatta Shastri. Utpaladeva in this work presents “transcendental” arguments that a universal knower (pramātṛ), the God Śiva, necessarily exists and that this knower is sentient (ajaḍa). He defends the Pratyabhijnā understanding of sentience against alternative views of both Hindu and Buddhist schools. As elsewhere in his corpus, Utpaladeva also endeavors through his arguments to lead students to the recognition (pratyabhijnā) of identity with Śiva, properly understood as the sentient knower.

This article explains, first, why Australia’s government under John Howard, together with the United States Bush administration initiated the Asia Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate (APP) and, second, why the succeeding Rudd government continued to support this initiative. Climate policy under the conservative Howard government (1995–2007) in Australia was largely dictated by fossil fuel and mineral sector interests, and reflected a close alliance with the Bush administration. The Howard government shunned the Kyoto Protocol, refused to set national binding greenhouse gas reduction targets and preferred voluntary cooperative measures with industry. The APP was part of the Howard government’s strategy to demonstrate some policy movement on climate change while postponing serious action. Climate change was a key issue in the election of the Rudd Labor government in Australia in December 2007. The Rudd government quickly ratified Kyoto, adopted emission reduction targets, and moved to introduce emissions trading. The Rudd government’s decision to continue involvement with the APP, albeit with diminished funding, was a pragmatic one. The APP was supported by industry and provided bridges to China and India—both key countries in the post-2012 UNFCCC negotiations. Finally, in order to assess the long-term outlook of the APP, the article provides a preliminary assessment as to whether the APP advances technology transfer.

Introduction. The FADS2 gene codes for protein that mediates fatty acid desaturation of at least nine substrates. Among these are 16:0, 18:2n-6, and 18:3n-3. Desaturation of 16:0 yields sapienic ac...

Previous studies by Holmes, Miller, and Lerner (2002) support the norm of self-interest and exchange fiction hypotheses. Together these arguments state that people want to act on compassionate feelings (e.g., by donating to charities) but are reluctant to do so if they cannot justify their behavior as being in line with their own self-interest. Thus a person will be more likely to contribute to a charity when he or she receives a product in exchange for the contribution. This exchange fiction gives the person egoistic cover for the compassionate act. In this paper we critically evaluate the evidence for this line of reasoning and offer an alternative explanation for that evidence based on cognitive dissonance theory. We report the results of a new field experiment designed to tease apart the exchange fiction argument and the alternative approach. Results of the study support our application of dissonance theory over the exchange fiction account.

This article surveys Africa's industrial, and especially manufacturing performance over the last four decades and reviews explanations for that performance which relate to issues of structure and class; structural adjustment policies; exports, technology, finance, and transactions costs. The article considers the extent to which manufacturing success is related to increasing exports and concludes with some consideration of future policy in the wake of the recently published report by the Commission for Africa. A strong role for the state is considered to be essential for successful growth in the future, both as substitute for a non-existent domestic capitalist class, and as planner and director of manufacturing industrialization.

This article examines the debates over the role of co-operatives in the building of socialism and more generally their possible role as important organisations for boosting production and creating opportunities for collective decision making in capitalist and transition economies. It does so by putting centre stage the benefits of rural co-operation as well as the historical pitfalls. It stresses the opportunity for cooperatives to boost the democratic imperative for socialist development even at a time of neo-liberal ascendency

Mit der Einfuhrung des neuen Ford Transit zu Beginn des Jahres 2000 fuhrt Ford ebenfalls eine komplett neu entwickelte Familie von Dieselmotoren, die Duratorq-Motoren, in die Serie ein. Die neuen Motoren ersetzen die bekannten 2,5-l-Motoren des Ford Transit. Sie sind in zwei Hubraumvarianten von 2,0 l und 2,4 l erhaltlich und decken einen weiten Drehmoment- und Nennleistungsbereich ab.

'Multilateral debt owed to international financial institutions is now widely recognised as an obstacle to economic recovery and poverty reduction in many of the world's poorest countries. Against this background, the Group of Seven industrialised countries have acknowledged at the Toronto Summit the urgent needfor an agreement on multilateral debt relief, setting the scene for an important debate on the subject at the annual IMF-World Bank meeting in October.'

Presents the results of a research project aimed at examining the changes in the characteristics of a sample of the unemployed in a local area, over a two‐year period during which the unemployment rate fell by 40 per cent. The databases used were two large‐scale surveys of registered unemployed in Stoke‐on‐Trent, UK, in 1988 and 1990. The main surprise in the results is the similarity in the structure of the samples, in terms of characteristics such as skill and education levels, over the period. Further results concern the “mismatch” of the unemployed with the reported vacancies in the area for each year. Strong evidence is found showing no change in the extent of mismatch between the unemployed and vacancies in the two surveys, despite the important changes in the economic environment.

In an earlier paper the professions were identified as a primarily Anglo-Saxon phenomenon, and associated with economic under-performance. The present paper goes further by questioning the theoretical interpretations of professionalism in the writings of some of the founding fathers, and occasionally of their translators. We variously question here Weber's restricted concept of the entrepreneur, Parsons's rendering of these ideas in English, the assumption that science in general has had a Newtonian character, and that association with science produces a rational disposition in human actors. The view expressed here is that these various misapprehensions - about entrepreneurialism, professionalism, rationality and science - derive from a desire to impose order, to oversimplify phenomena as systems, and to focus on that which may be described and codified, to the neglect of voluntaristic and problematic dimensions.

At the end of the Second World War in 1945 the former Czechoslovakia had proportionately one of the largest communist parties in Europe. A distinctive feature of postwar Czechoslovak history has been the attempt of communists in the former Czechoslovakia to create a form of democratic communism, a process culminating in the Prague Spring of 1968. The crushing of the Prague Spring in 1969 by the armed forces of the Soviet Union and various other Warsaw Pact countries resulted in the widespread rejection of communism by the Czechoslovaks.

After years when nothing very exciting seemed to happen in the organisation that was popularly known as the Common Market and is now officially known as the European Union (EU), a resolution emerged in the middle of the 1980s to realise the original intention of the founders of the Common Market: to turn it into a real market entity with no internal barriers to the exchange of goods and services. This objective became enshrined in the Single European Act of 1986.

We have drawn attention to the stark contrasts that have existed on the European continent by comparing the communist East, or its legacy, with the capitalist West. In this chapter we shall compare political ideologies and economic systems, which also have a bearing on the question of whether there might be differences between countries in matters of management practice and style below the level of overarching ideologies and systems.

As suggested already there are variations in the way companies have reacted to post-communism — variations from country to country, and in developments over time — and a contrast between companies that have been privatised and those that are still state-owned (as explored in the case of Bulgaria in the previous chapter). Perhaps the most disputed issue between contemporary researchers concerns the intensity of managerial proactivity. In this connection we have already cited a number of writers who have suggested that, in the companies they have examined in Russia, Poland and the Czech Republic, the managers’ main concern was to preserve their jobs, and to this end they strove to preserve their companies, if necessary influencing or even taking control of the privatisation process. A different emphasis is offered by Edwards and Lawrence (1994) in their discussion of managers in the former GDR in the early 1990s, where managers typically took control and tried to make a success of their companies independently of the prospect of privatisation via the agency of the Treuhand. Similarly Edwards (1997), writing about post-communist Hungary in the mid 1990s, emphasises the quality of managerial proactivity.

It is normal to depict the events of 1989–91 primarily in terms of political ideology. This is entirely legitimate yet these events came to constitute one of the most sensational episodes of economic dislocation in the modern world. Communist regimes fell, the Warsaw Pact was dissolved, Comecon (or the CMEA – The Council for Mutual Economic Assistance) was disbanded and Yugoslavia and the USSR broke up into separate states.

This chapter presents an overview of the process of economic transformation in the former state socialist economies of Eastern and Central Europe.1 It will be shown here that the central features of this process have been, first, the collapse of a large part of the traditional industrial base of these economies; second, substantial falls in GDP and living standards; third, the creation of, and significant increases in, unemployment; and finally, the failure of the economic reforms to generate, in the short run, the process of growth of alternative economic activities to replace those that have collapsed.

There are a series of plaques let into the wall where the Rue de Rivoli flows into the Place de la Concorde in the centre of Paris to commemorate young Frenchmen killed in the liberation of August 1944. These plaques speak proudly but vaguely of heroic sacrifice or valiant conduct, except the last which is different. It speaks precisely of a young tank commander from Leclerc’s Second Armoured Division who fell but only after having attacked and destroyed a Tiger tank.