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The cases of peacemaking in Kosovo and Sudan/South Sudan yield insights into the interplay of international politics, relations among political elites, and reconciliation among identity groups. A durable, positive peace requires an approach by peacemakers that encompasses all these dimensions. Complicating matters, the readiness of states to adhere to rules and norms built up over decades has declined in recent years. Absent a concerted effort to (re)build them, the work of peace mediation will become more challenging and the odds of success incalculably longer. This, in turn, will corrode the ability of external powers, competing via proxy, to work together even on unrelated matters in different parts of the globe.

This article seeks to contribute to the ongoing discussion on values in co-design processes, by introducing concepts from the emerging field of valuation studies. Using the work of David Stark and Ignacio Farias as an entry point to this perspective, it shows how co-design can be understood as a collective process of finding negotiated settlements among conflicting accounts of value, through practices of coordination. This idea is illustrated by a case in which co-design is mobilised as a tool for developing and governing ‘active frontages’ in a regenerating district in Gothenburg, Sweden. The article shows how the valuation studies perspective relates to, and in part differs from, other approaches to collaborative and participatory design. While sharing some of the intuitions of both agonism- and actor-network theory-informed approaches, its front-staging of practices and principles of valuation does nevertheless provide an alternative perspective on co-design. The valuation approach depicts co-design processes as a negotiation-based search for settlements, which suspends rather than solves value conflicts. Thus, co-design may be construed as a form of diplomacy, which operates within certain political limits of designerly peacemaking.

Purpose Intractable conflict is a long-time violent and self-perpetuating crisis. The peacemaking revolution has the potential to stop the destructive dynamic of the conflict. The purpose of this paper is to present a contractualist model of a peacemaking revolution and its theoretical foundations. It analyzes the revolutionary peacemaking process in Northern Ireland during the 1990s in light of the contractualist model. Design/methodology/approach The paper presents a contractualist model to describe the interplay between leaders (policymakers) and people (public opinion) and its impact on the strategy to cope with situations of intractable conflict. The paper includes theoretical background and a case study analysis. Findings The peacemaking revolution is a process of dynamic equilibrium between peacemaking policy and public expectations for change. It progresses from one point of equilibrium to the next. Originality/value The paper intends to add a fresh perspective to the study of the peacemaking revolution, in general, and the interplay between peacemaking policy and public support in particular. It points out that a consensus-building process, which combines political-elite diplomacy and public diplomacy, has the potential to create the conditions for a peacemaking revolution. Political-elite diplomacy offers diplomatic channels for leaders to begin a peace process, support it and conclude agreements. Public diplomacy offers instruments to involve the people in the peacemaking efforts, prepare them for a change and motivate the leaderships to conclude agreements.

Armed conflict in Colombia with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC-EP) was only settled after 50 years and several attempts at negotiations. This sequence of events fits the pattern of "conflict ripeness" first proposed by William Zartman. But using a successful settlement as a way to determine ripeness can be tautological. To address this issue, we develop a formal model to identify the level of ripeness at which a conflict is settled. In an overripe conflict both parties end up spending resources in a military build-up that is out of proportion with what they obtain in the final settlement. We show that such overripeness is exacerbated by the access to resources and by the factional heterogeneity within the two sides. We illustrate these dynamics by looking in detail at the attempts at negotiation between Colombia's government and the FARC-EP. To that end, we combine statistical data, some previously undisclosed, and interviews with some key participants. This work was supported by Comunidad de Madrid and Complutense University of Madrid. Attraction of the Research Talent 2018 Program. Grant: 2018-T2/SOC-10508.

The article examines local peacemaking as a way to resolve the conflict. Criticism of the concept and practice of "liberal peace" has led to the search for alternative ways of peacemaking, including those that would take into account local peace processes. In addition, the liberal peace scheme often views the peace process statically, where all actors have to act in supposedly pre-written roles. The search for the optimal interaction of international structures, the state and local actors continues to this day – depending on the context of the conflict, it has differences in each case. Such a variety of forms of local peacemaking is due to the need to resolve the conflict at the level of the whole society for a long time, and broad sections of the population would understand and have confidence in peace processes. Territorial and geographical constraints can create obstacles in local peacemaking, especially when it comes to its interaction with national peacebuilding. In addition, the liberal peace scheme often views the peace process statically, where all actors have to act in supposedly pre-written roles. The conceptual role of "liberal peace" found its expression in modern theories of peace and conflict, where peacebuilding was originally associated with the creation or reconstruction of political institutions on the Western model. Among the common forms of local peacemaking, researchers consider local peace committees. The effectiveness of local peacemaking depends on local leaders, the geographical spread of the armed conflict, the intensity and drivers of the conflict. main directions of local peacemaking influence on peacebuilding: ability to strengthen trust and dialogue in society; ensuring the settlement of conflicts at the local level; concluding peace agreements between conflicting parties; ensuring the operation of peace infrastructure.

O Círculo de Diálogo é um dos modelos da metodologia dos Círculos de Construção de Paz que, nos últimos anos no Ceará, passou a agregar o rol das estratégias pedagógicas em escolas da rede pública como forma de facilitar o diálogo colaborativo sobre temas afins. Percebe-se que, com um grupo de professores, o Círculo reverbera diversas emoções, desde acanhamento a receio em socializar o que estão sentindo. Desta forma, indaga-se: como os professores se manifestam emocionalmente nos Círculos de diálogo? Esta pergunta emergiu no Curso de Facilitadores em Círculos de Construção de Paz para professores da Rede Pública Estadual de Fortaleza/CE, ofertado pela Secretaria da Educação do Estado do Ceará – SEDUC. Este artigo tem o objetivo de entender como estes professores se sentem nos Círculos de diálogo sob a perspectiva das emoções experienciadas. Significa problematizar as emoções como aspecto autêntico e intrínseco da formação de professores no campo do diálogo dos conflitos. Para este intuito, opta-se pela abordagem qualitativa, com a observação participante e a reflexão dos dados a partir do que se considerou. Os sujeitos são professores de algumas escolas estaduais, localizadas na cidade de Fortaleza, do estado do Ceará. O artigo centra-se em um curso para docentes sobre os Círculos de diálogo como tema e metodologia presentes. A perspectiva não é trazer resultados conclusivos, mas, ao apresentar uma experiência de formação de professores em resolução de conflitos escolares, provocar discussões que perpassam pela compreensão da existência das emoções e dos sentimentos.

To understand Oman’s role in regional negotiation, mediation, and conflict resolution is to appreciate its foreign policy. Oman’s foreign policy is evaluated to understand how it has been formed and in what way this has impacted its political stances throughout the years of the late Sultan Qaboos bin Said’s reign. In a turbulent region, Oman has consequently been asked on several occasions to serve as a negotiator or mediator. This research examines how Oman has done it. The US-Iranian conflict is presented to answer the raised question, along with many areas in relation. Emphasizing on trust as a vital element to a successful intervention, Oman’s peacemaking diplomacy under an independent, pragmatic, and moderate manner is elaborated. The durability of Oman’s position in regional and global negotiation and mediation is finally measured, presenting the impact of such on its security needs and regional stability.

Este artículo pretende analizar las principales características de la estrategia de construcción de paz desarrollada por la Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo (AECID) en el marco del conflicto armado en Colombia, centrándose de manera particular, en la segunda década del presente siglo. La metodología implementada se centra en la revisión de los diferentes documentos, estrategias y planes directores de la cooperación española (CE), que fue complementada con la realización de entrevistas en profundidad y semi-estructuradas a dos personas expertas en el sistema de cooperación, que han desempeñado cargos de responsabilidad tanto en la AECID como en el Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, Unión Europea y Cooperación. Entre los principales resultados de investigación se puede señalar que la AECID ha implementado a través de sus programas en Colombia una estrategia de construcción de paz que aborda las tres dimensiones de la violencia: violencia estructural, violencia, directa y violencia cultural, en línea con la conceptualización de Johan Galtung; con especial atención, en los procesos de mantenimiento de la paz (peacekeeping) y la construcción de la paz (peacebuilding), quedando en un segundo plano el momento de las negociaciones (peacemaking).

Scholars have pinpointed that women's underrepresentation in peacemaking results in gendered outcomes that do not address women's needs and interests. Despite recent increased representation at the negotiating table, women still have a limited influence on peacemaking outcomes. We propose that differences in female and male speeches reflected in the gendered patterns in discourse during peacemaking explain how women's influence is curtailed. We examine women's speaking behavior in transitional justice debates in the post-conflict Balkans. Applying multimethod quantitative text analysis to over half a million words in multiple languages, we analyze structural and thematic speech patterns. We find that men's domination of turn-taking and the absence of topics reflecting women's needs and interests lead to a gendered outcome. The sequences of men talking after men are longer than those of women talking after women, which restricts women's deliberative space and opportunities to develop and sustain arguments that reflect their concerns. We find no evidence that women's limited influence is driven by lower deliberative quality of their speeches. This study of gendered dynamics at the microlevel of discourse identifies a novel dimension of male domination during peacemaking.

The EU Member States share various perceptions and preferences on lots of Union’s issues, particularly in the areas of foreign and security policies. Some countries, such as France, Belgium, and Luxembourg, focus on the establishment of the European autonomous defence. Others, especially most of the Central and Eastern European countries, as well as the UK, supported the transatlantic burden sharing. The neutral states also concur with the concept of transatlantic burden sharing. However, the transatlantic relations between the EU and the US are problematic. This study argues that the EU would increase its importance to the role of international politics to effectively implement its goals if the transatlantic relations are stable. The EU requires the military capability and leadership of the US; on the other hand, the US also relies on the EU’s peacemaking and peacekeeping capacity. When both blocs closely cooperate with each other as an important partnership to counter international terrorism, regional disputes, climate change, failed states, mass movements of migration, epidemic diseases, and so on, they would respond to these problems and resolve them within a shorter time.

Debates on hybrid peace largely concentrate on ‘local-international’ interactions compared to domestic hybrid orders. Besides, the literature on Ghana dichotomises state and non-state peacemaking, ...

The Russia-Ukraine war is one of the most serious challenges of current international security agenda. Conflict resolution is an integral part of national security framework of any country. Comprehensive national security encompasses such components as political, military, informational, ideological, as well as cultural aspects. The research problem is that it is unknown which methods can be the most appropriate for Russia-Ukraine war settlement. The research goal is to analyze the current state of Russia-Ukraine war in depth and identify important lessons learned from previous confrontations that can be applied for the peace process invigoration. In particular, the research objectives are to analyze the cases of peaceful settlements in the Balkan states and Great Britain and also consider the peacemaking potential of international organizations, such as the EU, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), the GUAM Organization for Democracy and Economic Development (GUAM) and Baltic – Adriatic – Black Sea Initiative. The selected methodology is qualitative case study. The study results are that one can find a lot of important lessons learned in the Balkan region. Sustainable peace in the Balkans can be achieved by including this region in the system of Euro-Atlantic cooperation. In the same vein as the Balkan countries, Ukraine should look for long-term political stability in the framework of Euro-Atlantic integration. Besides, a case of particular interest for Ukraine is the Troubles peace process in Great Britain. The main conclusions are that the Balkan states’ and Great Britain’s experience in conflict resolution can be of particular practical interest for Ukraine. One can note that peace is not a particular point in time, but rather a continuous process. Besides, one should pay attention to information component of the peace process and inform audiences about peacemaking efforts to the extent possible. In order to settle the Russia-Ukraine war in an efficient way one should also pay attention to the memory policy component. Ukraine should also use multilateral diplomacy tools, such as international organizations, in particular, the EU, OSCE, GUAM and Baltic-Black Sea-Adriatic Initiative in order to further fight international law infringements and promote the peace process. Prospects of further research are related to usage of cultural diplomacy and track-II diplomacy tools for the RussiaUkraine war settlement.

This article summarizes the author's research experience in 2018-2020 on the possibility of script implantation in online discussions of an aggressive nature to prevent their destructive impact on personality and social consent. At this stage, script implantation is conceptualized by us as network peacekeeping to reduce the level of aggression in communications. The work analyzes how peacemaking is presented in scientific literature of various directions - military, philosophical, political science, conflictological, and it is revealed that the psychological aspects of peacekeeping are of increasing interest, since the practice of peacekeeping is fraught with many problems. Moreover, the practice of network peacemaking as work with language and group sociocognitive psychology is offered for the first time. The study was conducted in 2018-2020 in the Russian-speaking sector of the social network Facebook. It is shown that the analysis of 5022 comments in 2018, 2458 - in 2019, 3139 - in 2020 allows identifying such trigger topics of online discussions as “It is good or bad to be Russian”, “President of Russia”, “Ukraine”, “Protests”. Social issues: the problems of pensioners, childhood, medicine, education - are discussed, but with less intensity. Summarizing the experience of search experiments, the author shows in which categories and subcategories such phenomena as collective fears, resentment, aggression, separatism and terrorism are represented. Work on creating script templates for networked peacekeeping is noted. An expert assessment of the selected texts allows us to assert that the management of triggered discussions is possible. The research is financially supported by the Russian Foundation for Humanities, project no. 18-013-00171 А.

In a broader context, the main focus of this paper is the question of wom-en%s religious peacebuilding, which is understood in its widest sense, in terms of women%s active participation in building liberating theologies and societies. It is about the promotion of the full humanity of women. While elaborating this theme, the paper takes up Susan Brooks Thistlethwaite%s assertion that the %violence against women is the largest and longest global war.% Just peacemak-ing is very much an interfaith and interreligious work and should be placed as a crucial starting point of the urge for transformation of %violent% theologies and living everyday praxis. While women have been marginalised from peacebuild-ing generally, the emerging field of religious peacebuilding has been particularly challenging for women. The liberating theme of this paper is illumination of the ambivalence of invisibility and marginality of women in religious peacebuilding, good practices and future issues. V širšem kontekstu je glavni poudarek prispevka vprašanje ženske (religijske) izgradnje miru, ki je razumljeno v najširšem pomenu, v smislu aktivnega sodelo-vanja žensk pri izgradnji osvobajajočih teologij in družb. Gre za promocijo polne človečnosti žensk. Prispevek temelji na predpostavki Susan Brooks Thistlethwaite, da je %nasilje nad ženskami največja in najdaljša svetovna vojna%. Pri izgradnji miru pomembno mesto zavzema medreligijski dialog. Le-ta bi moral postati ključno iz-hodišče za preobrazbo nasilnih teologij in vsakdanji praks. Medtem, ko so (bile) ženske pri izgradnji miru marginalizirane, je nastajajoče področje religijske izgra-dnje miru še posebej zahtevno in hkrati velik izziv in vir moči za ženske. Osvoba-jajoče vprašanje tega prispevka je osvetlitev ambivalentnosti nevidnosti in margi-nalnosti žensk pri religijski izgradnji miru, dobre prakse in (prihodnja) vprašanja.

Peace agreements aiming to end intra-state armed conflicts often provide for radical constitutional change, with more than 100 peace agreements concluded since 1989 containing provisions on constitutional reform. When such constitutional change is envisaged to take place within the framework of an existing constitution, as opposed to the making of a new constitution, hard-achieved deals between peace-making parties are exposed to “the unconstitutionality challenge.” Although there is ample literature on the making of a new constitution during transitions from conflict to peace, implementing a peace agreement within an existing constitutional framework and “the unconstitutionality challenge” to peace reforms has not been fully examined to date. In this article, we first identify the modalities in which “the unconstitutionality challenge” is directed at constitutional change rooted in peace agreements. We do so through a comparative survey and by particular reference to peace processes in Colombia (with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia—People’s Army, FARC) and the Philippines (regarding the Mindanao conflict). We then examine the promise and limitations of three legal strategies in addressing the unconstitutionality challenge: (i) recourse to international law in assessing unconstitutionality, (ii) transitionalism in judicial review, and (iii) attributing supra-constitutional or international legal status to peace agreements. We conclude that while each strategy has some merit, their effectiveness may be limited where they lack legal feasibility or political purchase. The resulting intractability of the unconstitutionality challenge, particularly in jurisdictions where there is a strong commitment to legalism, warrants a rethinking of the relationship between peace-making and constitutional reform, and existing constitutional frameworks in transitional countries.

The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of Germanys participation in UN, EU and NATO peacekeeping operations in Africa. The relevance of the research topic is due to conflicting opinions about the need to preserve and prolong most operations in the region. In this regard, the opinions of experts with optimistic and pessimistic views on this problem are considered, and the stages of the evolution of peacekeeping activities are highlighted. The purpose of the study is to prove the validity of the assumption of the critical theory of the use of peacemaking by countries as a tool for realizing their foreign policy aspirations. Based on the analysis of German efforts to increase its military contingent in UN peacekeeping operations and maintain positions (despite the presence of oppositional representatives of the Parliament) in EU and NATO operations, it is proposed to identify the cause-and-effect relationships of such behavior. To achieve this goal, we used the method of historicism, which helped to identify the problems of the past that Germany is trying to get rid of by participating in the operations of international organizations, as well as the method of comparative analysis, which regulates the comparison of Germanys efforts in missions with its foreign policy tasks. The analysis of the documents of the international organizations under consideration, as well as legislation and foreign policy doctrines of Germany, allows us to assess not only the legality of the country's operations outside its borders, but also to identify foreign policy priorities in order to obtain reliable results when comparing them. In conclusion, we present the following conclusions: the evolution of Germanys efforts in the UN, EU and NATO missions in Africa. The results of the research reflect the postulates of critical theory in the process of studying German peacekeeping activities in Africa.

This article considers the full range of strategies and methodologies available to contemporary intellectuals and peace activists for contributing to the gradual and complex process of ensuring a peaceful planet and a sustainable global civilization for future generations. Interpreting peacemaking and peace building in their full significance, a route map is traced through the bewildering array of approaches to peacemaking indicating something of the way in which their interconnections can lead to an overall strengthening of the work needed for effective peace building. Just as human temperaments and capacities differ from individual to individual and from culture to culture yet all are needed for the full richness of global human society to flourish, so too, all the separate fragments of the overall mosaic of peace are needed to complete the long-term work that each one of us, in our divergent ways, is called on to contribute to the urgent need for peacemaking on our troubled planet.

Although poetry has been used as a method of peacemaking since Homer’s Iliad, little research, theory, or analysis has been done evaluating precisely what role poetry holds in the realms of peacema...

This paper examines the effectiveness of religion as a solution to ethno-nationalist conflicts, drawing on the case of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan, PKK) in Turkey. We test for the purported peacemaking potential of religion building on an original dataset that contains data on Turkey’s state-sponsored mosques between 1980 and 2016. Results from this dataset, coupled with an alternative measure of the state’s involvement in religion – the number of religious schools (imam-hatip) per province – show that increased Islamization has no discernible impact on lowering support for ethno-nationalist Kurdish political parties or insurgency.

This study elucidates the roots and patterns of conflict and the conditions that facilitate peace and tolerance among Muslims, Hindus, and Christians on Lombok in eastern Indonesia. Known as the island of “a thousand mosques,” Lombok provides examples of how the state, community leaders, and other authorities – both religious and secular – manage a pluralistic society, resolve conflict, and maintain a sense of community. The study reveals that the interreligious conflicts are the result of the island’s history of ethnic and religious segregation. The state policy on religion, which regulates the establishment of places of worship, has further deepened the segregation that sharpened the conflicts. Despite consolidation and mediation by the state, some conflicts remain unresolved because the peacemaking processes are not inclusive of all actors. While Muslims and Hindus perform co-rituals and share commonalities in history and genealogy, which helps to sustain their peaceful relationship, Christians and other minorities seek alternative mechanisms to negotiate their place in the community and adapt to the existing modes of interreligious exchange. For example, many Christians join civic associations or engage in social work, while others participate in public religious-cultural festivals.

The use of referendums to forge, ratify and enact peace agreements is on the rise. In growing numbers, peacemakers have organized referendums in order to aid peace talks and ameliorate post-settlem...

En la literatura sobre política y desarrollo internacional los conceptos de seguridad y resiliencia han tenido una creciente discusión y aplicación. La pregunta central es: ¿Qué puede hacer la comunidad internacional y específicamente los países centrales para avanzar hacia una seguridad humana integral, una resiliencia positiva y una prosperidad colectiva en las sociedades periféricas? Tras discutir críticamente la aportación de los dos conceptos, se relaciona la seguridad con la política internacional de intervención y de pacificación, y la resiliencia con las políticas de desarrollo; las dos relaciones son ilustradas con algunos casos empíricos. Sobre estas bases teóricas y analíticas se proponen los conceptos de intervención civil y de empoderamiento autógeno, como vías para avanzar hacia la seguridad humana integral y la resiliencia positiva. La intervención civil es la actuación de organizaciones civiles y de actores gubernamentales que colaboran de forma sincronizada y coordinada con instituciones públicas y civiles de la sociedad receptora para promover una seguridad y paz societal. El empoderamiento autógeno es la construcción simbiótica e interactiva de la resiliencia positiva impulsada exteriormente, percibido como propio. Estos dos conceptos son elementos de una teoría del desarrollo colectivo de una sociedad periférica en su contexto internacional.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to link public relations to peacebuilding. Although scholarship has discussed public relations as relationship management, the nexus between public relations and peace building has been understudied. To address this deficiency, this research studies the negotiations between the Government of Colombia and the FARC-EP separatist group that lead to the landmark peace treaty between the two entities that had fought for over five decades with thousands of deaths. Three research questions addressed the communication factors that contributed to the two sworn enemies – FARC-EP and the Colombian Government – finally sealing a peace agreement; the specific public relations strategies and techniques that led to relationship building between the two sides leading to the landmark peace agreement; and the use of the indicators of relationship building proposed by scholarship in the negotiations between the Colombian Government and FARC-EP.Design/methodology/approachThe case study method was used and a purposive sample of news reports from three national newspapers at specific key dates yielding a final sample consisted of 504 articles was analysed. A codebook with deductive and inductive categories was developed specially to study the existing communication factors (RQ1), public relations strategies and techniques (RQ2), as well as contributions by relationship indicators (RQ3). Given the sensitivity of the issues, only secondary data could be relied upon for this study.FindingsThe results ofRQ1fall within the scope of Grunig’s (2001), Sriramesh’s (1992) and Hung’s (2001) notion of the personal influence model where the leveraging of individuals’ network is important to facilitate communication. Indeed, the relations already existing and established with third parties are revealed to be fundamental to the success of the negotiation process. As forRQ2, findings demonstrate that the Colombian Government used third-party mediation, principled and distributive strategies, while FARC-EP mainly used contending strategies. But results showed that both used compromising during the whole process, and that both transitioned from one-way asymmetrical strategies, such as principled or contending towards compromising along the peace talks. Finally, findings demonstrate evidence of the four indicators of the relationship and their link with public relations techniques. The most evidenced indicators of the relationship were trust, commitment and control mutuality. Trust was the indicator of the relationship the most evidenced in the Colombian case. The dimension was built during the whole process and evolved continually. Distrust was the total between the two enemies at the beginning of the pre-negotiation. However, as parties entered into a relationship, confidence and trust increased.Research limitations/implicationsThe inability to obtain primary data is the major limitation of this study. It was caused by the sensitivity of the topic.Practical implicationsThis study links public relations to a very practical case that is also vastly understudied/underreported – peacemaking/peacebuilding – while also addressing communication by governments and civil society in Latin America – an area that is largely understudied.Originality/valueThis is the first study that links public relations with peacebuilding.

The idea of a society without conflicts is not a utopia, however, no less certain is that a priori social peace is only imaginable in a world of individuals who live in a space without any shortage and who have neither ambition nor greed to try to achieve new goals or objectives, this comes to say that jurists must, from their field, make significant contributions to achieve that objective: social peace. But peace has two distinct senses: negative and positive peace. By negative peace, we will understand the absence of violence, negative peace is conflict transformation, so that violence (direct, structural and cultural) stops, full stop (and we must be very careful about that because these forms of violence are interrelated and mutually reinforcing), this concept is complemented by positive peace which is cooperation for mutual and equal benefit, and the word equal is very important here because brings us closer to the harmony concept. In that sensewell know is the Galtung’s 3Rs: reconstruction of peoples and places alter the violence, reconciliation of the parties in conflict and resolution of animosities. The present article does not seek to develop any of these issues in-depth but rather to establish the basis for understanding the concept of peacebuilding.

From Aristotle to the end of the Middle Ages, friendship was considered to be a core notion in Western political philosophy. However, as Von Heyking and Avramenko argue, friendship has lost its prominent politico-philosophical status in the modern era, particularly in the Western liberal tradition. In the Muslim tradition, and specifically in the history of Iranian thought, friendship as a moral paradigm went through a different course of development. In this article, I will present a comparative view of friendship as reflected in the works of Aristotle and three major Iranian ethicists: Ab? ?Al? A?mad Miskawayh (d. 1030), Ab??l-Q?sim ?usayn al-R?ghib al-Isfah?n? (d. ca. 1108) and Na?ir al-D?n ??s? (d. 1274). I will examine friendship-related perspectives rooted in the Irano-Islamic philosophical traditions that represent a significant but overlooked dimension of Iranian cosmopolitanism valuable for modern peacemaking approaches beyond such concepts as: “justice before peace,” “liberal peace” and “cold peace.”

The UN security council established Resolution 1325 (SCR1325) to affirm women's vital role in peacemaking and peacebuilding in conflict. Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda emphases equal participation of men and women in the negotiation process and creates gender equality in post-conflict, and eradicates gender violence in conflict. This study illustrates how women in Aceh fight for their rights throughout the conflict and post-conflict within an unequal society; and also highlights how important to adapt the WPS agenda to ensure gender equality and social justice. By applying narrative analysis, researchers enable to explore Acehnese women's experiences and struggles in seeking justice through their narratives. The implementation of the WPS agenda in Aceh faces many challenges, both structural and cultural. Thegovernment and combatant groups overlooked women's participation in peace negotiation. When the conflict ended, gender inequality is still lingering in every aspect. Aceh women experience injustice, sexual violence, and discrimination in the domestic and public sphere. Besides revealing the challenges in adapting the WPS agenda and creating gender equality in Aceh, this study also obtains policy recommendations to be considered by the local and central governments to ensure gender justice and substantial peace for women in Aceh post-conflict.

This paper explores and illustrates the diverse manifestations of the phenomenon of the ‘humanitarian alibi’, drawing upon historical and contemporary cases of violent conflict in order to identify substitutionary phenomena by governments and international actors. It affirms the existence of substitution process where humanitarian aid intervention substitutes for the prevention and resolution of violent conflict and the protection of civilian populations. The paper argues for expanding the humanitarian alibi, however, to take into account how international aid intervention compensates for both the systemic neglect of conflict related crises and for the systemic harm that exacerbates and perpetuates these crises. It also challenges the suggestion that the humanitarian alibi phenomenon is the product of a bygone era, and finds that the use of aid as a substitute for peacemaking can co-exist alongside the use of aid as a direct component of international intervention.

This chapter had examined ‘feminism in international relations’ motivated by findings out 1. What is the nature/characteristic of feminism's international relations paradigm? 2. What's new in feminist international relations? 3. Is feminism relevant to international relations research? 4. How may feminism in international relations be classified scientifically? Feminism in international relations arose from disciplinary dissatisfaction with mainstream international relations. They contributed gender and gender hierarchy analysis, as well as inclusive policy formulation and implementation. There are various perspectives on feminism and international relations, but they all centre on foreign policy and diplomacy, international political economy, war, security, and peace, and the international law dimension. Feminism in international relations emphasises the role of femininity in foreign policy formulation and implementation, women trafficking and drugs in international political economy, security from an individual rather than a state perspective, women's participation in the peacemaking process, and inclusion of gender and opportunities for women in international law. Feminism in international relations can be divided into two types: classical feminism and neo-feminism.

The world is experiencing an upsurge of political polarization in which the forces of the extreme right have been strengthened. In this context, Brazil is experiencing the creation and implementation of policies that value the arming of the population and emphasize the devaluation of diversity and human rights. Thus, it is essential to find ways to create emancipatory and identity possibilities for less favored groups in order to achieve peace in places that suffer from structural violence because they are poor and located in suburban areas, but also because of direct violence conducted by criminal factions and the state. Based on the necessary construction of identity and common emancipation, we seek to evaluate the development of four strategies: literacy and beginning literacy with critical and autonomous thinking; peacemaking circles (teaching how to dialogue without violence, creating links between individuals); the use of playfulness and arts to build peace; and through joint empowerment (community gardens, university/community projects). All of them seek to think strategically and jointly in impacts, deadlines, and comprehensiveness of public agencies in action. The theoretical framework lies in the practice of dialogue and non-imposition, in the joint construction between the community and peacebuilders, based on the woks of Paulo Freire, John Paul Lederach and Augusto Boal.

This article explains the problem facing the UN and African regional organizations in applying the principle of subsidiarity in peacemaking. It draws on the concept of norm subsidiarity and studies African norm-setting instruments. It finds that the African Union is a subsidiary agent in the global order and formulates parallel but distinct norms to retain autonomy, claim primacy and deflect implementing uncomfortable external principles. The AU policies show the norm subsidiary, not localizing, behaviour. Conversely, African subregional organizations exhibit the norm localizing behaviour, indicating the willingness to modify and accept global and regional rules. The significance is that existing knowledge assumes that the AU is or should be a localizing agent, as Chapter VIII of the UN Charter prescribed. Crucially, African norms matter because they are a fundamental characteristic of African agency. This paper contributes to a broader understanding of African agency in international relations and global security governance.

* Introduction Interdisciplinary Perspectives: A Difference in Cypriot Studies and Identity (Vangelis Calotychos) * (De)Construction Of Identities How Might Turkish and Greek Cypriots See Each Other More Clearly? (Peter Loizos) An Education in Honor: Patriotism and the Schools of Cyprus (Rebecca Bryant) Enosis and Turkish Expansion: Real Myths or Mythic Realities? (Yannis Papadakis) The Role of Foreign Powers in Structuring Ethnicity and Ethnic Conflict in Cyprus (Adamantia Pollis) * Political Possibilities Cyprus in the PostCold War Environment (Tozun Bahcheli) An Outline of a Plan Toward a Comprehensive Settlement of the Greek-Turkish Dance (Theodore A. Couloumbis and Luke Klarevas) Island Impasse: Peacemaking on Cyprus, 19801993 (Glen D. Camp) * The Location Of Culture Nationalisms and Embodied Memory in Cyprus (Moira Killoran) The Cavafian Poetics of Diasporic Constitutionalism: Toward a Neo-Hellenistic Decentering of the Kypriotic Experience (Marios Constantinou) Ideology, Orality, and Textuality: The Tradition of the Poietarides of Cyprus (George Syrimis) Three Generations, Three Identities, Three Parties Within Twentieth-Century Poetry (Mehmet Yasin) * Social And Psychological Perspectives Communication Across Lands Divided: The Cypriot Communications Landscape (Gary Gumpert and Susan Drucker) Different Relationships to the Land: Personal Narratives, Political Implications, and Future Possibilities (Maria Hadjipavlou-Trigeorgis) Turks and Greeks of Cyprus: Psychopolitical Connections (Vamik D. Volkan) Greek-Cypriot Economic and Political Culture: The Effects of 1974 (Caesar V. Mavratsas) We Are Strangers HereContinuity and Transition: The Impact of Displacement and Protracted Exile on the Greek-Cypriot Refugees (Roger Zetter.)

This chapter considers UN peacemaking, peacekeeping, peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction efforts and the mineral wealth of the Great Lakes Region between the period 1960 and 2021: particular focused is placed on the countries of Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC)—viewed as the major conflict drivers of the Great Lakes Region ever since these countries gained independence during the 1960s. The discussion provides a historical overview followed by contemporary debates of UN involvement in the Great Lakes, what the UN has achieved and why the UN’s five super powers—sitting on the UN Security Council (UNSC)—China, France, Russia, the UK and the US have remained involved in the Great Lakes Region, for over four decades.

Historical child welfare policies explicitly aimed to exterminate Indigenous culture and disrupt tribal cohesion. The remnants of these policies form the foundation for the contemporary child welfare system. These policies view the child as an isolated and interchangeable asset, over which parents enjoy property-like rights, and in which the child welfare system is incentivized to “save” children from perceived economic, cultural, and geographic ills through an adversarial process. Extended family, community members, and cultural connections have minimal voice or value. These underpinnings inform federal policies that influence all child welfare systems, including tribal child welfare systems. The result is that tribal child welfare systems perpetuate the individual, rights-centric, adversarial child welfare system that harms Indigenous families. Indigenous children have the right to maintain connections to their Indigenous family, tribal nation, culture, and cultural education. These rights translate into obligations the community owes to the child to ensure that these connections are robust. Tradition-based systems of dispute resolution—frequently called “peacemaking,” among other names, but which we will call “circle processes”—offer a hopeful alternative. Circle processes are rooted in an Indigenous worldview that perceives an issue, particularly a child welfare issue, as evidence of community imbalance that directly impacts the community, and conversely, imparts an obligation on the community to respond. Through the circle, family and community can complete their natural reciprocal relationship. Tribal child welfare has the potential to be a transformative system that promotes community, family, and children’s health and the self-determination and sovereignty of tribes. This Article outlines the ways in which the modern tribal child welfare system has been structured to compartmentalize families and perpetuate historical federal policies of Indian family separation. This Article then suggests that circle processes are a framework for re-Indigenizing the tribal child welfare system to not just improve outcomes (for which it has the potential to do), but to also honor the interconnected, responsibility oriented worldview of Indigenous communities. Ultimately, however, tribes should lead that re-Indigenization process, whether through a circle process framework or otherwise.

Can natural resources and climate change positively affect peace? This chapter explores the relationship between natural resources and climate change and the onset of conflict, and flips the coin to understand how they can positively affect peace instead. Borrowing from fresh water cooperation theory and environmental peacemaking, this chapter proposes a similar approach to natural resources and climate change’s possible effect to peace in internal armed conflicts, turning them from conflict drivers to catalysts of negotiations. I argue for a phase-based approach to analyzing how natural resources and climate change can affect peace before, during, and after negotiations, with the intent of improving the discussion on the role of natural resources and climate change in peace and sustainable development. (Less)

In a country burdened by violence and intolerance where many citizens claim to be Christians, a call to respond to a Christian ethics of peacemaking is appropriate. This article explores the instruction of the Matthean Jesus that his followers should be peacemakers amidst their exposure to violence. The point of departure is taken from the seventh beatitude ‘blessed are the peacemakers, for they will be called sons of God’ (Mt 5:9). The motif of peacemaking is followed through in the rest of the Sermon on the Mount and then contextualised within the broader Matthean narrative. In the article the strenuous environment is considered in which the Gospel was written and the frequent occurrence of resistance, antagonism, violence and strife in the narrative. Instead of the endless and escalating chain of violence spawning yet more violence, Jesus breaks this chain. He instructs his disciples to be peacemakers. Peace starts with peace with God but ripples out to peace in families and among neighbours, until it comes to the most difficult part, peace with enemies. Contribution: Based on this investigation, the article offers pastoral guidelines for Christians on how they ought to deal with a violent and intolerant environment.

The world over, military diplomacy has not been always successful. This stems out of the fact that it could be faced by a plethora of challenges. This paper sets out to explore the key challenges facing AMISOM in military diplomacy in the Horn of Africa. The study adopted an exploratory and mixed methods research design. Data was obtained from a sample of 100 persons sampled from a population of 22,315 AMISOM Staff and Civilian contingent. The study employed a breadth of both primary and secondary sources for data collection. Primary data was being collected from study respondents by means of a research questionnaire and an interview schedule. The data analysis process involved both qualitative and quantitative techniques. Content analysis was mainly used to analyze the qualitative data and which would be reported normatively. Quantitative research findings were analyzed and reported using descriptive statistics, tables, graphs, charts and inferential statistics in Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS v23). Moreover, the data analysis was structured objectively to address each of the study research questions. The findings show that while competing interests may have clouded the scene at regional level, partly alluded to lack of a common approach to deal with the Somalia issue among the various countries, military diplomatic engagements by AMISOM are the most agreeable way to address regional peace and security. The study highlights the greater need for revised strategies in military diplomacy efforts and novel approaches to address competing interests among troop contributing countries that comprise AMISOM. Based on the study findings, the following recommendations were made. Arguably, the most important dimension of its success is hinged on the strategic unity and partnership of the different troops. At present however, the inconsistency in unity and strategic alliance among these countries continue to challenge the seamless command and probably influence the implementation of different military diplomacy strategies based on competing interests. Further, while assets remain a critical component of military diplomacy, the success of such multidimensional peace operations is equally anchored on a civilian component and the need for civilian capabilities. The realization of effective peacemaking and peacekeeping calls for efficient management structures at the field and in Addis for strategic and support of mission teams. AMISOM currently experiences an insufficient institutional capacity and human resources required to effectively handle complex peace operations and peacemaking initiatives. Recent assessment reveals the institution bureaucratic processes are still weak.

International law’s affirmation of everyone’s right to have rights came into being through a peacemaking process. Its deprivation continues to typify the emergent context that brings peace processes into being – and for some cohorts of the people, namely children, the process itself. The right is intuitively seductive. It resonates as self-evident: an inexorable abstraction of having rights. Yet it is also enigmatic and challenging to concretise. What is its content? What substantive rights are expressive of this right? What is their scope in peacemaking? And why is it – above for example more corporeal rights – so fundamental? Guided by these questions, the paper begins by reflecting on the right as crystallised by Hannah Arendt: it then shifts to reflecting on, first, its expression in international law and, second, its interrelations with the law of peace. In doing so, it yields legal and political opportunities for ensuring the right in peacemaking, and imagines a framework of evolving measures for bringing the right to life in the staged process. The paper concludes by arguing renewing engagement with this understated right offers a beacon for guiding responses to the complex child rights challenges yielded by peacemaking – and our interdependent and fragile twenty-first century world more generally.

Nineteenth-century missionary activity is more commonly associated in historiography with the violence of colonisation and imperialism than with peace. Nevertheless, in some places, rhetoric proclaiming Christianity as a peace-bringer became tied more decisively with the preaching of peace as an ethical imperative. This article explores the emergence and cultivation of a peace gospel in the mission to Māori in nineteenth-century New Zealand. It argues that formations of piety, especially bible reading, were central to the inculcation of an influential peace ethic.

This article deals with works devoted to events on the Independence, during the Revolution of Dominion, the annexation of the Crimea and Russian aggression in general. The study raises the question of the impartiality and reliability of the facts presented by the researchers of the works which is covered by this article. The author is proposed to divide researches into three categories on a chronological basis. The subject of the study is extremely relevant as wars of a new format generate the formation of a new hybrid world order. The aggression of the Russian Federation in Ukraine became the starting point for shaping such a future world order. Investigating the work of Russian researchers, one can conclude that in Russia, aggression in Ukraine is called a civil war. The main challenge is to shift responsibility for the war to the Ukrainian leadership. Their position in the conflict is due to the alleged protection of the Russian-speaking population on the territory of Ukraine. The Russian Federation is trying to intensify the formation and support of the image of itself as a peacemaking country on the international scene. After all, creating a belt of "external enemies" unites people and distracting from the urgent domestic problems in the country. Analyzing Russian labor it becomes clear that the problems of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict are being paid little attention. Authors studying events highlight only certain beneficial aspects of the conflict and are often openly propagandistic. Also, an attempt is made to make a generalized analysis of the work of Russian authors on hybrid wars and to assess the degree of its objectivity. Generally analyzed works published in the period 2014-2017 and had a fairly large circulation and distribution. All of them, with rare exceptions, do not objectively highlight the chronicles of events and act in favor of pro-Russian propaganda. Most of the authors previously covered other conflicts related to the Russian Federation, such as the war with Georgia or the conflict in Chechnya, or they are fugitives from the east of Ukraine and are carriers of exclusively pro-Russian political thought. An interesting fact is that they are easily accessible and accessed online and even sold in some Ukrainian online stores.

The article offers the original classification of interreligious dialogue types based on four criteria as follows. 1. «Intention» (i.e. the motivation to come into contact with a representative of another religion); 2. «Goal» (i.e. tasks and aims headed towards by the participants in the dialogue); 3. «Principles» (i.e. the starting points, which determine the interaction); 4. «Form» (i.e. participants in the dialogue). Among those the most important criterium is that if intention, which identifies the types of «polemical», «peacemaking », «cognitive» and «partnership» dialogue. These types of dialogue are lined up respectively around the following questions: «Who is right?», «How can we live together peacefully?», «Who are you?» and «What can we do to improve the world?». In the article are analyzed the possibilities of applying the approach outlined as above. As an example is used the interreligious dialogue, which aims to reconciliate the arguing parties. Special attention is additionally paid to the “diplomatic” dialogue as conducted between between heads and official representatives of religious communities.

This article discusses a few epistemological conditions that may have prevented ‘peacemaking monitoring specialists’ to conceive the possibility of a negative result at the October 2016 Colombian p...

This article briefly reviews the faults and merits of peacemaking efforts anchored in liberal ideologies. It further calls for a shift in strategy and outlines an approach that seeks transformation of conflicts through acknowledging the ways in which contrasting worldviews undergird and sustain the political conflict.

As we structure the economic and social practices of the communities, institutions and nations of which we are all a part, jubilee calls us to discipleship. Jubilee speaks to the creation of societies of hope, of celebration and of prosperity. It is about the creation of social rest as we rest in God. This requires the careful and intentional formation of agents of social rest. Jubilee clearly advocates for proactive rather than reactive social practices in relation to immediate needs as well as long-term social legacy. Jubilee clearly addresses six of the 10 principles for just peacemaking.

The failure to resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict for many years has often been attributed in significant part to the absence of trust in the sincerity of the other side and, more specifically, to the recalcitrant nature of the opponent. Analyses of past proposals and actual negotiations have pointed out missed opportunities, possibly the result of misperceptions or misunderstandings. Recent archival research, publications, and interviews regarding the Israeli protagonists reveal that actual deception, as distinct from ‘misperception’, may have been at play. The article examines this phenomenon as it has appeared since 1967 in six instances of Israeli government dealings with its own public and with the US or the international community, even in recent months, due primarily to an unwillingness to withdraw from the Occupied Territories or agree to enter serious negotiations for ending the conflict with the Palestinians.

When thinking about crime, notions of deviance, delinquency, violence and moral turpitude most often come to mind. In somewhat more open-minded conceptions, crime may evoke critical questions of class and race, among other variables. In still more expansive spaces, crime may be evaluated through the lenses of exploitation of labor, maintenance of political power, and social control. From sociology to cinema studies, crime sometimes can be viewed in unvarnished dystopian terms—as the modality through which a society expresses the limits of its conscience and consciousness alike. Yet, in all of these critical interrogations, crime is rarely considered as a correlate of peace or an expression of justice. This article builds upon traditions in criminology that highlight the restorative, transformative, and peacemaking potentials inherent in constructions of crime and the processes used to address it, arguing for a proactive and constructive vision of peacebuilding that encompasses mechanisms for urgent implementation.

The article provides a fresh insight into the little known peacemaking initiative in the history of the Soviet diplomacy launched and planned by the head of the first Soviet diplomatic mission in the Arab world – in the Kingdom of Hejaz – Consul General Kerim Hakimov. As the troops commanded by Abdel Aziz bin Saud, the then ruler of Nejd, were rapidly approaching the Hejaz, and by the early 1925 had captured its capital Jeddah, Moscow, mindful of the future, gave its approval for Hakimov to get along with forging contacts with the Nejd representatives. The author reviews the motives underlying the decision to make an attempt at reconciliation between Ibn Saud and Sharif Hussein that would allow a possibility to establish a direct contact with the would-be founder of Saudi Arabia located in Mecca. Eventually, the Soviet Consul General managed to procure the vital information about the situation in Arabia and make a realistic assessment of Ibn Saud’s chances to gain victory. The trip made by the Consul General had an impact on Moscow’s determination to move forward along the way of supporting Ibn Saud in his efforts to unify the Arab lands, as a result, the USSR was the first nation to recognize the new state in Arabia.

The article considers the original classification of four types of interreligious dialogue as follows: 1. Intention (the motivation to come into contact with a representative of another religion); 2. Goal (tasks and goals pursued by the participants in the dialogue); 3. Principles (the starting points, which determine the interaction); 4. Form (participants in the dialogue, meeting form). Among the most important criterion is intention, which identifies the types of polemical, peacemaking, cognitive and partnership dialogue. These types of dialogue are aligned respectively around the following questions: Who is right?, How can we live together peacefully?, Who are you? and What can we do to improve the world?. The place of theology in each type of interreligious dialogue is examined. In the context of religious pluralism, the spread of new religious movements, as well as a tendency towards convergence of religions, theology has not lost its importance as a tool to protect one’s faith and provided a reasoned justification of its benefits. In the framework of cognitive dialogue, the significance of theology is analyzed in such areas as theology of religions, the formation of attitudes towards followers of other religions, comparative theology, and spiritual dialogue. One of the main strategies for peacemaking dialogue is to identify the similarities of religious worldviews in dogma and ethics.Three areas of cooperation of religions in partnership dialogue are distinguished: “individual,” “society,” and “environment.” The role of theology is to identify possible paths and comprehend the conceptual grounds for interreligious cooperation. The author comes to the conclusion that the place of theology in the field of interreligious relations is wide and diverse. Consideration of this complex problem requires specification, that is clarification of the role of theology in various types of interreligious dialogue — polemical, peacemaking, cognitive and partnership, as well as their subspecies.