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Of the millions of Community Health Workers (CHWs) serving their communities across the world, there are approximately twice as many female CHWs as there are male. Hiring women has in many cases become an ethical expectation, in part because working as a CHW is often seen as empowering the CHW herself to enact positive change in her community. This article draws on interviews, participant observation, document review and a survey carried out in rural Amhara, Ethiopia from 2013 to 2016 to explore discourses and experiences of empowerment among unpaid female CHWs in Ethiopia’s Women’s Development Army (WDA). This programme was designed to encourage women to leave the house and gain decision-making power vis-à-vis their husbands—and to use this power to achieve specific, state-mandated, domestically centred goals. Some women discovered new opportunities for mobility and self-actualization through this work, and some made positive contributions to the health system. At the same time, by design, women in the WDA had limited ability to exercise political power or gain authority within the structures that employed them, and they were taken away from tending to their individual work demands without compensation. The official rhetoric of the WDA—that women’s empowerment can happen by rearranging village-level social relations, without offering poor women opportunities like paid employment, job advancement or the ability to shape government policy—allowed the Ethiopian government and its donors to pursue ‘empowerment’ without investments in pay for lower-level health workers, or fundamental freedoms introduced into state-society relations.

Water sharing between households could crucially mitigate short‐term household water shortages, yet it is a vastly understudied phenomenon. Here we use comparative survey data from eight sites in seven sub‐Saharan African countries (Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Nigeria, and Uganda) to answer three questions: With whom do households share water? What is expected in return? And what roles do need and affordability play in shaping those transfers? We find that water is shared predominantly between neighbors, that transfers are more frequent when water is less available and less affordable, and that most sharing occurs with no expectation of direct payback. These findings identify water sharing, as a form of generalized reciprocity, to be a basic and consistent household coping strategy against shortages and unaffordability of water in sub‐Saharan Africa.

In March 2020, the World Health Organization (WHO) issued a set of public guidelines for Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) prevention measures that highlighted handwashing, physical distancing, and household cleaning. These health behaviors are severely compromised in parts of the world that lack secure water supplies, particularly in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). We used empirical data gathered in 2017-2018 from 8,297 households in 29 sites across 23 LMICs to address the potential implications of water insecurity for COVID-19 prevention and response. These data demonstrate how household water insecurity presents many pathways for limiting personal and environmental hygiene, impeding physical distancing and exacerbating existing social and health vulnerabilities that can lead to more severe COVID-19 outcomes. In the four weeks prior to survey implementation, 45.9% of households in our sample either were unable to wash their hands or reported borrowing water from others, which may undermine hygiene and physical distancing. Further, 70.9% of households experienced one or more water-related problems that potentially undermine COVID-19 control strategies or disease treatment, including insufficient water for bathing, laundering, or taking medication; drinking unsafe water; going to sleep thirsty; or having little-to-no drinking water. These findings help identify where water provision is most relevant to managing COVID-19 spread and outcomes.

Billions of people globally, living with various degrees of water insecurity, obtain their household and drinking water from diverse sources that can absorb a disproportionate amount of a household's income. In theory, there are income and expenditure thresholds associated with effective mitigation of household water insecurity, but there is little empirical research about these mechanisms and thresholds in low- and middle-income settings. This study used data from 3655 households from 23 water-insecure sites in 20 countries to explore the relationship between cash water expenditures (measured as a Z-score, percent of income, and Z-score of percent of income) and a household water insecurity score, and whether income moderated that relationship. We also assessed whether water expenditures moderated the relationships between water insecurity and both food insecurity and perceived stress. Using tobit mixed effects regression models, we observed a positive association between multiple measures of water expenditures and a household water insecurity score, controlling for demographic characteristics and accounting for clustering within neighborhoods and study sites. The positive relationships between water expenditures and water insecurity persisted even when adjusted for income, while income was independently negatively associated with water insecurity. Water expenditures were also positively associated with food insecurity and perceived stress. These results underscore the complex relationships between water insecurity, food insecurity, and perceived stress and suggest that water infrastructure interventions that increase water costs to households without anti-poverty and income generation interventions will likely exacerbate experiences of household water insecurity, especially for the lowest-income households.

Nearly all global health initiatives give per diems to community health workers (CHWs) in poor countries for short-term work on disease-specific programs. We interviewed CHWs, supervisors, and high-level officials (n = 95) in 6 study sites across sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia in early 2012 about the per diems given to them by the Global Polio Eradication Initiative. These per diems for CHWs ranged from $1.50 to $2.40 per day. International officials defended per diems for CHWs with an array of arguments, primarily that they were necessary to defray the expenses that workers incurred during campaigns. But high-level ministry of health officials in many countries were concerned that even small per diems were unsustainable. By contrast, CHWs saw per diems as a wage; the very small size of this wage led many to describe per diems as unjust. Per diem polio work existed in the larger context of limited and mostly exploitative options for female labor. Taking the perspectives of CHWs seriously would shift the international conversation about per diems toward questions of labor rights and justice in global health pay structures.

Creating community health worker jobs in the public sector is a prominent goal in the global health development industry. According to industry leaders, Ethiopia’s government has created community health worker jobs at a scale and in a way that other countries can look to as a model. Based on extensive document review and interviews with district, national, and international health officials, we show that narratives about saving lives, empowering women, and creating model citizens in a context of resource scarcity allow Ethiopia’s ruling party to obtain international admiration for creating salaried community health worker jobs and to simultaneously avoid criticisms of its concurrent use of unpaid women’s community health labor. Public sector community health worker investments in the twenty-first century reveal the layered narratives inherent in global development practices that entangle states, international donors, NGOs, and citizens.

In this article, we use semistructured interviews and documents produced by Ethiopian government officials and international health donors to examine two key features of the nation's community health worker (CHW) program: (1) the process and criteria of selecting community health workers; and (2) policies, rhetoric, and experiences of payment and empowerment. We examine these from the varied perspectives of district health officials, Health Extension Workers, and leaders and members within Ethiopia's so-called Women's Development Army, whom we interviewed during 2012–14. According to national policymakers and policy documents, the goals of the Women's Development Army are twofold: first, to reduce mortality and second, to produce “model” women, who discipline themselves and their neighbors to enact healthy behaviors. The Army is supposed to simultaneously “empower” these women to be more autonomous from husbands and more active in development-oriented work. Yet one of the key criteria sought by district-level health officials—willingness to “accept what we teach them and implement what we tell them”—highlights that Army leaders are to remain subordinate to government health officials. Many female members of the Women's Development Army expressed ambivalence about their selection, particularly as the position was unpaid. Some questioned why women were expected to volunteer when men had previously been paid to do similar work. These data emphasize the differences in goals, aims, and experiences among various actors involved in CHW programs, and the need for researchers to address whether or not respondents are comfortable to express perspectives that might question dominant goals and discourses.

Based on ethnographic research in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, this paper describes NGO efforts to encourage AIDS care volunteers to eschew material returns for their labor and instead reflect on the goodness of sacrificing to promote the survival of people living with HIV/AIDS. Consensus analysis of motivational survey data collected from a sample of AIDS care volunteers (n=110) suggests that they strongly share a sacrificial and prosocial motivational model. These results may be explained by several factors, including the efforts of the organizations to shape volunteers’ motivations, the self-selection of volunteers, positive reinforcement in seeing one’s patients become healthy, and social desirability bias. In-depth interviews examining the motivations and behaviors of volunteers reveal a more complicated picture: even ostensibly devoted and altruistic volunteers strongly question their service commitments. The complexity and ambivalence of volunteers’ motivations reflect the profound uncertainty that they face in achieving improved socioeconomic status for themselves and their families amid widespread unemployment and sharply rising food prices. Their desires for economic opportunities explain why local NGOs exert so much effort to shape and sustain—and yet fail to completely control—their motivations. This recasts economically-insecure volunteers’ consent to donate their labor as a process of negotiation with their organizers. Future research should explore how models of health care volunteerism and volunteer motivations are shaped by individual and collective experiences in political-economic context.

With the rollout of AIDS therapies, volunteer AIDS care has been promoted across Africa under the assumption that volunteerism is economically imperative in settings of health professional and resource scarcity. As low-income volunteers have become a major part of HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment workforces, it is imperative to question how poverty impacts their well-being. This chapter presents epidemiologic data collected during the 2008 food crisis from a sample of 110 AIDS care volunteers in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, as well as narratives offered by HIV-positive volunteers, highlighting a widely overlooked way in which food insecurity and mental distress impact efforts to treat AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa. Food insecurity and elevated common mental disorder (CMD) symptom loads were common and tightly linked among the volunteers in the sample. Volunteers who were HIV-positive (17 percent) fared slightly worse in terms of food insecurity and psychosocial well-being. However, positive HIV serostatus was not associated with CMD in multivariate analyses accounting for food insecurity. Narratives illustrate how being HIV-positive shaped experiences of psychosocial stress, which involved unemployment and lack of prospects for marital relationships or strife within them. Our focus demonstrates the potential for mixing ethnographic and epidemiological methods to inform policy questions regarding poverty-reduction through compensation for volunteers' valuable labor, as well as AIDS care program sustainability. [volunteerism, AIDS care, food insecurity, livelihoods, HIV, psychosocial health].

The Female Community Health Volunteer (FCHV) Programme in Nepal has existed since the late 1980s and includes almost 50,000 volunteers. Although volunteer programmes are widely thought to be characterised by high attrition levels, the FCHV Programme loses fewer than 5% of its volunteers annually. The degree to which decision makers understand community health worker motivations and match these with appropriate incentives is likely to influence programme sustainability. The purpose of this study was to explore the views of stakeholders who have participated in the design and implementation of the Female Community Health Volunteer regarding Volunteer motivation and appropriate incentives, and to compare these views with the views and expectations of Volunteers. Semi-structured interviews were carried out in 2009 with 19 purposively selected non-Volunteer stakeholders, including policy makers and programme managers. Results were compared with data from previous studies of Female Community Health Volunteers and from interviews with four Volunteers and two Volunteer activists. Stakeholders saw Volunteers as motivated primarily by social respect, religious and moral duty. The freedom to deliver services at their leisure was seen as central to the volunteer concept. While stakeholders also saw the need for extrinsic incentives such as micro-credit, regular wages were regarded not only as financially unfeasible, but as a potential threat to the Volunteers' social respect, and thereby to their motivation. These views were reflected in interviews with and previous studies of Female Community Health Volunteers, and appear to be influenced by a tradition of volunteering as moral behaviour, a lack of respect for paid government workers, and the Programme's community embeddedness. Our study suggests that it may not be useful to promote a generic range of incentives, such as wages, to improve community health worker programme sustainability. Instead, programmes should ensure that the context-specific expectations of community health workers, programme managers, and policy makers are in alignment if low attrition and high performance are to be achieved.