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This chapter continues my treatment of the relationship between the idea of modernity and the form of sociological argument, a relationship that arises with the very emergence of sociology as I argued in the previous chapter. With the development of this paradigmatic concern with modernity, the future was no longer seen as being about the reproduction of the present, but was considered to be a space for the further development of projects and trends (Burke 1992). These trends and projects were to be the trends and projects of modernity itself where modernity could also be understood, in Habermas’s (1996) words, as an unfinished project — one that was not yet realized, but could be used as a normative framework to address global processes. The ‘unfinished project’ in general terms, however, is the bringing to fruition of what is already predicated in the Western experience. Ideas of evolution and progress are central to the concern with the future and, for most writers, as I have argued, the history of the West is seen as a precursor of the future of the non-West. In this chapter, I will address theories of modernization and the recent idea of multiple modernities, which is argued by its proponents to escape the Eurocentrism that is finally allowed to be a characteristic of modernization theory.

Calls to decolonise the curriculum gain traction across the academe. To a great extent, the movement echoes demands of the decolonisation era itself, a period from which academics draw both impetus and legitimacy. In this article, we examine the movement’s purchase when applied to the teaching of international law. We argue that the movement reinvigorates debates about the origins of international law, centring its violent foundations as well as its Eurocentric episteme. Yet, like many critical approaches toward international law, the movement is smitten with itself and with the regime. As a consequence, the outcome of its activism and critique is predetermined: both must redeem the Eurocentrism of international law and its associated pedagogy. Calls to decolonise the curriculum ultimately validate the epistemological limitations inherent to a stratified, international order, failing to offer a genuine alternative framework or epistemology.

From a Levinasian perspective, the interaction between two people is an ethical encounter, a face-to-face interaction that calls the subject into question and renders them vulnerable to the ritual of rupture. But what if your embodiment renders you, in the moment of encounter, less than human? How can we bring the imperative of pre-ontological responsibility to bear on the present moment, fractured as we are in our understandings of embodiment and the hauntings of history? In this paper, I hope to respond to the previous question by articulating the problems and possibilities of Levinas’s thought in conversation with urgent considerations of racially-bodied Others. To begin, I briefly explore critiques of Levinas’s Eurocentrism. Then, drawing on the concept of incarnate historiography, I examine the difficulties of skin as “seen.” Next, I elaborate the prospect of how diachronous time affords a second register that takes seriously the historical experience of pain and oppression as responsibility. Finally, I argue that the recognition of responsibility is essential to education, proposing pedagogy that preserves alterity and makes space for the new.

Many postcolonial or critical scholars are rather sceptical of the Responsibility to Protect principle. In most of the critical literature, Responsibility to Protect (R2P) is presented as a product from the West, whose liberal ideal relies on a perception of Southern states being potentially dysfunctional, which in turn justifies an interventionist discourse with neocolonial overtones. The problem with this interpretation of R2P is that it essentially ignores non-Western, particularly Southern, inputs on the concept, falling precisely into the trap that, many authors claim, vitiates Responsibility to Protect: its West-centrism. Building upon a mix of critical, decolonial, postcolonial and Third World Approaches to International Law scholarship, this article proposes a number of additional steps to decolonize R2P in an effort to avoid what Pinar Bilgin describes as ‘conflating the critiques of the particularity of universals with critiques of the idea of having universals’. What successive decolonizing layers expose is a negotiation process in which the agency of states from the global South in shaping the – still controversial – principle has proved particularly obvious. Decolonizing Responsibility to Protect, this article argues, requires critical scholars to engage in a contrapuntal analysis in order to acknowledge the concept’s mutual constitution by the West and the ‘rest’ and the deeper struggles over universals hiding underneath.

espanolEl objetivo en este trabajo es analizar los origenes del eurocentrismo, asi como de su consolidacion en la forma de un etnocentrismo anglosajon, como las visiones dominantes en el estudio de Relaciones Internacionales. De igual manera, se revisan las razones por las que esta ideologia continua vigente y por que estos enfoques han influido no solo en la disciplina academica sino tambien en la misma estructura politica de la sociedad internacional pasando por alto las voces de las regiones perifericas de este centro europeo-anglosajon. Al respecto, en el se hace un analisis introductorio sobre el papel que la Historia ha fungido dentro de la disciplina y la forma en que la corriente principal de esta la ha utilizado, muchas veces, como la cantera desde donde extraer los hechos que han apoyado a conformar las teorias y los paradigmas del presente. La Historia ha sido una herramienta exogena, si no superflua, por mucho tiempo, utilizada por la ideologia dominante, que ha contribuido al paradigma eurocentrista. Por lo que en este trabajo se aboga por la ampliacion de la perspectiva geotemporal en el analisis y la diversificacion de las tematicas en Relaciones Internacionales para darle voz a todas las regiones del mundo. A partir del analisis documental de diversos textos, con especial atencion a aquellos escritos fuera del centro academico tradicional europeo, como los trabajos de Deniz Kuru, de Turquia, Melody Fonseca, de Puerto Rico, y las opiniones de academicos de diversos centros de investigacion en America Latina, se propone en este articulo reconstruir la disciplina, como lo sugiere Jacques Derrida, no con el objetivo de disolverla o destruirla, sino el de analizar las estructuras sobre las que se basa el elemento discursivo, la manera en la que pensamos, la perspectiva desde donde analizamos. Un punto de partida para enriquecer esta vision es la de buscar en la historia de cada una de las regiones del mundo los origenes de las interacciones humanas, que nos puede decir la historia de cada region sobre su propia experiencia internacional para asi darnos cuenta que, como Aristoteles lo dijo, el ser humano es por naturaleza, un ser politico y que lo internacional esta intrinsecamente ligado a la naturaleza humana. Con esta vision humanocentrista, podemos reconstruir acertadamente una disciplina global e inclusiva, sumandola a la concepcion dominante y perfeccionandola en unas Relaciones Internacionales con un conocimiento holistico de la sociedad internacional, dando pauta a elaboraciones teoricas “hechas en casa”. EnglishThis paper deals with tracing the origins of Eurocentrism, as well as its consolidation in the form of an Anglo-Saxon ethnocentrism, as the dominant views in the study of International Relations (IR). These approaches have influenced not only the academic discipline but also the very political structure of the international system, ignoring the voices of the peripheral regions outside the European/Anglo-Saxon center. Larry Buzan and Richard Little have thoroughly documented five problems in the study of IR: Eurocentrism, Presentism, Anarchophilia, State-centrism and Ahistoricism. Upon their examination, some scholars have suggested that the geotemporal perspective should be broadened to address the fact that, within our discipline, history has long been viewed as an exogenous, if not superfluous, tool. At best, as Nick Vaugham-Williams argues, it has only served as a quarry from which to extract the facts that have helped shape the theories of the present. If history has been an instrument, used by the dominant ideology to contribute to this Eurocentric paradigm, it is also valid to use it to give voice to all regions of the world, especially those overlooked by the mainstream. Eurocentrism has been deemed a historical epiphenomenon that arose at a time when the great European powers dominated the world almost in its entirety, and that emerged from a very particular point of view around the concepts of modernity that related the birth of the international system with the conditions in which the modern world originated. The theoretical discussion of International Relations, according to Celestino Del Arenal, begins with the first interpretations of international life embodied in classic documents such as Thucydides’Peloponnesian War.However, it will be in the Christian and hegemonic Renaissance of 15th century Europe with its political, philosophical, legal, economic and sociological thought along with the modernization processes, first, and then, the conformation of the current international society when the world scenario opens for the theory of International Relations. Both social reality and theory were conditioned by a civilizing reasoning from the beginning where capitalism and the State were central to the foundation of Westernization. The “founding myth” of the origin of the international system was also conceived as a linear progression of history that moved in successive events and stages until it reached a civilizational apogee. The consolidation as an epistemological paradigm comes from a second historical process: the dominance of the American academy in the study of International Relations at the same time that the hegemony of the United States in world politics was achieved. Stanley Hoffman attributed to the United States the development of the scientific discipline, appropriating it for three causes that came together in the wake of World War II and its rise to world power: an intellectual predisposition based on a realistic academic community, the political context of a democratic government reinforced by sound and critical foundations, and the strength of its institutions, and the “check and balance” system.From this perspective, the discipline suffered a bias towards the political concerns of the United States and the fact of ensuring that the theories available to study these issues were theories that conformed to the American definition of what a social science should be. In addition, we examine the reasons why this ideology is still in force by proposing an all-encompassing alternative that allows the elaboration of “home-made” theories. This document recovers the theory of continuity envisioned by Andre Gunder Frank, Robert A. Denemark and Barry K. Gills within the hypothesis of the 5,000 year-old international system to propose a humanocentric approach. Such perspective would allow the broadening of our discipline’s analytical framework, as suggested by Jacques Derrida, not with the aim of dissolving or destroying it but rather to review the structures on which the discursive elements are based, the way we think, and how we conduct our research. A starting point to enrich this vision is to look into the history of each of the regions of the world trying to find the origins of human interactions and learn from the experience of each one of them in order to answer what truly constitutes the“international”. With this comprehensive vision we can rightly build a global and inclusive discipline, improving the dominant conception. The methodology of this article is based on analyzing various documents, focusing particularly on those written outside the traditional European academic center, such as the works of Deniz Kuru, from Turkey, Melody Fonseca, from Puerto Rico, and the opinions of academics from various research centers in Latin America.From this starting point I analyze the differences, similarities and convergences of Eurocentrism and ethnocentrism, then I look at what is considered the consolidation of Eurocentrism into an Anglo-saxon ethnocentric mentality. Consequently, I explore the possibility of a new humanocentrism and propose a new historiography of International Relations in which the historian is able to differentiate between significant and accidental causes. To achieve this, academics must act from their own perspectives, setting aside ideology, any supremacist epistemology, and the conditioned mindset to emancipate their research from these. Therefore, dominant theories such as realism are not the only theoretical framework to understand the history of the international system. Constructivist and Reflexive perspectives that illustrate how other regions contributed to this configuration and of what we know today as the modern civilization should also be taken into account. I conclude that we as researchers must begin to design new forms to collect the historical information coming from all corners of the globe, as Peter Frankopan posits, to deconstruct the IR discipline, expanding regional and inter-regional dialogues, training students to develop a critical eye that can challenge the vision of the mainstream, in order to transform the system towards a better, and more truly global, IR.

Republicanism is an approach within political theory that seeks to secure the values of political liberty and non-domination. Yet, in historical practice, early modern republics developed empires and secured their liberty through policies that dominated others. This contradiction presents challenges for how neo-Roman theorists understand ideals of liberty and political freedom. This article argues that the historical practices of slavery and empire developed concurrently with the normative ideals of republican liberty. Republican liberty does not arise in the absence of power but is inherently connected to the exercise of power.

The article is a modest attempt to deparochialize Eurocentrism embedded within the discipline of International Relations by examining Kautilya and his Arthashastra. Kautilya’s text serves as a potent non-Western theoretical and conceptual reservoir to engage with and thereby to interrogate the Eurocentric realist tradition. The subject matter of Arthashastra precisely earns him the title of ‘first great political realist’ because much of the bedrock assumptions of realism that Europe came to know very late, Kautilya had in ancient India grasped them. Therefore, his Arthasastran realism offers an indigenous theoretical toolkit to examine India’s strategic culture. In fact, Kautilya’s realism is there in the DNA of India’s strategic culture and has been the default strategy for South Asia as India still perceives the region through the historical sub-continental prism. Nevertheless, its application varied across leadership. However, the rise of Modi had revitalized the dynamic of Arthashastra by openly and boldly embracing Kautilya as vividly underscored by his ‘Neighborhood First’ diplomacy in South Asia. Thus Kautilya apart from being a non-Western begetter of the realist tradition offers a reliable understanding of India’s regional diplomacy in the subcontinent.

The author organises the thoughts on European and non-European cultures contained in Herder’s work. According to the philosopher, a man endowed with free will, able to act independently and pass his experiences to the next generations, plays a key role in the divine plan of creation. That is why human history is determined by upbringing and tradition, differing in various parts of the world. In the process of hominization, articulated speech was of great importance, as it enabled socialisation and culturalisation in all conditions. However, the emergence of writing privileged some cultures and gave rise to civilisation. Europeans, who could benefit from other people’s written experiences, gained knowledge faster and considered it the basis for their own superiority. But the individual deprived of the support of civilisation is still defenceless against the challenges of nature. Therefore, Herder advocates respect for all cultures. His apology of tolerance precedes the twentieth-century anthropological postulate of cultural relativism.

Much has happened since Dipesh Chakrabarty, at the turn of the millennium, paradigmatically called for a “provincialization of Europe”. The paper connects with three major trends in current history of technology, exploring these threads with regards to the Global South in general and post/colonial Africa in particular: (1) exemplifying and (later) disentangling transnational connections, (2) rethinking (colonial) infrastructures, and (3) exploring technologies-in-use, everyday practices and perceptions. Unpacking established Science and Technology concepts such as Thomas P. Hughes “Large (Socio)Technical Systems” (LTS) approach for post/colonial contexts, the paper argues that we need to move beyond the much-invoked “key figures” and drivers of global technological (ex)change and scrutinize place- and time-specific landscapes of technology instead. In particular, we need to pay closer attention to seemingly peripheral actors and actants as well as to the manifold interrelations between the human and the “natural” world.

The introduction of the Bible in Africa operated on two major frontiers,firstly, the oral tradition of the missionary who possessed both the Gospel message by word and in the written text (gadget). Conversion occurred through oral ‘manipulation’ that includes an oral negation of the native’s history and worldviews.Secondly, the rise of missionary schools opened the door to the reading of the Bible. However, the black experience has revealed that the reading of the Bible by blacks, slaves and the oppressed gave rise to a new world of interpretation and, in some respects, quietened the oral, historical, political and spiritual disturbance of the missionary voice as the vanguard of the colonial master. It is not the gadget or the written word that is in dispute, even in the digital era, but what the Bible says about oppression, poverty, injustice, dehumanisation, equitable distribution of wealth and politics. Through the paradigms of liberative thought, namely, the hermeneutics of the oppressed, this studyfirstlywill acknowledge the creative and existential interpretation of the Bible for particular goals. While laying out a brief history on Eurocentrism as superseding the Gospel.Secondly, the study seeks to look into Western Christian thought as expansion of the Western Empire. Therefore, arguing that shifts and progress under the guise of development maintain western values.Lastly, the study seeks to argue that despite any platform of biblical transmission, orally, the printing press and the electronic platform, the hermeneutical and epistemological pedagogy of the liberationist lens of the Bible persist; liberation transcends technology. Contribution:This research will contribute in the dialogue between faith and technology within the paradigm of liberation theology. The study seeks to centre the pertinent theme of justice and liberation in the Bible as a critical witness that is relevant for the meaning and relevance of the Bible.

The Russian Oriental studies are rich and diverse in their disciplines. The focus of research activities conducted mainly at the university centres of St. Petersburg, Moscow, Kazan, and during Soviet times in the capitals of some republics (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, etc.), was largely determined by the domestic political and geopolitical interests of the Russian Empire. Thus, a philosophical aspect in oriental studies, as well as university philosophical education practical^ did not exist. The changes brought by the revolution of 1917 have greatly affected all fields of social life, including the academic milieu. The article examines a complex and contradictory path of development of the national philosophy, on the example of the Institute founded in 1921 by Gustav Gustavovich Speth (1879-1937), nowadays the Institute of Philosophy of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The latter has become the main focal point of the philosophical research activities in the former Soviet Union. Particular attention is paid to the liberation from the Eurocentrism inherited from imperial times concerning the spiritual heritage of the peoples of the East as a whole, and in philosophy in particular. The pivotal points of its activity became “History of Philosophy” in 3 Volumes (19411943) and “History of Philosophy” in 6 Volumes (1957-1966). The real breakthrough was the encyclopedias, such as: “The New Philosophical Encyclopedia” in 4 volumes (2001); “Indian philosophy. Encyclopedia” (2009); “The Philosophy of Buddhism: Encyclopedia” (2011). The Orientalist aspect in higher philosophical education nowadays becomes more visible. The recent international recognition of the achievements of the Russian Orientalist philosophical studies regardless of a relatively small number of specialists is largely due to their collective efforts and close cooperation.

In response to the Truth and Reconciliation Calls to Action (TRC, 2015), a school board teamed with university educators and educational partners to generate a professional learning series to support educators’ engagement with Indigenous knowledges. A research team that assembled two years later interviewed the learning series participants to explore how educators were navigating Indigenous knowledge within a Eurocentric school system. This research acknowledges the challenges of doing this work within shifting institutional policies and initiatives, the wider politics of Indigenous and non-Indigenous relations, building intercultural understandings and community partnerships, and negotiating epistemological difference. The researchers — including Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples — echoed resonances with the participants that occurred throughout the data collection process and often spoke about the parallel paths of research and schooling — both historically used as tools of colonization and now having a role in decolonization. To disrupt colonial propensities, we share our reflections as researchers, specifically around complexities and tensions of engaging Indigenous knowledges throughout our research processes concerning the participants’ experiences. By sharing the tensions and (un)learning that emerged on these parallel paths, we honour diverse entry-points and experiences to animate how trans-systemic knowledge building might ensue.

O presente artigo tem foco na pesquisa de tendências de moda realizada na indústria catarinense, relacionando com conceitos de colonialismo e eurocentrismo. Por meio de um questionário aplicado a estilistas e designers de moda, observou-se que estes têm a Europa como principal referência de pesquisa, mas que também valorizam a análise e o lançamento de tendências nacionais. Para entender este fenômeno, a revisão de literatura apresenta um apanhado histórico do surgimento das tendências de moda e da centralização da moda na Europa. Somado a isso, são estudados os conceitos de colonialismo e eurocentrismo, difundidos na América Latina por teóricos como Aníbal Quijano (2005) e Edgardo Lander (2005). O artigo busca pontuar as possíveis consequências da hegemonia da moda europeia na pesquisa de tendências realizada pela indústria catarinense, já que dessa forma expõe-se ao risco de perder autonomia e identidade na moda lançada pelo estado, tornando deficitário o quesito inovação e diferenciação de mercado.

One objective of the emerging global history of international law is to broaden its scope in an attempt to overcome Eurocentrism. In this context, China, not only as an emerging global power that can influence the creation of the normative principles grounding the future world order, but also with its history of international law, offers a counter-teleology to the classic progress narrative of international law understood as a science. This article presents a critical summary and analysis of the approaches of a selection of Chinese scholars to the history of international law. The current debates seem to be closely linked to a new conception of modernity that does not correspond with the Western conception. The Chinese perspective, in this sense, can help broaden the history of international law, especially when that history claims to be global. Un objectif de l’histoire mondiale émergente du droit international est d’élargir son champ d’application pour tenter de surmonter l’eurocentrisme. Dans ce contexte, la Chine, non seulement en tant que puissance mondiale émergente qui peut influencer la création des principes normatifs fondant le futur ordre mondial, mais aussi en raison de son histoire du droit international, offre une contre-téléologie au récit classique du progrès du droit international, compris comme une science. Cet article présente un résumé critique et une analyse des approches d’une sélection de chercheurs chinois à l’histoire du droit international. Les débats actuels semblent être étroitement liés à une nouvelle conception de la modernité qui ne correspond pas à la conception occidentale. La perspective chinoise, en ce sens, peut aider à élargir l’histoire du droit international, en particulier lorsque cette histoire prétend être mondiale.

The study of Eurocentrism has become a hallmark of postcolonial International Relations theories. Of particular concern in this literature has been the resilience of Eurocentrism despite conscious efforts to move towards a post-Eurocentric understanding of world politics. This study argues that while existing works have highlighted many of the reasons why Eurocentrism persists today, it has not been sufficiently identified and conceptualised. In particular, why some policy actors, who have a vested interest in moving beyond Eurocentrism, inadvertently reproduce Eurocentrism? This article proposes to distinguish between different types of inadvertent reproductions. In particular it highlights rhetorical critique, deconstruction, decentring and dehierarchising, as different ways to critique, inadvertently reproduce and partially modify Eurocentrism. To illustrate this situation, this article looks at Turkey's migration policies and documents how Turkish governing elites have openly claimed the need to upend the Eurocentric order, yet have reproduced it in practice.

The facts testifying to the intention of the Russian Empire in the middle of the 18th century to establish equal mutually beneficial relations with China is present-ed in the article. Fragments of archival documents (decrees, memoranda, instructions, reports, etc.) about the expedition of the courier V. F. Bratishchev are given. The main attention is paid to the analysis of documents, which provide descriptions of the long preparation of the diplomatic vis-it, negotiations of V. F. Bratishchev with Qing officials in China. The degree of informativeness of documentary sources is assessed. The documents demonstrate the serious intention of the Russian administration to resolve political and economic issues through negotiations that would allow the Russian Empire to strengthen its position in the Far East. The article notes the principles of functioning of the administrative system of the Russian Empire in the middle of the 18th century. The author of this article considers the diplomatic visit of V. F. Bratishchev to be an example of the clash between the principles of Eurocentrism, which were actively gaining positions in the policy of the Russian ruling elite, and the ideas of the inhabitants of the Middle Empire about the superiority of their own civilization, surrounded by barbarians. Studying this historical event and taking into account the diplomatic mistakes made are relevant both for historical science and modern political interstate interaction.

This article argues that Immanuel Wallerstein’s world-system approach was instrumental in revealing sociology’s theoretical and methodological blind spots and in formulating a comprehensive framework for the study of global inequalities. In doing so, it anticipated both the critique of Eurocentrism and methodological nationalism put forth by transnational and postcolonial approaches as well as the debates over the rise in global inequalities by several decades. I trace this analytical primacy to several factors: first, to world-systems analysis’ methodological shift from the nation-state to the entire capitalist world-economy as an early global sociology; second, to the relation between the methodological shift to the epistemological critique and their role in Wallerstein’s early approach to global inequalities. Finally, I address the relationship between the self-definition of world-systems analysis as a form of protest against mainstream social science (rather than as a theory) and the theoretical and political filiations with postcolonial and decolonial approaches in order to show how they contributed together to the prominence of global inequalities as a topic. Cet article soutient que l’approche du système-monde d’Immanuel Wallerstein a contribué à révéler les angles morts théoriques et méthodologiques de la sociologie et à formuler un cadre complet pour l’étude des inégalités mondiales. Ce faisant, il a anticipé à la fois la critique de l’eurocentrisme et du nationalisme méthodologique mis en relief par les approches transnationales et postcoloniales ainsi que les débats sur la montée des inégalités mondiales de plusieurs décennies. Cet article relie cette primauté analytique à plusieurs facteurs, en premier lieu, au passage méthodologique de l’analyse des systèmes mondiaux de l’État-nation à l’économie mondiale capitaliste dans son ensemble en tant que sociologie mondiale précoce ; en second lieu, la relation entre l’évolution méthodologique vers la critique épistémologique et son rôle dans l’approche précoce de Wallerstein face aux inégalités mondiales. Enfin, il aborde la relation entre l’auto-définition de l’analyse des systèmes-monde comme une forme de protestation contre la science sociale dominante (plutôt que comme une théorie) et les filiations théoriques et politiques avec des approches postcoloniales et décoloniales afin de montrer comment elles ont contribué ensemble à la mise en évidence des inégalités mondiales en tant que sujet.

Carl Schmitt's personal history was notoriously closely linked to Spain, a nation with which he also shared religious faith and therefore partly a culture of origin. But Schmitt's thought was linked to Spain for many other reasons, which made this country, for the German thinker, a very particular point of view on the destiny of the world. From the political predictions of Donoso Cortés, to the decline of Eurocentrism, to the elemental struggle between land and sea, to guerrilla warfare, the role of this Western European country remained pre-eminent for Schmitt in the history of civilization.

O objetivo do presente trabalho é apresentar uma reflexão sobre a relação entre democracia, colonialidade e crise democrática na América Latina a partir do pensamento descolonial, mais especificamente a partir de uma interpretação específica da obra de Aníbal Quijano. Para isso, primeiramente, é apresentado o modo com que o autor compreende a colonialidade do poder, o capitalismo e o eurocentrismo. Em seguida, as concausas de uma consolidação própria das democracias e dos Estados-nacionais no Sul global. A partir de então, é possível concluir que as crises não são uma exceção entre nós, pelo contrário, as democracias em regiões periféricas, devido à colonialidade, são vivenciadas sob o risco constante e permanente de crise.

The purpose of this article is to explore the pedagogical challenges of teaching university-level, feminist, anti-racist courses that examine how Eurocentric patriarchal practices of male violence against women within Canadian society are normalized and obscured through the concept of honour killing. I argue that the normalization of Western structures and practices of patriarchy reproduces racism, sexism, and classism by focusing attention on the “Otherness” of non-Western forms of patriarchy. Honour killings are rendered as distinct from other forms of male violence against women on the basis that they are seen solely as a product of non-Western cultures and religions and not as part of a spectrum of forms of male violence against women practised by all patriarchal societies in Western and non-Western countries.

The article unpacks the notion of western centrism in contemporary international law by developing a framework to capture its varied patterns. It argues that western centrism can have three different manifestations – systemic, evaluative, and professional – depending on whether it refers to the rationality, the narratives, or the actors at play in the international legal field. The article then discusses three theoretical approaches that can help scholars dealing with western centrism in international (legal) scholarship. These are: (i) the critical readings of those scholars that explain international law through the lens of power and domination; (ii) the Stanford school of sociological institutionalism, which explains international institutions and norms through the role of culture and global scripts; and (iii) post-Bourdieusian reflexive sociology, which analyses the roles of transnational legal elites in colonial and post-colonial settings. Finally, the article reconstructs the experience of the Caribbean Court of Justice in the light of western centrism, demonstrating that, different from what is often argued in the literature, the Court is not a failed replica of the Court of Justice of the EU, but an institution in its own right, with its own approach to international law, its own successes and failures.

While W.E.B. Du Bois’s first novel, The Quest of the Silver Fleece (1911), is set squarely in the USA, his second work of fiction, Dark Princess: A Romance (1928), abandons this national framework, depicting the treatment of African Americans in the USA as embedded into an international system of economic exploitation based on racial categories. Ultimately, the political visions offered in the novels differ starkly, but both employ a Western literary canon – so-called ‘classics’ from Greek, German, English, French, and US American literature. With this, Du Bois attempts to create a new space for African Americans in the world (literature) of the 20th century. Weary of the traditions of this ‘world literature’, the novels complicate and begin to decenter the canon that they draw on. This reading traces what I interpret as subtle signs of frustration over the limits set by the literature that underlies Dark Princess, while its predecessor had been more optimistic in its appropriation of Eurocentric fiction for its propagandist aims.

The traditional industrial relations approach – focused on the state, employers and unions as main actors – faces severe limits in its capacity to analyse labour conflict in the face of the specifi...

This introductory text frames the contributions of this forum, bringing together, scholars who have been working for a long time to dismantle knowledge systems that sustain whiteness, Eurocentrism,...

Cultural Europeanisation in Peru has been an aspiration since its independence in 1821. Until 2010 the only institution of higher musical education in Peru had classical European music on a pedesta...

Aníbal Quijano has been one of the most astute and purposeful Latin American social theorists of the second half of the 20th century. His pioneering essays on the ‘Coloniality of Power’ not only inspired the project of Modernity/Coloniality/Decoloniality, but have also influenced countless intellectuals and activists who were not necessarily involved in the so-called ‘Decolonial Turn.’ While Quijano has not left behind a text in which all of the characteristics of his theory on ‘Coloniality’ are systematised, it can be argued that the lengthy essay ‘Coloniality of Power, Eurocentrism and Latin America,’ published for the first time twenty years ago, was intended to provide such an overview of his thought. The purpose of this forum is to critically debate the legacy of the Peruvian sociologist during a period which Quijano himself later described as the ‘Root Crisis of the Coloniality of Global Power.’ In the first section, José Gandarilla presents the Latin American antecedents and precursors of the use of the term ‘Coloniality.’ Next, Haydeé García reflects on the interdisciplinary perspective in Aníbal Quijano, the weight of totality, and its historical articulations. Finally, Daniele Benzi opens up and addresses some queries regarding ‘colonial/modern and Eurocentered capitalism,’ from the perspective of macro-historical sociology.

Mainstream international law is Eurocentric. Throughout the past half millennia, no territory beyond Europe was safe from jus gentium's striking capability to legitimize the intrusion of European civilizational precepts. Beginning with the Americas but quickly shifting to Africa and Asia, each continent was a battleground for the penetration of a provincial knowledge system. In this paper, I explore the implications of Eurocentrism for international legal pedagogy. While textbook authors now pay homage to other civilizations, their effusions are ornamental only. Instead of supporting epistemological equivalency, they centre European international law throughout their works, exorcising the brutalities of European history that generated the law in question. After setting out the dilemma, I outline three approaches towards transforming international legal pedagogy that capitalize on the decolonization movement. Each method builds on the premise that, without epistemic diversity, legal pedagogy will continue to rationalize European international law's predatory impulse.

This essay poses the question do Black Lives Matter to marketing? Putting the spotlight on research in marketing reveals the multiple ways in which the field has neglected a most pressing issue of our time—structural and systemic anti-Black racism. The global rallying cry in the Black Lives Matter protests alerts us to the urgency for transformative change in all spheres including the marketing academy. Macromarketing is particularly poised to lead this change given the commitment to justice in marketing systems and concerns with the bilateral impact of marketing on society. This essay issues a call to action to re-historize the role of transatlantic slavery, for researchers to be reflective in addressing systemic racism, and for the academy to adopt anti-racist strategies to propel this scholarship from the periphery of marketing thought to its core.

Scholars exhibit a general self-reflexive tendency to purge Eurocentrism from UCD in order to strengthen the concept. Yet, unless the role of the cultural in UCD is adequately theorized, UCD cannot...

The concept of the ‘medieval’ emerged as a node of colonialist ideology that placed Africa, Asia, and the Americas into a backward and uncivilized – premodern – time. Even as it demarcates Western Europe as its purview, the ‘Middle Ages’ has also implicated the rest of the world as an invisible ‘other.’ This article argues that as Medieval Studies develops a ‘Global Middle Ages,’ it must necessarily account for this racial colonial project. Drawing from Sara Ahmed’s theories of institutional diversity work, my analysis contextualizes the global turn as a public relations campaign that repairs and protects the field’s reputation after white supremacists displayed their love for the Middle Ages in Charlottesville in 2017. I caution against a ‘Global Middle Ages’ that makes a platform of diversity its focal point, and I call for a coupling of the ‘global’ and the ‘medieval’ that confronts the field’s deeply entrenched Eurocentrism and breaks the ‘Middle Ages’ apart from within.

This article offers perspectives on disrupting the typical elementary school “canon” through providing considerations and pedagogical orientations for including hip-hop. Three issues of critical importance in elementary music education are addressed: decentering Whiteness in elementary music, understanding hip-hop in relation to culturally responsive teaching, and establishing new pathways for musical creativity through hip-hop. Engaging with hip-hop both as a genre and the product of a culture offers music educators opportunities to meaningfully reconsider their practices.

This article problematizes the Human Rights conceptualization embodied in the International Human Rights Law corpus. It considers human rights as a Western construct rooted in a particular historical context, located in a specific ideological background and grounded in a concrete socio-cognitive system. Thus, in disregard of features of non-dominant cultures, the mainstream human rights grammar became a discourse of empire. Building on TWAIL and decolonial theory, this article challenges that hegemonic human rights discourse while providing a justification for incorporating other conceptualizations of rights through an inter-epistemic conversation with alternative world-views.

The work aims to propose a thinkingdo processes of teachlearning in dance from a contemporary and decolonial perspective. It was possible to identify points of convergence between the contemporary dance perspective and the decolonial thinking of education, since both currents of thought criticize the traditional way of education and share the following pedagogical presuppositions: horizontality in the teacher- student relationship; dialogicity; inseparability between theory, defense of democracy and respect for the plurality of bodies and knowledge. The decolonial perspective of dance complements the contemporary perspective by questioning Eurocentrism in dance, expressed in the unequal appreciation of dance techniques and aesthetics of the European tradition when compared to dances that come from other cosmologies, such as dances of african-brazilian e indigenous origin. In this sense, thinkingdo processes of teachlearning in dance from a contemporary and decolonial perspective goes through the valuation of decolonial dance pedagogies, by the creation of an intercultural dance curriculum that contributes to the repositioning of Brazilian traditional dances in the formal spaces of dance teaching, as well as the equitable valorization of dance aesthetics from Europe and the USA when compared to the aesthetics of dances produced by Latin American countries. Keywords: dance; decolonial; interculturality; teachlearning; thinkingdo Este artigo tem como objetivo propor pensarfazer processos de ensinoaprendizagem em dança desde uma perspectiva contemporânea decolonial. Foi possível identificar pontos de convergência entre estas perspectivas, já que ambas as correntes de pensamento compartilham pressupostos da concepção libertadora de educação, tais como dialogicidade, defesa da democracia, indissociabilidade entre teoria e prática; corpo mente; razão emoção; incentivo à autonomia dos educandos no seu processo de ensinoaprendizagem e respeito a pluralidade de ideias. A perspectiva decolonial de educação complementa a perspectiva contemporânea de ensino da dança ao fazer refletir sobre o eurocentrismo presente nos currículos dos cursos de dança, sobre a distribuição desigual de valor dada às produções de dança oriundas da Europa e EUA e às produções latino-americanas, especialmente as danças de matrizes afro-brasileiras e indígenas e ao defender uma educação intercultural. Nesse sentido, o pensarfazer processos de ensinoaprendizagem em dança desde uma perspectiva contemporânea e decolonial perpassa pela criação de um currículo de dança intercultural nos espaços formais de ensino, pelo incentivo à pesquisa de pedagogias decoloniais de dança e ao intercâmbio cultural entre as redes de dança latino-americanas. Palavras-chave: dança; decolonial; ensinoaprendizagem; interculturalidade; pensarfazer &nbsp

It begins with the understanding that the tradition of political and juridical culture in Latin America is a reflection of a historical process of coloniality, exploitation, dependence, and exclusion of multiple societal segments. Thus, we made a study starting from the three aspects that made possible the domination of the north on the countries of the global south: eurocentrism, as a cultural matrix; colonialism, as an institutional matrix; and capitalism as an economic matrix. It goes through the understanding of the formation of modernity, based on eurocentrism and the process of colonization of the continent. Then we analyzed the new power pattern. And, finally, we seek to address economic dependence as a product of coloniality. In this way, the objective of the present work is to understand what has been called the coloniality of power, as a product of the Iberian invasion of the American continent. For this, we used historical and dialectical materialism as a method to aid in the verification of fundamental and secondary contradictions in Latin America and in the differentiation of the various stages of development of these contradictions and phenomena. We used bibliographical references as a research instrument, highlighting the texts of Anibal Quijano, Enrique Dussel, and Walter Mignolo, with attention to those related to the coloniality of power.

Deep K. Datta-Ray has written a difficult but highly rewarding book which raises fascinating questions not just about Indian diplomacy and diplomacy in general, but also about the very idea of mode...

Gavan Titley’s book Racism and Media (2019) is a much needed and compelling intervention on this enduring topic. One of the many significant contributions of the book is to develop an account of ra...

Although eurocentrism in fashion studies has been contested for nearly four decades, the topic is as timely and urgent as ever. While critiques focus on symptoms such as discrimination, inequality ...

This paper brings the notion of translation into dialogue with the growing literature on international hierarchies and the historical origins of the modern international order. Leveraging on the writings of Karl Marx, I draw parallels between the exchange of commodities and the translation of linguistic signs in order to unmask the inequalities and asymmetries that pervade the practice of translation. I then deploy these theoretical insights to illuminate the global constitution of the modern international order. In this Marx-inspired reading, the modern international order is cast as the ‘universal equivalent’ that has crystallized out of the asymmetries and contradictions that pervaded the global political economy of conceptual exchange in the long 19thcentury. As universal equivalent, the modern international order effectively functions as the socially recognized ‘metalanguage’ that undergirds the miracle of global translatability and makes international/interlingual relations possible on a global scale. The paper concludes by considering the implications of the analysis for the future of international/interlingual hierarchies and world order.

In the presentation of scientific literature in this field, modernization is, almost as an axiom, invariably accompanied by a loss of religiosity and the spread of secularism. However, the situation is not so simple and unambiguous. In the modern world, there are distinct trends that demonstrate both the erosion of secularism, and an increase of interest in religion, seen across a spectrum of ways, from fundamentalism to new trends and beliefs. In other words, political ideologies are yet to offer an unambiguous replacement for religious views. According to the authors, the interpretation and practice of religions is largely determined by the political culture of specific societies, their identity, historical mythology, traditions of societies, and so on; political culture, in turn, becomes a recipient of the latest versions of religious and secular views. In other words, context is crucial. Therefore, the European model is not at all universal. According to the authors, constructivism is an approach that allows the limits of Eurocentrism to be breached; significantly, Eurocentrism remains the typical attitude in many modern studies whose focus is only on statistical data, but does not connect with what is happening amidst the political culture of the respective countries and regions.

The article discusses cultural festivals organised in the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) and their ideological implications on the national identity of Greek-Cypriots from Independence (1960) until the c...

It has become expected of policy-makers, pundits, and scholars to refer to a whole raft of global dilemmas—from the economic downturn to climate change—as complex. The complexity of these challenges intimates a pattern of interactions marked by sharp discontinuities and exponential transformations triggered by incremental changes. How can one act ethically and politically in such a turbulent environment? Proponents of Complexity Thinking (CT) have responded to this query by drawing attention to the radical relationality of global life, which contests the Eurocentrism and anthropocentrism informing the IR mainstream. The study demonstrates that the ethical models inherent in such a “complexified” outlook are relational. Therefore, the ethical understanding of political action on the world stage—both cognitively and affectively—is simultaneously shaped and mediated by ethical obligations and commitments to others, the structure and content of which is acquired through the very relationships by which ethical obligations and commitments are formed and justified. Such relational ethics simultaneously critiques the atomistic individualism dominating the IR mainstream and reimagine the international as a dynamic space for dialogical learning, which promises a world that is less hegemonic, more democratic, and equitable.

The basic concept of Chinese culture – the concept of “face” ( mianzi ) – remains one of the most debated topics in philosophy, cultural studies and ethics. The author argues that the main methodological problem is “translation” of realities of Chinese mentality into the language of European discourse, the question of how European thinking interprets concepts that have no analogues in a non-Asian worldview and outlook. The problem of understanding realities of foreign consciousness is complicated by the fact that we can say, with a certain degree of confidence, that today there is no common global scientific field of social and humanitarian research. In spite of international contacts and diligent study of foreign languages, Asian, Euro-American and Russian studies on China do not actually constitute a single area of research. In spite of assurances of unbiased research, scientific objectivity, tolerance and equal respect for scientific schools of different countries, these studies are often afflicted with Eurocentrism or, reversely, Sinocentrism. This article discusses the main ideas of F. Fukuyama’s recently published book, Identity: The Demand for Dignity and the Politics of Resentment , regarding the Chinese concept of “face.” The article presents a brief analysis of the concept of “heart” in Christianity, which largely formed the general European understanding of personality and identity, and then a description of “heart” in the Taoist-Confucian philosophy, which is fundamental to the Chinese mentality. The article considers the methodological foundations of Fukuyama’s concepts and demonstrates the inefficiency of Eurocentric and Americentric criteria in interpretation of the “face” and personality in China. It is shown that the traditional understanding of Chinese consciousness as collectivistic and of European consciousness as chiefly individualistic is nothing more than a cliche. The author concludes that studying the Chinese concept of “face” requires a different methodological approach, which will be relevant not to epistemological views entrenched in the West, but to the subject of research itself.

The article researches the historical transformation of the dichotomy of civilization and barbarism, which originally in ancient Greece did not have a pejorative connotation. This dichotomy has become relevant today to justify the classification of states according to their degree of acceptance of “civilization standards,” which are understood as the standards of the European model of development. The main features of the stereotype of the divide between civilization and barbarism, which took shape in the Roman era, have survived to the present. The premise of “civilizational superiority” of European culture is accompanied by a moral depreciation of other civilizations, turning a barbarian into an enemy of civilization with an explicit racist connotation. Civilization itself is seen as a “vaccination” in the process of missionary work. There emerges the concept of “Eastern barbarism,” coupled with the concepts of terra nullis and the innate irrational behavior of the population of these countries, which justify the seizing of territories for a “more rational” resource management. This activity is historically accompanied by colonization and, in the modern world, by forceful forms of “promoting democracy.” According to the logic of the divide between civilization and barbarism, non-Western countries are doomed to imitate and perpetually fall behind, which causes the disunity of society and internal hostility of “second-rate Europeanized” nations. The Western mentoring has transformed from protectorate to the creation of governance structures that are headed by Western-educated local elites and are designed to change the cultural patterns of society. There was a conception that the world is divided into spheres, in the first circle of which there is a progressive civilized European world, followed by a number of countries similar in structure and values to the European model, and then there is a sphere of barbarism and backwardness. In the contemporary version, this theory presumes the division of states into “pre-modern,” modern, and post-modern states. It the conclusion, it is noted that this divide contradicts to the humane essence of culture and civilization process.

A call for a “New Enlightenment” sounds in the last report of the Club of Rome named “Come On!” It claimed that “New Enlightenment” should not be the continuation of rationalism and Eurocentrism of “Voltaire’s Enlightenment”. The article discusses two issues. Firstly, what challenges the “New Enlightenment” should answer on. Ecological and socioecological challenges are at the top of the agenda. The last one comes from large-scale socio-technical and anthropotechnical experiments with unpredictable consequences. The so-called epoch of “reassembly of the social” is expressed in the deculturation and dehumanisation of social reality. It has adverse consequences for humanity, including the lifeworld destruction and human existence. An alternative to these trends may be hermeneutics, phenomenology and understanding sociology. Second discussed question is science willingness for the “New Enlightenment”. The dominant scientific discourses continue the traditions of “Voltaire’s Enlightenment” and do not respond to time challenges.

This paper contributes to recent revisions to the English School (ES) which have sought to redress its Eurocentrism. It argues that, despite providing necessary accounts of non-Western international societies and the agency of non-European polities in the expansion of global international society, there remains a gap in capturing the agency of postcolonial states in contributing to order negotiation and management in contemporary international order. It proposes a social role negotiation framework to address the gap, which it situates within a holistic conceptual framework that supplements an ES understanding of international order between states with a world-system perspective on how states are embedded within global capitalism, and a neo-Gramscian focus on social forces as the key agents contesting and shaping states' foreign policy orientation. It highlights two major types of postcolonial state agency within international order: contesting and limiting great powers' legitimate exercise of power; and establishing responsibilities towards building and managing order vis-a-vis great powers. The paper illustrates the utility of the social roles framework with the example of ASEAN in Southeast Asian and Asia-Pacific order.

It is increasingly argued that European colonialism has left its mark not only in the political and economic structures of the current world system, but also in the fields of culture, science and education. Against this background, the demand for a comprehensive epistemic or epistemological decolonization is raised. This issue follows on from this demand to clarify to what extent the phenomena of cultural colonization and coloniality also affect the fields of pedagogy and educational science. In particular, the meaning of the demand for epistemic or epistemological decolonization in the field of education will be discussed. In the introduction to this volume, the main features of decolonial thinking are presented. This is a movement of critical thinking that starts from the history of Latin America in order to reconstruct, criticize and deconstruct the globally powerful connection between modernity and coloniality. After this short introduction, the individual contributions from this issue on decoloniality will be briefly presented. Finally, the differences and similarities of the individual articles are briefly referred to. In the end, the question is raised, whether decolonial education should distinguish itself more strongly within the discipline.

This article argues that the literary endeavors of Afro-Caribbean writers from the beginning of the twentieth century, such as Eric Walrond, Claude McKay, and Samuel Nation, challenge the very notion of the national literary canon. This is due to their transnational and transcultural character that goes beyond language, cultural, national, and regional borders. Moreover, it shows that their writings, from Walrond’s collection of short stories (Tropic Death) to McKay’s many novels (Banana Bottom, Home to Harlem, Amiable with Big Teeth) to Nation’s essays, foster a transnational, transatlantic, multicultural, and plurilin-gual literary geography in which the countries of Central America, most notably Panama and Costa Rica, play a central role. These three authors also share a deep concern for racial justice and therefore elaborate a critique of racism and Eurocentrism in their work that is partially rooted in Garveyism. I further argue that it is the very experience of migration, of a life in transit, that contributes to the creation of a pan-African consciousness in defiance of (neo)colonial social impositions and expectations.