Search

How does economic globalisation influence individuals’ welfare state preferences? Moving beyond the unidimensional understanding of globalisation exposure, we intersect two dimensions of exposure perceptions (gain vs loss and individual vs societal impacts) and propose a novel typology: collective winner, lone winner, lone loser and collective loser. We then explain the preference gap among losers (collective losers vis-à-vis lone losers) and among winners (collective winners vis-à-vis lone winners) by considering three distinct motivations for welfare state support: compensation, risk-pooling and inequality reduction. We illustrate the usefulness of our typology using an original survey in South Korea. We find that lone winners are far more supportive of welfare spending than collective winners. At the same time, collective losers are found to be much more supportive of welfare spending than lone losers. We provide some first-cut evidence that the insurance-seeking motivation common to lone winners and collective losers drive their welfare state support.

International trade regulation is viewed as a key function of managing the flow of goods and services in international exchange. The study analyses the primary challenges in the development and regulation of global trade and establishes the avenues for counteracting structural distortions and imbalances in international exchange. The methodological framework of the research includes the concept of foreign economic activity management and international trade theory. Analysis, synthesis, as well as historical and logical methods were used. The empirical base covers data from world trade statistics in the context of bilateral trade flows between key countries participating in international exchange. The authors propose their own methodology which is based on a descriptive assessment of atypical changes in international trade and stress factors in its development under the influence of the crisis, and takes into account the reliability of participants in international exchange. We prove that economic globalization has a decisive effect on the formation of imbalances and risks of a rise in protectionism in cross border trade. As shown in the research, the COVID-19 pandemic has exerted a special influence on export-oriented countries and global supply chains, which makes the impact of the current crisis on international exchange unprecedentedly inclusive. The current rapid recovery of global trade does not imply it being sustainable in the medium and long term, since foreign trade regulation in the key countries remains uncertain and strained. The progress of world trade multilateral regulation was virtually destroyed, as evidenced by the resumption of the discriminatory measures practice between countries. Strategies for managing the crossborder movement of goods will depend on the depth and effectiveness of mega-regional trade agreements, as well as on the rebalancing of trade between the leading players – the United States and China.

Recent developments which were coined to the opening up of borders have attracted interest of many researchers from many disciplines. A lot of work can be observed regarding the role of globalization / internationalization on economic growth and social development, this study specifically explores the implications of globalization on the ultimate goal that is life longevity. Adapting from the Kuznets curve, this study proposed a quadratic function of economic globalization and life longevity. The results using panel the ARDL model for the SAARC region, it can be seen that expansion of trade globalization de jure and management of financial globalization de facto and de jure may help them to increase longevity in the long run.

Why has voter turnout declined in democracies all over the world? This article draws on findings from microlevel studies and theorizes two explanations: generational change and a rise in the number of elective institutions. The empirical section tests these hypotheses along with other explanations proposed in the literature—shifts in party/candidate competition, voting-age reform, weakening group mobilization, income inequality, and economic globalization. The authors conduct two analyses. The first analysis employs an original data set covering all post-1945 democratic national elections. The second studies individual-level data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and British, Canadian, and US national election studies. The results strongly support the generational change and elective institutions hypotheses, which account for most of the decline in voter turnout. These findings have important implications for a better understanding of the current transformations of representative democracy and the challenges it faces.

This paper examines the policy approaches and measures that developed market economies countries have adopted to “manage” what has become known as the Dahrendorf Quandary, a profound challenge facing globalizing economies: over time, staying economically competitive requires either adopting measures detrimental to the cohesion of society or restricting civil liberties and political participation. Examining a range of countries over time, it is found that their policy choices and subsequent performance are too varied to support the inevitable, almost mechanical, incompatibility the Quandary implies. While balancing the relationship between economic globalization, social cohesion, and democracy continues to be a major challenge for developed market economies, results show they are not helpless in what Dahrendorf feared to be a Herculean task of “squaring the circle” among incompatible trends. In other words, while the tensions the Quandary posits apply, they nonetheless need not lead to similar or negative outcomes.

This research paper studies trends and hotspots of management internationalization in the sphere of higher education. The survey is based on CiteSpace visualization technology and on the corpus approach to studying keywords and annotations for 2010–2021 publications in 25 major higher education journals. Keywords analysis by CiteSpace showed that the hotspots of the management internationalization research are focused on postgraduate education management, on the projects «Double First Class University Plan», «Greater Bay Area», «Cooperation in Running Schools», etc. The future possible areas of investigation are the «local internationalization» of university management, the internationa lization of management in terms of international-level specialties and first-class universities’ nationalization, as well as the contradiction of the «spillover effect» between university management and cross-university cooperation. The corpus-based analysis showed that over the past 12 years the studies of internationalization of higher education and its mana gement have been carried out within the large-scale project «One Belt – One Road» and economic globalization. These studies include the modules of universities’ development, university education, academic research, school management strategy, etc. To effectively address the challenges faced by higher education internationalization management, the aut hors propose to take advantage of consistent teaching quality and to leverage regional and local resources, so as to create a multidimensional platform that would interconnect talents and ways to use them. Of no less importance, when summarizing such experience, is it to take into account the historical background, so that this platform, certainly engaging state policy, would allow a reform of higher education globalization for its further development.

Does economic globalization create a “race to the bottom” or a “race to the top” in labor rights practices? Despite significant research on the possible impact of economic globalization on labor conditions, little consensus exists as to whether and what forms of economic openness might help or undermine labor rights. In this study, we illustrate the significance of considering the two distinct processes of de facto and de jure globalization. We argue that whereas de facto globalization in the form of trade and financial transactions is likely to result in worse labor rights practices, de jure globalization that entails regulations to facilitate these transactions is likely to have a positive effect on labor conditions. Combining time-series, cross-national data on labor rights with data on economic globalization, we find significant evidence of the divergent effects of de facto and de jure globalization on labor rights practices. Results also indicate that the labor rights effects of de facto and de jure globalization are stronger for trade than financial globalization. We further show that the effects of economic globalization apply to both collective and substantive labor rights practices.

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and China's state-led model for economic globalization more generally, have attracted controversy: Are state-led overseas investment and lending driven by strategic motives or market rationale? How have the recipient economies reacted to the influx of Chinese capital? This special issue sheds light on these questions by first outlining the fragmented state system driving the BRI, a system featuring both Beijing's strategic logic at the top and market considerations in policy implementation. The role of the state is unpacked further in China's globalizing coal industry and in the growth of Chinese industry export to BRI countries. Finally, the issue explores the mechanisms behind public backlash and political pushback facing China in Zambia and Australia. As the COVID-19 pandemic continues to shift China's relationship with the world, this special issue contributes to a more nuanced understanding of themodus operandiof Chinese capital going global.

The modern world is a world of global trends. Studies often do not take into account the nonlinearity of the process and create the appearance of automatically deepening and expanding global processes that affect all areas of life. Globalization is considered in the article as a non-linear process of spatial interaction, mutual influence and interdependence of the world economy subjects. One of the main periodization criteria of economic globalization is the qualitative changes in spatio-temporal relations. Thepurpose of the paper is to justify the reasons for the emergence of a new phase of globalization. The pandemic has triggered a serious blow to the global interdependent economy. This means that globalization is entering a new phase.

Despite decades of research, there is no consensus as to the core correlates of national-level voter turnout. We argue that this is, in part, due to the lack of comprehensive, systematic empirical analysis. This paper conducts such an analysis. We identify 44 articles on turnout from 1986 to 2017. These articles include over 127 potential predictors of voter turnout, and we collect data on seventy of these variables. Using extreme bounds analysis, we run over 15 million regressions to determine which of these 70 variables are robustly associated with voter turnout in 579 elections in 80 democracies from 1945 to 2014. Overall, 22 variables are robustly associated with voter turnout, including compulsory voting, concurrent elections, competitive elections, inflation, previous turnout, and economic globalization.

Recent protectionist tendencies in affluent democracies challenge the mainstream consensus of democracy and free trade as a virtuous relationship. Attempts to pin this protectionism on the undemocratic nature of accompanying populism cannot really be backed by existing theory. This article argues there is a theoretical void concerning the nexus of political regimes and international trade that is clearly exposed by ongoing populistic protectionism. The central theory on the political economy of democracy and trade liberalization, here dubbed the Stolper-Samuelson-Meltzer-Richards theory (SSMR) is critically examined. The SSMR has been used to explain both causal directions of the democracy/trade nexus. Each direction is explained by its own version of the SSMR, and these versions are mutually exclusive. An extensive review of empirical studies is presented to show that the predictions of the SSMR are met with a mix of support and rejection. The paper then explores the weaknesses of the SSMR and how it can be refashioned to accommodate an endogenous relationship between regime change and trade liberalization. A coupling of theory inspired by Stolper and Samuelson with the selectorate theory (Mesquita, 2003) is proposed as an avenue of future theory-building that mitigates the weaknesses of the SSMR and potentially explains populist protectionism.

What are the political consequences of economic globalization? Since the 1990s, scholars of European party politics have noted the rise of extremist parties, especially right-wing populist ones, and the decline of mainstream left and right parties. This paper focuses on the association between globalization in terms of trade, capital and labor flows, technological change, and popular support for extreme right parties. I examine these relations at the regional and individual level in 15 advanced industrial democracies in Western Europe from 1990 to 2018. Globalization, especially in the form of trade, is associated with growing vote shares for extreme right parties. Technological change in the form of automation increases support for extreme right parties. The financial crisis enhanced support for populist right parties and strengthened the negative relationship between trade shocks and declining support for mainstream left parties. And the use of social welfare compensation seems unable to dampen these political trends.1

Nowadays, global economic governance is on the edge of economic scientific research. The fastening economic globalization with its drawbacks and unprecedent possible gains alongside with toughening competition on markets of sources and finished products, deepening global problems represent a real challenge for decision-makers across the World. Activities of supranational organizations are complemented and sometimes substituted by actions of other global actors which role is constantly increasing and strengthened. Thus, previous forms of global economic governance do not fit the modern system of governance itself well. Various foreign and Ukrainian scientists attempted to assess, analyze and explain global economic governance phenomena and its modes, amon them are: D. Lukjanenko, D. W. Drezner, M. Filipovich, S. Bancic, M. Kahler and D. A. Lake et al. Despite existing literature, there are no researches which are aimed to the development of model which allows formalizing self-selection of GEG mode. The goal of the paper was to develop the formalized model of self-selection of global economic governance mode and to trace out which factors drive the switches between modes. The paper proceeds with the respective analysis of four mostly widespread modes of GEG: supranational, hierarchic, network and hybrid, and the derivation of specific probit function which explains dependence on GEG mode on a specific set of dummy variables. Thus, the paper is the first attempt to formalize the self-selection of modes of global economic governance. Using methods of economic analysis, it suggests the specific functional form of dependence of four specific GEG modes (supranational, hybrid, network, hierarchic) on the set of dependent variables, among them are: leadership in specific sphere, divergence from the generally agreed policy, absence of effective national institutions and etc. The paper could be developed further by elaborating on the set of indicators which could be used to proxy the suggested dependent variables. This will represent the finished methodology of GEG modes self-selection and could be used further for scientific and practical needs, e.g. in forecasting changes of GEG modes.

In recent years, Ukraine has been striving to join the European Union and has a strategic objective to establish itself as a successful European state with a competitive economy integrated into the European one. A synthesis of recent studies suggests that in the context of economic globalization and the openness of the national economy for each country, the problem of ensuring financial and economic security becomes extremely important. It has been established that financial and economic security is indeed closely connected with the processes of European integration and has a number of problems, the solution of which should take place at the state level. However, given the uncertainty regarding the duration of implementation and the effectiveness of economic and legal state measures to ensure financial and economic security, it is proposed to consider the development of ways to prevent possible threats and minimize their negative impacts as primary measures to create a system for ensuring financial and economic security.

Contemporary economic globalization is typically seen as a product of both trade and economic liberalization after the Second World War and of technological advances that have made it possible to overcome coordination and management of geographically dispersed production units. Trade liberalization and technological advances were certainly important variables, but I argue that it was neo-protectionist American policies of the early 1980s that provided the initial catalyst for globally networked production processes. American protectionism encouraged Japanese investment in the United States that allowed US car manufacturers to learn the essentials of network manufacturing as practiced by Japanese transplants in the United States. In the next stage of global network manufacturing, liberal trade played a much more pivotal role because the global supply chains could not obviously be maintained without liberal trade. In this paper, I also discuss the likelihood of a reversal and suggest that globalization is unlikely to reversed in a significant way. Liberal trade is essential to the integrity of global supply chain networks, but these new production processes have themselves created a firewall against future systemic protectionism.

Frente al principio de cohesión, ligado al de solidaridad, los retos derivados de las ampliaciones y de la globalización económica han llevado a la Unión Europea a priorizar la competitividad en el diseño de la nueva política de cohesión. Tras un breve repaso a la evolución conceptual de los principios de convergencia–cohesión y de competitividad, el objetivo de este trabajo es analizar si en el caso de las regiones españolas el gasto ejecutado asociado a las ayudas estructurales europeas refleja la prioridad del objetivo de competitividad durante el periodo 2007–2015. Igualmente, se pretende observar si existe homogeneidad en esa ejecución entre diferentes tipologías de territorios, así como la capacidad de absorción de dichos fondos, es decir, si se ejecutan las partidas programadas para este concepto, en la misma media que las del conjunto de los programas confinanciados con ayudas europeas.

With the trend of globalization, promising development in China has attracted a growing number of descendants of Chinese immigrants who choose to return to China to pursue higher education. Furthermore, the cultural pluralism that accompanies economic globalization is increasingly changing the pattern of world civilization. However, this leads to new issues of conflict, integration, and symbiosis between different cultures among international students. To address a gap in the literature, this study explored the trajectory of how international students of Chinese origin transcend their identities and build intercultural identities during their higher education study in China. The study investigates 13 participants from different countries, focusing on the process of (re)shaping identity under multiple cultural backgrounds and how they understand this process. These findings show that for students to adapt to Chinese culture it is crucial to encourage them to mitigate language barriers, awake cultural memories, consolidate values, expand educational exchanges, and continue to improve international understanding and broad recognition from an intercultural perspective.

Achieving sustainable development while avoiding further environmental degradation is a crucial challenge faced by society today. The African countries in this study have shown considerable growth, but still face various barriers to comply with international environmental agreements. This paper analyses the effect of globalisation and corruption on the environmental performance of 23 African countries from 1999 to 2017. The Autoregressive Distributed Lag model with Driscoll-Kraay estimator was chosen as most suitable to achieve the aim of this analysis. The main findings provide confirmation of the advantage of analysing globalisation through three dimensions, namely, the economic, social, and political, and through two measures, the de jure and de facto. Economic globalisation de facto increases environmental degradation, suggesting the relocation of polluting industries to African countries. Economic and political globalisation de jure improves the environment. Stricter regulation could reduce the level of corruption and restrict the relocation of polluting industries. Foreign investment attracted to these countries should be directed to achieving sustainable development goals.

An analysis of violence using data from 2018 to 2019 in the village of Altavista in Medellín, Colombia, concludes that economic globalization and a crisis of the social state have led to an increase in inequality and structural violence. This phenomenon, culturally reinforced by the acceptance and normalization of these events, constitutes a window of opportunity for the entrenchment of violent entrepreneurship using extortive economic activities to accumulate capital, resulting in increased precarity for the inhabitants of the village. Un análisis de la violencia en la aldea de Altavista en Medellín, Colombia, utilizando los datos de 2018 a 2019 concluye que la globalización económica y una crisis del estado social han dado lugar a un aumento en la desigualdad y la violencia estructural. Este fenómeno, culturalmente reforzado por la aceptación y normalización de dichos acontecimientos, constituye una ventana de oportunidad para el afianzamiento de una violenta cultura económica basada en la acumulación de capital a partir de la extorsión, lo cual exacerba la presencia de la precariedad en las vidas de los habitantes del pueblo.

Leseprobe ----- Margo Okazawa-Rey is Professor Emerita at San Francisco State University. Her research develops an understanding of security from an intersectional, transnational, and activist perspective. She examines the connections between militarism, economic globalization and the impacts on local and migrant women in East Asia, as well as the role of feminist research in activism, women’s empowerment and policy change. She was a founding member of the Combahee River Collective, which articulated a theory of intersectionality in the 1970s. The following interview with Margo Okazawa-Rey took place on September 24, 2019 by video call. ----- Bibliographie: Meyer, Katrin: “We care about feminist notions of genuine security” A Conversation with Margo Okazawa-Rey. By Katrin Meyer, FZG – Freiburger Zeitschrift fur GeschlechterStudien, 2020, S. 87-96. https://doi.org/10.3224/fzg.v26i1.06

Economic globalization results in unbalanced development and growing inequality between the centre and the periphery of the global economic map. This process is driven by the expansionist policies of the corporations and the financial capital, being in collision with the social protection system. Markets are good for wealth creation, but they fail to take care of the citizens’ social needs. Social justice is a public good that can be provided for only by means of the political process. Globalization fails to meet the needs of the ultimate beneficiary of the development processes - the citizen. The modality in which economic localization foundations were set in the development and transitional economies, did not exhibit clear development capacities in order to improve the global position of these countries. Alternative development strategies are required in order to keep the territorial integrity of the nation-state and radical reforming of the central government role in the process is a prerequisite. The main driving force of the sustainable governance concept refers to the participation, knowledge and information distribution and cooperation among stakeholders. Economic prosperity is dependent on the effectiveness in production, collection and use of knowledge in the economic processes. Economy converts into a hierarchy of networks and what comes out as a result is a network society in which individual or corporative capacity for participation and networking determines the socio-economic position. Knowledge - Based Economy (KBE) refers to an economy that applies information resources, technology and knowledge into the economic development processes. Innovations entail increased communication intensity and feedback among companies, academic institutions, laboratories, consumers. They are a result of a number of interactions and synergies of specific innovative systems that tend to expand outside national borders, ideally becoming global, incorporating numerous global-local connections. (JEL Q01, F60, F00)

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to examine the impact of globalization and its multiple dimensions on human rights in Sub-Saharan Africa.Design/methodology/approachThe study extends the Poe and Tate (1994) model, which enumerates the various determinants of human rights. Ordered probit estimation is used to estimate the impact of globalization and its dimensions. For the purpose of empirical analysis, the period has been divided into three phases: short, medium and long term. This helps in understanding how the impact of the different dimensions of globalization has evolved over a period of time. Furthermore, analysis has been carried out to detect causality between human rights and globalization.FindingsAs per the results, overall globalization and social dimension of globalization do have a positive impact on human rights in long and medium term and, also, Granger-cause human rights. The political dimension of globalization has a positive relation with human rights, though there exists no causality between the two. On the other hand, the economic dimension of globalization fails to have a statistically significant impact on human rights. Impact of the social dimension of globalization dominates that of other dimensions of globalization.Originality/valueThis is one of the few studies that examine, in an empirical fashion, the impact of globalization on human rights in Sub-Saharan Africa.

This article addresses challenges to the established international order. Its critique becomes particularly discernible at the domestic level, where political and economic frameworks are contested by electorates and anti-establishment movements in Western countries, engulfed by anti-globalisation sentiments and disillusioned with the asymmetric formula of globalisation. Populism implies that the ‘social revolt’ facing the West today, regardless of whether it takes place in France, Greece, Hungary, Poland, the UK or the USA, is not a legitimate response to deep-seated problems but rather is the problem itself. The main aims of this article are to investigate what has caused this surge of support for populism in the West; what the role of the default system of economic governance is in inspiring populist resentment; and, finally, what the identity crisis, stemming from ‘hyperglobalisation’, and wrecking the social order in Western societies has to do with fear, (un)fairness and the redistributive effects of economic globalisation.

PurposeThis article aims to provide a timely examination of and reflection on the impact of COVID-19 on the neo-liberal paradigm that has been prevalent in international higher education (HE) for two decades since the late 1990s.Design/methodology/approachMethodologically, this paper deploys conceptual mapping as an analytical tool to explore and examine the global news updates that provide timely (i.e. early 2020) record of the fast-moving pandemic.FindingsIt unfolds four pairs of contradictions occurring in the Western universities during the pandemic outbreak, i.e. HE as cross-border services vs border control, the state's shrinking public funding vs universities under financial threat, increased reliance on foreign students' tuition fee vs decreased international enrolment and the user-pays philosophy vs the rising force of user says.Research limitations/implicationsIt is argued that the pending crises facing Western universities are not merely financial issues; they reveal the shortcomings that are inherent in business model of HE driven by economic globalisation but triggered by coronavirus pandemic to erupt. The pandemic should be temporary, but its spill-over effects may alter the overarching landscape of the international HE relations, which is part and parcel of the changing geopolitical order featured as de-globalisation.Practical implicationsThe paper has practical implications for acting on international HE in the time of coronavirus pandemic. They mainly consider four aspects: (1) travel distance as new determinant of study abroad, (2) the renewed significance of a state's role in policymaking and financial undertaking, (3) shortcomings in market mechanism and (4) East Asia as an emerging regional hub of study abroad.Social implicationsThis paper is expected to leverage three lessons learned from the upending situation. First, it is conceptually misleading to define international HE as a form of market-led “transnational service” and cross-border tradeable product undermining a state's control. Second, a state's supervising model needs to be reviewed, to embrace the renewed relationship between a state and universities in the new context of global pandemic. Third, the global landscape of international HE may be altered.Originality/valueThis conceptual paper provides a timely critique of the neo-liberal paradigm in HE and shedding light on the changing global landscape of international HE along with the changing geopolitical relations reshuffled by COVID-19 and its spill-over effects.

The purpose of the article was to show the importance of globalization for modern economies. Presenting the concept of globalization and its essence makes an assumption that it affects all aspects of human activity legitimate. Globalization is a multi-threaded term consisting of complex processes. The article presents various definitions of this concept and division of economic globalization factors. However, their clear division is not possible, because they occur in cause and effect relationships. The effects of globalization felt by individual entities depend on the degree of economic development or qualifications. The problem of the ambiguity of the impact of globalization on the modern world lies not in globalization itself but in the way it is interpreted. The article also presents globalization after 2008 and possible scenarios for the future stage of globalization.

This study intends to describe how defense research and development, which is a major pillar, is used to accelerate efforts towards independence in the economy of the Indonesian defense industry. This research is qualitative research, the type of research uses a comprehensive analytical study and analytical normative approach. At present, almost all countries that provide large-scale military equipment are supported by strong research capacity and domestic technological capacity. Therefore, efforts to develop highly competitive defense technology with established support are essential. Not only to face security threats but also to make Indonesia relevant in the fierce competition in the era of economic globalization ahead. The country can reap optimum benefits from its defense industry activities. In addition to strengthening war machines and arsenal, most of the research and development activities also encourage the use of research results for commercial or non-military industrial activities. The pattern of a symbiosis of military technology mutualism for use in the general public (commercial) has recently become a reference for policy developers known as the concept of dual-use technologies. The concept of dual-use technologies is then applied in the form of tiered trees that describe the roots of for a product or technology in general that must be developed and then grow like branches and branches to specific specifications for military or commercial use.

Purpose This study aims to focus on the effects of economic globalisation programme on the problems of criminal activities and on the degree of skilled–unskilled wage inequality. Design/methodology/approach A competitive general equilibrium model of a small open economy is developed. Unskilled labour moves from the production sector to the criminal sector. Those who join the criminal sector snatch a part of capitalists’ income and skilled workers’ income to finance their consumption and face positive probability of being caught and punished. The size of the criminal sector and the rental rate on capital are simultaneously determined in the short-run equilibrium of this model where factor endowments are exogenously given at a particular point of time. Findings An increase in the capital endowment resulting from an exogenous foreign capital inflow raises demand for labour and wage rates in both the sectors. So, it lowers the rental rate on capital and thus aggravates the problem of skilled–unskilled wage inequality because the skilled labour using sector is more capital intensive than the other production sector. However, it may lower the size of the criminal sector and thus may raise the level of the gross domestic product. Originality/value There exists substantial theoretical works on the problem of skilled–unskilled wage inequality, but none of these works focuses on the general equilibrium allocation of unskilled labour to the criminal sector. On the other hand, existing models specialised to analyse theoretical implications of crime and punishment do not focus on the interaction between crime and wage inequality.

Given that sharing a democratic regime or culture increases the likelihood of bilateral trade flows between country dyads, this article investigates whether individuals are more likely to support preferential trade liberalization with other democracies and countries they perceive as culturally similar to the home country. Adopting experimental manipulation of the regime type and the cultural identity of the partner country on nationally representative survey data from two emerging market countries, Turkey and Greece, I demonstrate that while cultural affiliation does not condition individual attitudes, respondents in both samples display a highly significant preference for trade liberalization with a democratic country over an authoritarian one. Assessments based on respondents’ endorsement of postmaterialist values, international trade attitudes, and interpersonal trust reveal that while the democracy preference of Turkish respondents are likely affected by functional reasons, both functional and normative dynamics condition Greek attitudes. Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (10.1057/s41304-020-00290-x) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

The globalization of the modern economy imposes special requirements on national accounting systems with the focus on standardization of information summarizing methods in order to form unified accounting statements. Public companies seeking to become players on the global trade platform are forced to adopt the rules of the international accounting and reporting. This has certain implications for national accounting in different countries. The article offers a study of the alternative influence of the phenomenon of economic globalization on the development of modern accounting. Positive and negative factors of such influence which have already forever changed the quality of the accounting, (Russia included), are highlighted, meaning not only improvement of the methods of accounting information generalization but also changes in the very attitude to the accounting profession. It is concluded that the consequences of economic globalization for the countries participating in the world trade platform have led to a positive change in the quality of the accounting system as a whole. However, to maintain this trend, the participation of educational institutions and professional communities along with the state in the improvement of an accounting process is required.

Objectives We seek to investigate the impact of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) on coups d’etat. We argue that signing PTAs lowers the risk of coups because it acts as a credible commitment of signatory countries to pursuing long‐term economic benefits, which further reduces potential challengers’ incentives to initiate coups. In addition, the effect of PTAs is larger in democracies because democratic signatories are perceived to be more credible in upholding treaty commitments than their authoritarian counterparts. Methods We employ binary time‐series cross‐sectional (BTSCS) models to examine a sample of 154 countries between 1960 and 2012. Results We find that signing PTAs reduces risks of coups, especially in countries with higher levels of democratic development. Conclusions Our study sheds light on how PTAs can prolong leader survival through reducing the likelihood of coups and contributes to emerging studies on the consequences of signing PTAs in the age of economic globalization.

This study investigates the human capital-income inequality nexus for 19 advanced economies. The whole sample covers the period between 1990 and 2017. The econometric analysis considers two fundamental panel data methods, namely the fixed-effects and two-step system GMM, to test whether the correlation between human capital development and income inequality is negative or not. The empirical findings of these two particular panel data methods reveal that while the initial stages of accumulating a higher degree of human capital through increasing the average years of schooling and returns to education reduce the level of income inequality, the later stages show that this negative relationship turns into positive by way of widening the unequal distribution of national income. In addition, the economic globalization appears to be positively correlated with income inequality, meaning that globalized economic relations widen the scale of inequality where the statistical significance of human capital-income inequality nexus still prevails. All these estimation results show that they are contradicted with the mainstream findings, each of which puts forward that higher level of human capital reduces the level of income inequality.

With the rapid development of economic globalization and information technology, virtual teams has become a widely accepted. Aiming at virtual teams in the Yangtze River Delta, total 429 copies of questionnaire are distributed for this study and total 367 valid copies are retrieved, with the retrieval rate 85.5%. The relationships among social capital (structural dimension, relational dimension and cognitive dimension), integration of knowledge, information technology and innovation performance are verified with the data collected. The results reveal significant positive effects of social capital on knowledge integration of virtual team and social capital on innovation performance of virtual team，and knowledge integration partially mediates the effects of social capital on innovation performance of virtual team. The application of information technology weakens the effcets of social capital on innovation performance and knowledge integration. Therefore, in face of a variety of information technologies, managers should select the suitable one for the team, and pay attention to establish a harmonious social relations network as well as coordinate the conflict and cooperation behavior among virtual team members, for promotion of the knowledge integration and innovation performance.

Using the annual data from 1980 to 2013, this study explores the effects of economic globalization on income inequality for a sample of two emerging economics, China and India, by endogenizing FDI inflows, remittances inflows, sectoral output, infrastructural development, human capital formation, government size, urbanization and economic growth as relevant determinants into the income inequality model. By applying combined cointegration method of Bayer–Hanck (J Time Ser Anal 34(1): 83–95, 2013) and ARDL bounds testing of cointegration approach of Pesaran et al. (J Appl Econom 16(3):289–326, 2001); it finds that there is the existence of a long-run relationship among the variables in our inequality model for both India and China. After confirming cointegration among the variables, the long-run results based on ARDL model surprisingly revealed that economic globalization widens the income inequality in India but the same factor reduces the income inequality in China. Contrastingly, both the FDI and remittances inflows significantly contribute to reduce income inequality in China, while the same worsens the income inequality in India. In examining the role and effects of structural changes in both the economies from the changing sectoral contributions of output in total output (industry sector and service sectors) in our model, it exposes the fact that the changing sectoral growth contribution has been leading to rising income inequality in China while the same has been resulting in reduction of income inequality in India. The infrastructural development has led to rising income inequality in both the countries, while human capital formation as expected reduces income inequality for both the countries. It also observes that economic growth, urbanization and government size enable both the economies to improve in their pattern of income distribution which have significant implication for public policy of both the economies while aiming at reducing poverty and inequality.

One of the most significant economic trends in the last decades has been the integration of countries in international markets. What have been the consequences of global economic integration upon the territorial organization of the states? Has it contributed to centralize powers or to further decentralization? The literature so far has provided inconclusive evidence. In this paper we shed new light on the relationship between economic globalization and territorial politics by using a varied source of data such as the Regional Authority Index, and the KOF indices of globalization for the period 1970-2010. Results show that economic globalization is positively associated to decentralization, particularly in those countries with more regionalist parties and where levels of inequality are lower. Conversely, higher levels of regional inequality can revert the effect.

In an era of economic globalization and informatization, public institutions worldwide are required to provide higher quality of public service in response to demands from citizens. However, differ...

In its development, economic globalization has created an affiliation between the local economy and the international economy. It resulted in an extraordinary blow to the economic system in third world countries that were trying to become developed countries. It can be seen in the issue of protecting workers' welfare, which is not fair. So, this article intends to discuss related to the protection of workers' welfare in the era of globalization and the weaknesses that affect the protection of labor rights in the era of globalization, which can't realize justice for workers. The article is expected to be able to stimulate each party to re-discuss the issue of protecting labor welfare in the current era of globalization in Indonesia. The results of research produced are The factors that influence injustice in protecting workers' welfare in Indonesia are Legal rule factors, Influence Factors of Globalization can also be concluded that the failure of labor law politics in Indonesia will have an impact on the increasing poverty rate in Indonesia due to increasing unemployment in Indonesia as one of the effects of the flood of foreign workers in Indonesia with the number of employment that is running low.

Traditionally the processes of globalization and the issues of world politics related to hegemony are studied separately in the scientific literature. In this article the authors propose the synthesis of both of these approaches based on the model of transactional and innovative economy spatially structured as a system of “global gateways”. The globalization is conceived in the article as a process of reinforcement of network connections of different parts of the globe. The network is distributed unevenly around the world. The increase of globalization processes stimulates the strengthening of the network interactions and saturation of it with resources. The decline of the globalization we are witnessing at the moment results in the weakening of network relations. Spatial heterogeneity of globalization produces inequality in resource distribution on social as well as regional and country level. Due to this fact the system of global economy based on these gateways requires the stability of political institutes. In the 19th-20th centuries the system of maintenance of global stability (known in IR as hegemonic stability) was established. Increasing globalization provides the effective interaction between economic and political spheres. Declining globalization produces a gap between gateways’ demands for political stability and a hegemon’s ability to provide it. Recently the USA’s abilities as global hegemon have shrunk dramatically in relative terms as well as American electorate’s willingness to bear the costs of hegemony. Washington is unable to maintain stable functioning of “the rules of the game” neither separately, nor with its allies. This situation may be described as “the crisis of US-centric globalization”. The crisis of globalization relates to decline of international regimes, rise of uncertainty and conflicts on all levels of world politics. Presumably, it’s a long-term process. And at the end it may cause the establishment of new political form of economic globalization (e.g. transition to the model of hegemony of a group of superpowers, a scenario mostly close to generally accepted in Russia idea of multi-polar world), or emergence of a new hegemon (e.g. China).

In the age of economic globalization, it is important for college students to master such an international language as English. The computer scoring is an effective tool to enhance their ability of English learning. Drawing on theories of formative assessment and structural learning, this paper mainly verifies the promoting effect of computer scoring on English learning among college students. The data were collected through a questionnaire survey, and a case study was carried out on a scoring website for English writing. The results show that: formative assessment and structural learning lay the theoretical basis for computer scoring; college students generally recognize that computer scoring system greatly enhances their ability and enthusiasm of English learning; the target computer scoring system (www.pigai.org) facilitates autonomous learning under teacher supervision, with the functions on student and teacher interfaces. The research findings greatly promote the development of computer scoring and English learning among college students.

The presented paper, giving the reference to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development aimed at transforming our world, underlines the internationally recognized foremost importance of human rights protection. The presently intensified economic globalization causes concerns in regard to responsibility of states and business entities to respect and safeguard human rights. Thus, the author presents the UN contribution into establishing the system of human rights remedies, that can and should be applied by states, subjects of economic activities and other stakeholders in order toensure the rights of individuals in case of the business-related abuses and violations. On the basis of the UN experience and the current international practices, being actively elaborated after the adoption of the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights of 2011, the author indicates the essence and the content of the legal phenomenon of the system of remedies for rights protection. In particular, the paper provides some specific characteristics of the State-based judicial, State-based non-judicial and non-State based non-judicial mechanisms for protecting human rights in business. The judicial remedies, being the basic, need to be more efficient; the international community calls for more profound development of the State-based non-judicial remedies, paying significant attention to the role of the national institutions for the promotion and protection of human rights, incl. Ombuds-institutions. The system of the non-State based non-judicial mechanisms is described as an evolving matter; business entities, especially transnational corporations, are to incorporate them into their policies and practice, to ensure their responsibility to respect human rights. The advantages and shortcomings of all the above mentioned mechanisms are described in general. The UN requirement towards states and businesses to provide a complex approach — "a bouquet of remedies" is presented, also as a recommendation for Ukraine. The suggested conclusions underline the importance of implementing in Ukraine the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights in the overall context of realization of the Sustainable Development Goals. This includes the necessity to integrate the UN Guiding Principles into the national policy, strategic and legal acts in a number ofareas, to establish a holistic and efficient system of remedies in cases of business-related human rights abuses and violations. The evident benefits for Ukraine and Ukrainians, provided the required international provisions are implemented, are identified.

The article is devoted to the study of the state and dynamics of socio-economic inequality in the modern world in the context of economic globalization. Based on the analysis of foreign and domestic literature, as well as large statistical and sociological information, the author argues that the implementation of neoliberal reforms has become a key factor in increasing inequality both globally and within individual countries, regardless of their level of development. The author pays special attention to public opinion research in the US and Ukraine on social inequality, social justice and the distribution of public goods. By showing that in both the most developed capitalist country, the United States, and in the "transitional" post-Soviet Ukraine, the majority of the population critically evaluates existing systems of distribution of public goods and advocates the transition to more egalitarian models of social development. In the United States, the most critical to the system of distribution of public goods in the country are such groups as the youth, the poorest segment of the people, the sympathizers of the Democratic Party and the liberals. With regard to Ukrainians, was found the connection between assessing the fairness of the current system and age, education, region of residence, and the level of respondents' income. Most critically, it is estimated by the elderly, the respondents with the lowest levels of education, the residents of the South of country and the people with the lowest income. The rise of inequality and, as a consequence, the conflict and tensions in the world, the radicalization and aggravation of the political situation are the key features of the modern neoliberal order. The inability to increase wealth for the majority of the population amid growing wealth of the richest and increasing concentration of wealth may lead to increased discontent among the masses and cause many social upheavals. The inability to increase wealth for the majority of the population amid growing wealth of the richest and increasing concentration of wealth would lead to increased discontent among the masses and cause many social upheavals.

The development of economic globalization has granted people more opportunities for cross-cultural exchanges, and therefore, the demand for English language talents in the society has gradually increased and more requirements for English language talents have also been continuously set out. Therefore, high-quality English language talents who are capable of cultural exchanges and communication are very important. English language films are a very important carrier in English learning. It is a beloved tool for learning English language due to its nature. In addition, the vivid situations, interesting speeches and expressions, and intuitive auditory impacts in the English language films provide very effective materials for college English listening teaching, and have therefore been highly valued by the college English teachers and educators. In view of the above, this article discusses English language films and college English listening teaching. The main purpose is to improve the quality of English listening teaching and students' cross-cultural communication skills.

With the continuous development of national ‘reforms and opening-up’ policy and development of economic globalization, learning and application of foreign languages are becoming increasingly important. Society needs a large number of professional linguistic workers. Therefore, there are higher requirements for new era higher learning institutes which serve as training base for cultivating linguistic talents. Linguistic talents must possess very strong overall quality and skill to meet these requirements. In this context, this study carried out an in-depth analysis and research on translation method commonly used in German language teaching, and communicative method which is increasingly popular in recent years, to contribute to cultivation of German linguistic talents in higher learning institutes of China.

This paper studies the effects of globalisation on the income share of the middle class. Our findings suggest that globalisation, proxied by the KOF Economic Globalization Index, reduces the income share of the middle class. The income share of the poorest 20% also drops due to globalisation, while that of the richest 20% increases. We find that only de facto and not de jure measures of globalisation have statistically significant effects on income shares and inequality. Our results are robust for alternative definitions of the middle-class income share and hold for trade and financial globalisation. When we distinguish between groups of countries, we find that our main result is driven by low- and middle-income countries; for high-income countries, we do not find evidence that globalisation has an effect on the income share of the middle class., The World Economy, 45 (1), ISSN:0378-5920, ISSN:1467-9701

This paper explores the relationship between economic globalisation and environmental quality by incorporating institutions as the determinant of this relationship for Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). The study deploys the technique of generalised methods of moments to assess data spanning the period 2002–2017. Findings indicate that regulatory quality positively impact environmental degradation while economic globalisation and control of corruption negatively affects environmental degradation in SSA. Furthermore, the results show that economic growth and government effectiveness negatively affect the environment while the institution index positively affects the environment in the region. It was also found that the interaction between economic globalisation and institution has negative and significant effects on environmental pollution, thus contributing to environmental quality. Consequently, the study recommends that governments should ensure the emergence of strict trade-environmental regulations.

This chapter reviews international economic diplomacy in the Asia–Pacific. In recent years there has been a switch from economic to non-economic objectives, while still using economic policies, though more as negative sanctioning tools. After the Second World War there was a huge expansion in economic globalisation: economic diplomacy and geopolitical diplomacy were often in lockstep, and economists were in the ascendency. The United States-led rules of the game encapsulated in policies such as the Washington Consensus helped bring about a trade-driven improvement in economic livelihoods through the region, and put a particular slant on economic diplomacy. This is illustrated by the example of the APEC organisation and its role in trade liberalisation and growth. Recently the breakdown in the globalisation consensus is changing this approach, leading to a rift between the economic and non-traditional non-economic objectives of diplomacy.

First paragraphs: Local is Our Future was published shortly before the rise of the COVID-19 pandemic, yet it makes a timely contribution critiquing economic globalization given the experiences of 2020. It emphasizes the need for shorter supply chains and champions local food systems by focusing on the structural forces that currently control the food system. In the first three chapters, Norberg-Hodge explains and details the costs of economic globali­zation, which provides an adept introduction to understanding the structural impacts of financial deregulation on health, food security, environmen­tal consequences, and growing inequality. The fourth chapter covers a topic that might seem unlikely to be included in a book on local futures, as it describes the rise of extremism, yet this is a crucial analysis for current events. This book was published before the Black Lives Matter demon­strations that occurred around the world in sum­mer 2020; however, it provides a contextual backdrop for how the globalized financial system promotes economic insecurity that can lead to the adoption of a false narrative by the far right, as observed by the backlash to BIPOC (Black, Indigenous, and People of Color) communities demonstrating the need for increased equality. . . .