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Artistic currents and social protest have long been intertwined. One of the most paradigmatic examples of similarities and proximities between those fields is surrealism. It appeared in the early 1920s as a movement, as it gathered on a collective basis various artists (poets, painters, filmmakers, carvers, photographers, etc.) who shared the same aesthetic principles. Those principles were expressed in manifestos that had been written by a charismatic leader, Andre Breton, whose authoritative methods led to repeated internal challenges, exclusions, and secessions. Like protesters who seek change to the social or political structure, the surrealists sought for a regeneration of the aesthetic norms of their time. Posing as an artistic vanguard, they violently challenged the dominant artistic forms of academism using provocation, scandal, and disruption. But the surrealists did not restrict their criticism to the world of aesthetics; they also set out to challenge the political order by joining the communist movement and by participating in various mobilizations, for example, against colonial wars. Other artistic movements – such as Cobra or Situationism – have adopted the same form of a collective vanguard that intends to challenge both the aesthetic values and the political order. Keywords: civil rights; music; peace

Now that Justin Trudeau’s “independent” Senate has had a full term to orient itself, how do we characterize the emerging relationship between it and the House of Commons? To answer this question, this article examines quantitative and qualitative changes in the Senate’s impact on legislation since 2015. I look first of all at quantitative changes in Senate-Commons interaction, as assessed through the Senate’s strong challenges to the Commons, more normal legislative review, and proactive policy influence. I then turn to qualitative case studies of Bills C-14, C-48, and C-69 to provide a more in-depth assessment of Senate review of legislation related to its core institutional mission. Overall, I argue that the newly independent Senate has been a much more assertive participant in the legislative process, but ultimately has been very mindful of reputational considerations and avoided going beyond “moderate” review. As a result, there are lingering questions about the practical significance of Trudeau’s reforms.

This article explores the insights that research on the emergence of ideologies of modernity and recent discussions of commensurability can offer for the understanding of the construction and maintenance of sociolinguistic hierarchies in Barbados. It takes as its focus (1) the ways in which the drawing of the boundaries of language communities has been linked to broader ideological and political economic processes that surround and depend on linguistic stratification and (2) specific, interaction-level ways in which sociolinguistic stratification is enacted today. It argues that the inclusion of Barbados in the colonial project of producing the modern speaker was underpinned by ideologies of modern governance and was predicated on the political need to transform the enslaved population into modern subjects. This inclusion defined new terms of exclusion and engendered in the speakers a reflexive distance from their English voice.

Issues affecting the common people or related to marginal lives constitute the greater part of the novellas and novels published in The Gambia. Several authors use the child as a hero and with the child, built themes around the school, travel, adventure, crime, city life, sexuality, and several other issues. Other themes touch on politics and socio-cultural issues. Many youths of colonial and post-independent Gambia would remember the didactic tales in the Aesop’s fables, the tales of Charles Perrault, the Fontaine tales, and other works of children literature. These are stories that consciously emphasizes role-model qualities to the intended child-reader. The coming of western education to West Africa and particularly to The Gambia brought with it the tales of the colonizers. Books such as the works of Charles Dickens (David Copperfield, Great Expectations, Oliver Twist), Mark Twain (The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, the Adventures of Tow Sawyer) have been used for decades in the African schools. However, the socio-cultural realities of the African child were never captured in those tales. In this article, we intend to give an overview on how the child is depicted in the works of a selected works of Gambian writers. The school story, either set within or around the school, remained a dominant theme in the early works of Gambian writers, particularly in the early 20th Century. It is an environment where most children grow and develop and it is an appropriate setting where authors explore issues such as rural-urban migration, the education of the girl child, early marriage, and early pregnancy, as well as social-cultural practices such as female genital mutilation and violence against women, among others.

In this paper, we name and uplift the ways in which Miya community workers are building communities of resistance as ways to address the manifold colonial, structural (including state-sponsored), and epistemic violence in their lives. These active spaces of refusal and resistance constitute the grounds of our theorizing. Centering this theory in the flesh, we offer critical implications for decolonial liberatory praxis, specifically community-engaged praxis in solidarity with people's struggles. In doing so, we speak to questions such as: What are the range of ways in which Global South communities are coming together to tackle various forms of political, social, epistemic, and racial injustice? What are ways of doing, being, and knowing that are produced at the borders and liminal zones? What are the varied ways in which people understand and name solidarities, alliances, and relationalities in pursuit of justice? We engage with these questions from our radically rooted places in Miya people's struggles via storytelling that not only confronts the historical and ongoing oppression, but also upholds desire—Interweaving and honoring rage, grief, pain, creativity, love, and communality.

Recent warfare in Eastern DRC, especially since 2015, is marked by violence inspired by ‘race’ narratives. Identity politics around ‘race’ is used to legitimise ‘expressive’ or reprisal-oriented violence against ‘Hamitic’ or ‘Tutsi’ minorities. The case of the Banyamulenge of South Kivu is examined in this article. Following Autesserre, we show that one-dimensional narratives – in this case of ‘race’ – tend to over-simplify the dynamics of political violence. Anti-Hamitic racism is derived from colonial ideas around race hierarchies, and has resulted in systematic killings of Banyamulenge civilians in what resembles a ‘slow genocide’. Expressive violence has, in turn, produced a lack of concern for the plight of Banyamulenge civilians among the military, humanitarians, media, scholars and NGOs. Given armed alliances between local Maimai forces, Burundian and Rwandan opposition and the DRC army, such ‘race’ narratives cruelly legitimise violence against civilians from ‘Tutsi’ communities, associated by neighbouring communities with Rwanda. Resultant displacement, starvation and killing of Banyamulenge civilians in this context amount to an on-going, slow-moving genocide. As the COVID-19 crisis unrolls, the decolonisation of identity politics in Eastern DRC, and in South Kivu in particular still seems very remote.

Local actors are promoted as important agents in the humanitarian sector's latest reform efforts. Opinions on the exact meaning and the best means of implementing localisation differ, however. Applying an interface perspective, this paper analyses how the Rohingya response in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, became an arena of contestation, competition, and sometimes convergence among different actors in relation to localisation. It shows how misconceptions and divergent understandings of localisation and the best methods of achieving it were prevalent and hampered the joint endeavours of international and local humanitarian bodies. Although both sides sought common ground, conflicting views, interests, and perceptions of 'self' and 'other' stood in the way. A lack of trust between international and local organisations intensified divisions. The paper argues, therefore, that the humanitarian sector needs to engage in trust-building between the various entities involved in humanitarian response if localisation is to be realised, including addressing underlying structural and systemic issues of (neo)colonialism, racism, and classism.وبمقتضي تسمية توطين الجهات الفاعلة المحلية، يتم الترويج لها كعناصر مهمة في الاستجابات الإنسانية في جهود الاصلاحات الأخيرة التي يبذلها القطاع الإنساني. الآراء حول المعنى الدقيق وأفضل الممارسات لتنفيذ التعريب اختلفت على أية حال. يُحلل هذا البحث بتطبيق منظور الحد المشترك كيف أصبحت استجابة الروهينغا في كوكس بازار ساحة للتنافس والمنافسة والتقارب في بعض الأحيان بين مختلف الجهات الفاعلة حول التعريب. ويوضح البحث كيف كانت المفاهيم الخاطئة والفهم المتباين للتعريب، كذلك أفضل السُبل السائدة لتنفيذه والتي أعاقت الجهود المشتركة للجهات الفاعلة الإنسانية الدولية والمحلية. وعلى الرغم من أن كلا الجانبين سعى إلى أساس مشترك والتفاعل في حوار، فأن الآراء والمصالح والتصورات المتضاربة عن الذات وغيرها تقف في طريق ظهور رؤية مشتركة. وقد زاد الافتقار إلى الثقة بين الجهات الفاعلة الدولية والمحلية من حدة الانقسامات. لذلك، يتناقش هذا البحث في أن القطاع الإنساني بحاجة إلى المشاركة في جهود بناء الثقة بين مختلف الجهات الفاعلة المشاركة في الاستجابة الإنسانية إذا كان للتعريب أن يتحقق بما في ذلك القضايا الهيكلية والنظامية الأساسية للاستعمار (الجديد) والنعصرية والطبقية. الكلمات الدليلية بنغلاديش، العمل الإنساني، التعريب، المنظمات غير الحكومية المحلية، استجابة الروهينغا، الثقة.在人道主义部门最新改革中，贴着本地化标签的地方行动者被提升为人道主义援助的重要推动者。然而，对于本地化的含义和最佳实施方法，人们的意见存在分歧。本文从接口的角度，分析了为何科克斯巴扎尔的罗兴亚人的人道主义援助，会让人们对本地化问题众说纷纭。本文展示了为何人们对本地化及其最佳实施方式有不同认识和误解，甚至阻碍了国际和当地人道主义行动者的共同努力。尽管国际和地方行动者双方寻求共同点并进行对话，但相互冲突的观点、利益和看法使得双方无法达成共识。二者之间缺乏信任，进一步加剧了分歧。因此，本文认为，如果要实现本地化，人道主义部门需要在人道主义援助者之间建立信任，包括解决（新）殖民主义、种族主义和阶级主义等潜在的结构性、系统性问题。 关键词：孟加拉国、人道主义行动、本地化、当地非政府组织、罗兴亚人道援助、信任.

The global impact of Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth extends far beyond academia and it has served as a Bible to numerous anti-colonial movements. One thinks especially of its importance to the Black Panther Party in the United States and the Black Consciousness movement in South Africa. Indeed, there is still today no shortage of passionate readers of The Wretched of the Earth in South Africa up to and including proponents of the Rhodes Must Fall Movement (see, for example, Sayles 2010; Ramuga 1986; and More 2017). The question therefore in the context of the present volume on the reception of existentialism is only the extent to which it can be seen as an existentialist text. I have argued elsewhere that The Wretched of the Earth must be read in conjunction with Jean-Paul Sartre’s Critique of Dialectical Reason (Bernasconi 2010). Fanon himself left this in no doubt. When he arranged for a third-party to approach Sartre to ask him to write an Introduction to The Wretched of the Earth, he asked that Sartre be told: “each time I sit down at my desk, I think of him” (quoted by Cohen-Solal 1987, p. 431). Nevertheless, the tendency in recent literature has been to try to separate the late Fanon from Sartre which, by implication, might separate him from existentialism.

Under Austro-Hungarian administration (1878–1918), Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) became the locus of the Habsburg Monarchy’s colonial and geostrategic ambitions in the Balkans. But what kind of a colony was this, one which adjoinedits parent colonizer along two-thirds of its boundaries? In this essay, I argue that Bosnia-Herzegovina during its Habsburg era may best be understood as a proximate colony, in which the proximity of colony and colonizer compounded what Georges Balandier called, in his landmark 1951 essay, its “colonial situation”. Following the American historian of Africa, Frederick Cooper, I argue that colonialism in BiH, more than just a legal characterization or the repressive hegemony of one society over another, often produced unforeseen changes in the societies of both the colony and the colonizing power (here called the metropole, following conventions in the literature). Characterizing BiH as a “proximate colony” draws upon the historicalreinterpretation known as the Imperial Turn, which questions the long-accepted differentiation between nation-states (which are viewed as modern and progressive) and empires (which are seen as archaic and dysfunctional). One scholarof the British Empire defines the imperial turn as “accelerated attention … [to] metropolitansocieties” [that is, the imperializing homelands] in histories of imperialism. I will apply the rein-metroterpretations of the Imperial Turn to Bosnia and Herzegovina in three areas: economic relations, nationality issues, culture.

It is common in the academic reception of the legacy of Edward Said to limit the analysis of his theorization of a contrapuntal perspective on colonial history to the dominant theme of Said’s published writings. Nevertheless, alternative narratives emerge in unpublished texts preserved in the Edward W. Said Papers at Columbia University. Archival research reveals that Said actually proposes a heterophonic, instead of contrapuntal, perspective in early drafts for Culture and Imperialism (1993). Said’s legacy itself requires a heterophonic reading to analyze the overlap and interactions of these variations in his writings.

This essay reviews the following works: Ancient Maya Pottery: Classification, Analysis, and Interpretation. Edited by James John Aimers. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2013. Pp. vii + 293. $79.95 cloth. ISBN: 9780813042367. The Huasteca: Culture, History, and Interregional Exchange. Edited by Katherine A. Faust and Kim N. Richter. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2015. Pp. vii + 241. $55.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780806147048. Excavations in Residential Areas of Tikal: Group 7F-1. By William A. Haviland. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, 2015. Pp. xi + 133. $65.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781934536810. Politics of the Maya Court: Hierarchy and Change in the Late Classic Period. By Sarah E. Jackson. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2013. Pp. ix + 248. $29.95 hardback. ISBN: 9780806143415. The Ancient Maya Marketplace: The Archaeology of Transient Space. Edited by Eleanor M. King. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2015. Pp. vii + 325. $60.54 cloth. ISBN: 9780816500413. The Spectacle of the Late Maya Court: Reflections on the Murals of Bonampak. By Mary Miller and Claudia Brittenham. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2013. Pp. xi + 285. $54.05 cloth. ISBN: 9780292744363. Maya Lords and Lordship: The Formation of Colonial Society in Yucatan, 1350–1600. By Sergio Quezada. Translated by Terry Rugeley. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 248. $34.95 cloth. ISBN: 9780806144221. Place and Identity in Classic Maya Narratives. By Alexandre Tokovinine. Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection/Harvard University Press, 2015. Pp. vii + 180. $39.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780884023920.

From “flight shame” or flying consciousness to Stay Grounded and FlyingLess, calls for, and organized efforts to achieve, a marked decrease in flying in response to intensifying climate crisis abound. Of particular concern are frequent flyers, among whom are many in academia, especially in the high-income parts of the world. One manifestation is the proliferation of scholarship that critically analyzes academic flying while advocating for slower forms of travel, new forms of research and collaboration, and a low-greenhouse-gas-emitting academy more broadly. This conceptual article builds on that scholarship by engaging the growing literature calling for the decolonization of higher education institutions and the broader world. In doing so, and by attempting to bring into conversation two currently disconnected streams of literature, it explores how academic air travel both reflects and helps to reproduce patterns of colonial relations. Relatedly, the article considers how flying less contributes to the decolonization of higher education—especially in relation to “nature” and the appropriation of “the commons.” By insisting on the inextricable entanglement of society and nature, it thus illuminates how aeromobility-related consumption both arises from and reproduces persistent inequities born of imperialism and coloniality. On this basis, the article pushes advocates of reduced flying and of decolonization to engage one another in a common project to challenge disparities between peoples and places, as well as interspecies ones, as they relate to aeromobility, consumption, and political ecology.

This essay reviews the following works: Heaven, Hell, and Everything in Between: Murals of the Colonial Andes. By Ananda Cohen Suarez.Austin:University ofTexas Press, 2016. Pp. xi + 304. $29.95 paperback. ISBN: 9781477309551. Of Love and Loathing: Marital Life, Strife, and Intimacy in the Colonial Andes, 1750–1825. By Nicholas A. Robins. Lincoln:University ofNebraska Press, 2015. Pp. x + 280. $60.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780803277199. Revolution in the Andes: The Age of Tupac Amaru. By Sergio Serulnikov. Translated by David Frye. Foreword by Charles F. Walker.Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013. Pp. xi + 155. $22.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780822354987. The Tupac Amaru Rebellion. By Charles F. Walker.Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press ofHarvardUniversity Press, 2014. Pp. xi + 341. $29.95 hardcover. ISBN: 9780674058255.

This research exploits novel evidence on current and historical inequality dynamics, as well as an instrumental variable (IV) strategy (founded on historical settler mortality a la Acemoglu et al.), to document the fundamental role of income redistribution through taxes and transfers in accounting for differences in inequality across regions and historical periods. This research challenges the conventional wisdom about the origins of world-leading inequality levels in Latin America, India or Africa, arguing that inequality is not rooted in the colonial period nor are current inequality levels explained by supposedly persistent “extractive” economic institutions maintaining an unequal playing field. De facto, Latin America, Africa and India have had, in most cases, lower inequality levels than Western countries (i.e. Western Europe and its Offshoots) until the early 20th century. Before this period, no different than in colonized nations, Western countries had a regressive fiscal system which required the poorest taxpayers to fund public services that benefited richer households. The IV strategy, and the evidence on inequality dynamics, both indicate that contemporary inequality differences are a product of the 20th century. The emergence of redistributive policies due to democratization, which have taken place in the past century, have led to an exceptional inequality reduction in Western countries. Despite that Latin America and India have converged towards “inclusive” economic institutions, high inequality has persisted through a regressive fiscal equilibrium which still is largely in place due to a slower democratization process.

This article presents a study of the careers of French colonial governors between 1830 and 1960. We consider empires as the by-product of social entities structuring themselves. Specifically, we analyze the process of the emergence of this professional group with respect to other professional groups within the imperial space and the French metropolitan space, building on the concept of linked ecologies. Using data on the career of 637 colonial governors between 1830 and 1960, we examine how variations in the recruitment of these senior civil servants actually reflect the professionalization of this group. We rely on an optimal matching technique to distinguish typical sequence models and identify nine common career trajectories that can be grouped into four main clusters. We further compare the share of each cluster in the population of governors over time and show that the rise of the colonial cluster during the Interwar period corresponded to the peak of the administrative autonomy in the colonial space. We argue that this process is consistent with the professionalization of the governors’ corps, which is embodied by a common career within the colonial administration and a collective identity as a group.

This article aims to offer a new route into the study of Carlos Bulosan’s America Is in the Heart by going beyond the usual sociocultural focus and turning instead to the material, specifically the illnesses and injuries borne by Filipino bodies—tuberculosis, syphilis, hunger, injuries, even death—to learn about their colonial and migrant experiences. In the novel, tuberculosis affects working-class migrant Filipinos disproportionately in both the Philippines and the United States of America. Migrant Filipinos are also constantly haunted by hunger and are always injured, or even shot; and working-class women frequently die from syphilis. Applying ecocritical theories to study the entanglement between the novel’s material and social environment, this article argues that human bodies are socialized bodies: the Filipino characters’ bodily illnesses and injuries are testimony to the cruel social injustices they have suffered. This article further uses Rob Nixon’s concept of “slow violence” to argue that tuberculosis, syphilis, and hunger are manifestations of the slow violence that bring into light the hidden cost of colonialism, racism, sexism, and class oppression, while images of shot or beaten Filipino bodies are “quick violence” that force us to face the bloodiness of racial oppression directly. Lastly, this article examines where healing and hope for resistance lie.

This article explores the Spanish colonization of the Philippines and their colonial culture and society as portrayed in the comic strips by Ignacio del Villar, a Spanish cartoonist who drew for Philippine colonial magazines in Spanish. His pictures, whose principal audience was the Spanish-speaking community of Manila in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, satirize the alienation of the Western individual in the Philippines. His mockery of the generalized colonial attitude of “monarch of all I survey” links del Villar with dissident colonial accounts, as discussed by Mary Louise Pratt in Imperial Eyes. This article inquires on the reasons why del Villar seemingly veered away from traditional colonial discourses, resulting in the mockery of the self-image of social superiority that Spanish residents in the Philippines strived to maintain in a complex society where class and origin were difficult notions to define.

The land conflict has long been a type of actual conflict. There are land conflicts of various levels in Kazakhstan. There are different points of view related to the land conflict. There are many prerequisites for the emergence of these views. The study examined the views of representatives of various political and philosophical trends related to the status of the earth. Representatives of the liberal trend consider land as capital. The analysis of the works of representatives of the liberal movement considering land as capital is carried out. Representatives of the socialist trend consider land as state property. Lenin's works deal with issues related to the resolution of the land conflict. Representatives of postcolonialism explain the emergence of the earthly conflict by the influence of colonial empires. In connection with the land conflict, the positions of the Alash intelligentsia are considered. Meanwhile, the analysis of differences in the views of socialists and the Alash intelligentsia in resolving the land conflict was carried out. In traditional Kazakh society, land is considered as a value. This is not consistent with the concepts of capital or property. The earth is considered as a sacred concept. A comparative analysis of such different points of view is carried out. The historical prerequisites for the emergence of a land conflict at the present time are considered.

The Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement has brought to the public eye longstanding issues of social and racial injustice which have permeated the experiences of individuals of African ancestry in the United States and abroad for centuries. Motivated by a desire to disassemble a framework of systemic racism, the BLM movement has infiltrated numerous social and political arenas including the sciences, demanding change. The impact of the BLM movement is evident in the attention recently garnered by protests of museum skeletal collections' acquisition and handling of African/African American human remains. It is from this vantage point that we explore the ethical issues pervasive within United States skeletal collections and forensically relevant issues surrounding the unclaimed decedents of marginalized populations; colonial/imperial ideological formations, which construct and sustain power differentials in anatomization; and conceive of a path forward that prioritizes personhood.

Between 1915 and 1920, members of the Royal Northwest Mounted Police (RNWMP) wrote four major narratives of making contact with Inuit living in territory now known as the Kitikmeot region of Nunavut. The authors were the first representatives of the Canadian state to enter the region, and their narratives positioned Inuit as “better off without civilization.” Various members of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) stationed in the region over the subsequent three decades reproduced such discourse. While, at first glance, this discourse seems to attribute a nobility to traditional ways of life, upon closer inspection it actually positions Inuit as incapable of adapting successfully to changing socio-economic circumstances. Methodologically, this article critically reinterprets archival documents from the early agents of colonization in the Kitikmeot. While advancing historical scholarship concerning relations between Inuit and the Canadian state, the article contributes to contemporary agendas of decolonization and reconciliation by enabling a more complete understanding of the origins and nature of colonial rule in the Arctic. By arguing that colonial discourses have roots in local and specific relations of production, the article also contributes to postcolonial theories of efforts to legitimize colonization and represent colonized Others in essentialist and paternalistic terms.

In this article, I examine how hydropower projects in Mapuche territory both form part of internationally recognized approaches to develop renewable energy and also anchor colonial relations in rivers. In pursuit of energy development, water and ancestral cultural practices of the Mapuche Pueblo are being seized by a nexus of state laws and informal practices of private sector actors. Concurrently, Mapuche people assert their jurisdictions and experience resurgence of Indigenous lifeways through defending their waterways. Drawing on collaborative research guided by the Alianza Territorial Puelwillimapu, a Mapuche-Williche alliance convoked by ancestral leaders, I provide a methodological contribution to legal geography’s analysis of Indigenous rights. Bringing a legal geography approach to dispossession, I explain how collaborative mapmaking and systematizing the “layers of dispossession” provides a methodological approach to consider structural limitations to environmental justice on Indigenous lands. Overall, this case contributes to how we conceive of spatial justice in legal geography and in renewable energy development.

Coloniality represents the contemporary patterns of power and domination that emerged in the late 15th century during the so-called classic era of colonialism. Although much of psychology and psychological thought has adhered to the logic of coloniality, there is also a considerable body of work that has sought to decolonize psychology. It is within this latter tradition of decolonizing psychology—which seems to have gained increasing attention in recent years—that we situate this article and its attempt to articulate a decolonial Africa(n)-centered psychology that addresses itself to antiracism. While we concede that there are myriad ways by which to practice and theorize such a psychology, we focus specifically on collective antiracist struggle and everyday antiracist resistance. We conclude by considering questions of universalism and epistemology as they relate to a decolonial Africa(n)-centered psychology of antiracism.

In the case law of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) the right of States to control migration is firmly established despite strong indications that the effects of migration control are not racially neutral. In this article we attempt to understand how it is possible that the doctrine of sovereign migration control is not considered to breach the prohibition of racial discrimination. We argue that the ECtHR’s approach to migration and racial discrimination fits a pattern in the historical development of migration law whereby the right to travel, and the power of States to restrict this right, have been consistently defined in such a way as to protect the interests of the predominantly white population of today's global North. Hence, the ease with which the racialised impact of migration control is accepted as normal and compatible with the prohibition of racial discrimination is consistent with migration law's long history as part of colonial and postcolonial relations.

This article defines Malay identity through their portrayal of the Malay Other – the Arabs, Indian Muslims and the Europeans. The Arabs and Peranakan Arabs were identified as foreigners in disguise, the Europeans colonisers as harbingers of modernity. From this perspective not much have been written, using editorial cartoons in Malaysia. This article then focuses on the depiction by the Malay of what constitutes the foreigner (and the West). The medium of the cartoon was a recent innovation in Malay-language newspapers, having first appeared in the first issue of Warta Jenaka a weekly pictorial newspaper on 7 September of 1936. This article surveys three major periodicals in the 1930s including that of Warta Ahad and Utusan Zaman in their construction of ambivalence toward colonialism and Western influence. These were the inter-war years. The periodicals capture Malay sentiments couched in humor and sarcasm ranging from the “proximate” culture of the Arabs to British or European notions of “race”, “modernity” and “progress.” It is cognizant of the colonial condition and the milieu and the inherent character of the Malay press, serving as instruments of criticism and satire. The visual “ethno- nationalistic” discourse is observed with regard to the trajectory of “modernity” brought into Malay awareness during the period. Key words: Editorial Cartoons, Malay periodicals, the Other, Sarcasm, Europeans

Emily Bronte’s Wuthering Heights is so fraught with real-life experiences that the reader is unsure about recognizing any single character as the villain. Since the events in the novel take place in the Victorian era, and the attitude of the Victorian English towards the racial “other” was that of a vindictive better towards their slaves, this paper attempts to examine the role of villainy in the novel. Despite the general viewpoint that considers Heathcliff as the sole source of malice in the novel, this paper looks to build on a social approach in identifying the villain(s) of the novel. Drawing on Bhabha’s (2012) theories, such as “hybridity”, “mimicry” and “third-space”, which will serve as the main source of investigation, we will organize the argument so as to identify the villain(s) in Wuthering Heights. The purpose of such an investigation, therefore, will be to explain why and how a colonial "other", that is Heathcliff, becomes a villain in a society whose practitioners consider themselves righteous.

Amid the Black Lives Matter Movement and the ongoing struggle for the recognition of Indigenous rights, and in the wake of police murders of racialized minorities and state-sponsored cultural genocide, oppressed and marginalized groups are calling settler Christians to reckon with the legacy of colonialism that continues to haunt their cherished religious traditions. As a settler Christian, I here share my first halting steps to undertaking such a reckoning. It is a story about finally starting to listen, getting unsettled, and staying there. I have also found it to be a lament of sorts— a journey plunging me into a kind of blue that is perhaps different than the blues sung by those who have directly suffered the poverty and violence of colonialism’s oppressive legacy. It is, finally, a lament over the destructive “twilight civilization” (to use Cornel West’s phrase) this legacy has wrought—an unsustainable civilization that in a variety of ways dehumanizes everyone, whether we share the identity of the oppressor, the victim, or a mixture of both. Perhaps lament, then, is the spiritual practice settler Christians must first take up as we strive to work through and work free from our damaged past. That is, perhaps this reckoning calls settler Christians to perform a certain leavetaking before we may truly join our hearts and voices with those who seek to keep faith with all their fellow humans as well as the rest of God’s good Creation.

The article is devoted to the image of Africa in the travelogues by poets Claude McKay (A Long Way From Home, 1937) and Langston Hughes (The Big Sea, 1940), the significant figures of Harlem Renaissance; and also compares this image with Africa in the poems of both writers. The image of Africa as the land of ancestors and the foremother of the Negro people was popular among the artists and philosophers of the Harlem Renaissance, but at the same time, it was often idealized. That is why meeting a real Africa becomes, to some extent, a moment of truth for an African-American artist, the reason to take a new look at himself and his values. Biographies of Hughes and McKay reveal why equally motivated, at first glance, writers united by a common dream of a black peoples home, when faced with the real Africa, react to it in exactly the opposite way. The article shows that young cosmopolitan poet Langston Hughes did not find respond to his poetic ideals in real Africa and after that forever divided Africa into real and poetic, while Claude McKay, who kept up the reunification of the Negro people and had traveled around the whole Europe, only in Africa for the first time in his life went native. At the same time, Hughes is significantly influenced by his mixed origins and McKay - by his colonial background. The article contains materials of correspondence, fragments of the travelogues never been translated into Russian before.

Aesthetic destruction was one of the many atrocities employed by colonialism to disrupt groups of people coming from Africa, but history shows a centralization of black aesthetics in the social movements of the Black community, such as afros and box braids. This work presents an exploratory research in order to understand whether the social values added to the cosmetic services provided by a black-owned beauty salon in Belo Horizonte contribute to the empowerment and emancipation of black people. The data were collected from regulars at Salao Ubuhle. Through the analysis of excerpts from these conversations with the applied values, it was possible to conclude that the social values implemented to the customer service policies and procedures can assist black people in their individual emancipation process.

Литература, наряду с официальными источниками, может дать представление о формировании культа двух одиозных деятелей колониальной эпохи – Сесила Родса и Карла Петерса. Их деятельность на африканском континенте, получившая неоднозначную оценку при жизни, впоследствии была переосмыслена официальной пропагандой, привела к изменению общественного мнения о колониализме и имперских ценностях. Африканское прошлое Империи в Великобритании вылилось в одну из форм протеста 2020 г., в то время как в Германии его пересмотр был связан с оценками национал-социализма, реанимировавшего идеи колониализма. The paper considers the colonial policy of Kaiser Germany and the British Empire in Africa via periodicals and fiction. Alongside with official sources, fiction can provide an insight into the way the cult of the two most notorious colonialists – Cecil John Rhodes and Carl Peters – emerged. Their activities in the African continent, cautiously assessed even in their lifetime, was reconsidered in official propaganda and by writers of the 19th-20th centuries, which led to the change in public opinion regarding colonialism and imperial values. The process of reconsidering went in different ways, however. The imperial past of the British Empire was shown in the protests of 2020 in the UK, whereas in Germany this reconsideration is closely connected with the reassessment of the Nazi period that attempted to revive colonial ideas of the first quarter of the 20th century.

This article analyses the production and circulation of a discourse of development via a new medium – African-language radio broadcasting – to a mass listening public by the British colonial state ...

Braiding our words, "dissi-dance," and desires, this article engages how various social actors, and communities-which we are a part of and belong to-challenge structural violence, oppression, inequity, and social, racial, and epistemic injustice. We thread these reflections through our written words, in subversive letters which we offer in the form of a written relational conversation among us: a plurilogue that emerges in response to our specific locations, commitments, and refusals, as well as dissents. Our stories and process of dissent within the various locations, relationships, and contexts that we occupy served as the yarn and needle to thread our stories, posed questions and reflections. Braiding, threading and weaving together, we animate deep decolonial inquiries within ourselves, and our different cultural contexts and countries. Refusing individualism-the illusions of objectivity as distance, the academic as expert, and the exile of affect and emotion on academic pages-we choose to occupy academic writing and ask: What if academic writing were stitched with blood and laughter, relationships and insights, rage and incites? What if, at the nexus of critical psychology and decolonizing feminism, we grew an "embodied praxis?" Unlike academic writing, traditionally designed to camouflage affect, connection, relationality and subjectivity, these letters are unapologetically saturated in care and wisdom toward a narrative-based embodied practice: decolonial plurilogues of relational solidarities for epistemic justice. Our plurilogue of dissent offers a view to advance community research and action with goals of liberation, decoloniality, and community wellness.

This essay explores repressed hostility and punitive fantasies in the discourse of international health, using Katherine Mayo’sMother India(1927). Multiple tendencies in interwar thinking converge in Mayo’s book, making it a veritable archive of major, minor and emergent forces, including those shaping the phenomenon of ‘international health’ post-Versailles.Mother Indiaprovides a unique opportunity to explore how progressive principles of international public health tend to obscure a ‘minor’ and forgettable yet disturbing truth: the discourse on life and health can ‘safely’ harbour an alternative politics and poetics of enmity. Spotlighting the way international health interventions, centrally shaped by USA, operated across multiple levels of governance, the essay locates the significant detail of Mayo’s representation of India as ‘world-menace’. Propelled by the logic of enmity, her shaming portrait of a dysgenic Hindu India justifying emergency international intervention resonates with a strand of interwar conservatism given theoretical expression in the writings of Mayo’s contemporary, Carl Schmitt. Schmitt’s animosity towards political liberalism helps identifyMother India’s vision of imperial sovereignty as a curious antiliberal, American iteration of the logic of enmity in extra-European spaceandin the ‘humane’ domain of health. Biologising the discourse of juridical-political maturity at a time when Indian nationalism’s organised challenge to Empire could not be gainsaid,Mother Indiaurges a re-imagination of the political field as a battlefield where ‘the enemy’, construed as a problem of health,willkill. Building a case for continued imperial domination in the name of global health and immunity, the book’s humiliating representation of colonial bodily habits, habitations and contagions aimed to undermine liberal imperialism, internationalism and Indian nationalism, all increasingly vocal after World War I.

Durante el Franquismo, la produccion cultural espanola sobre Guinea Ecuatorial asigno a los misioneros una importancia narrativa central, exaltando su labor evangelizadora. Este articulo se concentra en la representacion de la mision colonial en obras de tres autores laicos que compartian una afinidad ideologica con el regimen y recibieron su apoyo institucional: el documental Una cruz en la selva (1946), la pelicula Mision blanca (1946) y la novela Tierra negra (1957). Estas obras calificaron el colonialismo catolico espanol como superior a otros modelos europeos, pero a pesar de su intencion propagandistica, tambien revelaron una serie de ansiedades y contradicciones inherentes al proyecto colonial espanol.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to highlight how keeping a reflective research journal can help disaster researchers to work in a more ethical and engaged way.Design/methodology/approachThe author analyses the reflective research diary to illustrate how keeping it has helped the author, a white, non-Indigenous researcher, navigate British academia whilst trying to plan a collaborative project with Indigenous peoples during the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic.FindingsThe author draws out some of the ways that academic institutions can undermine ethical research practice through opaque structures and by incentivising pressuring early-career researchers (ECRs) to conduct fieldwork in dangerous times. The author demonstrates ways the rpeers and author have tried to push against these structures, noting that this is not always possible and that their efforts are always limited without institutional support or change.Originality/valueMany ECRs and PhD students have written reflective accounts about the ethical challenges they have faced during fieldwork. In this article, the author adds to this by building on literature in disaster studies and positing how ethical and engaged research can be conducted within British (colonial) institutions.

This article draws attention to the present-day transnational rise of state archives in the Greater Caribbean. It takes as a case study the Dominican Republic’s National Archives System (NAS) and National General Archives (AGN), which opened in 2008 and 2011, respectively, to signal a Caribbean neoliberal archival turn and interrogate the data politics behind these institutions’ neoliberal promises of equality, progress, and freedom. Intersecting Critical Archival Theory and Critical Caribbean Studies, the article pushes for a new critical archival theory of color that draws from scholarship centering the erasure of histories of enslavement and the hyper-masculinization of white colonial privilege. In doing so, it advocates for a decolonial practice of public archives demanding that archivists and archive users reckon with these archives’ historical role in powering anti-Black racism and structural oppression.

It has always been believed by the majority that elected leaders are a necessary component in the development of any country and more so in the developing world. This is so strong in that leaders are elected by their people through a competitive election because they believe they will influence economic development positively. Writers of literature are born and bred in the communities where they equally participate in the process of electing their leaders. Thus, when they write about the maxima or minimal roles played by these leaders in impacting economic development, they are believed to portray a true and to some extent a believable picture of the state of development in their respective communities. In this respect, this paper analyses the role played by the elected leaders in the realization of economic development in the third world as portrayed in selected Swahili literary texts. To achieve our main objective, the paper surveys the challenges of the third world and shows how the elected leaders tackle them to realize economic success. The paper concludes that elected leaders have downplayed their role in enhancing economic development and the result is underdevelopment experienced in the third world worse than that of the colonial leaders

The aim of this paper is to compare the ways in which some of Europe’s most important colonial museums displayed their exhibits—how colonial territories and colonial subjects were represented through visual exhibition, how the display cases were arranged, which objects and artefacts were presented and in what sequence—as the clearest possible representation of the biological, technological, and cultural superiority of Europe with respect to the populations on display. The paper will therefore emphasise both the differences and different histories as well as the similarities between colonial museums in Europe. In fact, while acknowledging that there are special features linked to the differing conditions of both the motherland and her overseas territories, a common cultural horizon can be found in the different national museums taken into consideration here and in the interpretation of the inherent propaganda such institutions promoted.

Racial triangulation theory brilliantly conjoins, at once, two different types of racialized hierarchies, thereby allowing more than the metrics of standard anti-African American racism (“the color...

This study focuses on the global trade of guinee cloth mainly produced in French India and exported to French West Africa from 1826 to 1925. The article first re-examines the guinee cloth and its r...

From the beginning of its colonial settlement in Kenya, the British administration criminalized Kenyans. Even now, colonial modes of punishment, incarceration, closure, interrogation, curfew, confiscation, separation, displacement, and detention without trial are deeply embedded in the spatial and ideological arrangements of post-colonial Kenya. Initially assumed to herald a rupture from colonial modes of criminalization and punishment, the post-colonial period instead normalized them. Through ethnographic, scholarly, and visual encounters, the paper engages five interconnecting structures that engendered the legacy of a seamless system of control, containment, and punishment evident in the ‘afterlives’ of empire. These are settler colonialism, violence, racism, colonial corporeality, and capitalism. The paper attends to the violence and brutality that endures in the very geographies that were the urban targets of colonial siege and links the carceral practices of settler colonialism and the everyday post-colonial governance of Nairobi’s poor neighbourhoods, encounters with the debris and ruination of empire found in the material and spatial fabric of Mathare. We take up a critical encounter with colonial files to both discern the continuity and lineage of carceral practices and to disrupt the authorial totality and continuity the colonial archive files assembled. The paper includes archival and authored photographs

Este artículo tiene como propósito realizar un aporte teórico-conceptual para el debate sobre la paridad desde una perspectiva de género, a partir del pensamiento feminista materialista de Christine Delphy, especialmente su análisis en Classer, dominer. Qui sont les "autres"? (2008). Allí, la pensadora francesa aborda diferentes problemas como la opresión, la dominación y la "normalidad", al poner en evidencia los modos en que opera el género en su entrecruzamiento con la clase y la raza, entre otras cuestiones. A partir del sistema de género, se divide la humanidad en dos grupos jerarquizados y se basa en la organización social en clases y, también, de género. Esta organización social en la que están las mujeres oprimidas y explotadas como grupo se llama patriarcado. Sobre esta base, es necesario reflexionar acerca de la legislación, por ejemplo, para la paridad de género. Y, aunque el análisis y la posición delphyana están cargados de la realidad y las disputas que se viven en el suelo francés (Agacinski 1998; Fassin 2002; Scott 2012), considero que algunos aspectos teórico-conceptuales nos permiten mantener encendida la crítica en vista de los avances legislativos en Argentina, sin desentendernos de que nuestro enemigo principal continúa combinando la dominación patriarcal, colonialista y capitalista. This aim of this article is to make a theoretical-conceptual contribution to debate parity from a gender perspective, based on the materialist feminist thought of Christine Delphy, especially her analysis in Classer, dominer. Qui sont les "autres"? (2008). There, the French thinker tackles different problems such as oppression, domination and "normality", by revealing the ways in which the gender operates in its intersection of class and race, among other issues. From the gender system, humanity is divided into two hierarchical groups and is based on social organization in classes, by encompassing classes or gender. This social organization in which women are oppressed and exploited as a group is called patriarchy. On this basis, it is necessary to reflect on the legislation, for instance, to gender parity. And, although the analysis and the delphyana position are loaded with the reality y disputes that take place on French soil (Agacinski 1998; Fassin 2002; Scott 2012), I consider that some theoretical-conceptual aspects allow us to maintain criticism burning in view of the legislative advances in Argentina, without ignoring that our main enemy continues to combine patriarchal, colonialist and capitalist domination. Fil: Smaldone, Mariana. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales (UNLP-CONICET); Argentina.