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The first part of the article offers a metapoetic interpretation of Herondas’ Mimiamb 3, suggesting that the Hellenistic poet describes Cottalos and his passion for dice with allusion to Alexander Aetolus that wrote Astragalistai. In the second part, starting from some touch points between Mimiamb 3 and Calliamchus’ Iambus 2 (in particular the presence of three mysterious characters with similar names), the author gives some evidence for the identification of that characters with three poets who lived at that time and had undoubted contacts both with Alexander Aetolus and Callimachus: they are Antagoras of Rhodes, Philicus of Corcyra and Timon of Phlius. L’articolo offre nella prima parte un’interpretazione metapoetica del Mimiambo 3 di Eronda, suggerendo che il poeta ellenistico descriva Cottalo e la sua passione per i dadi con allusione ad Alessandro Etolo che scrisse gli Astragalistai. Nella seconda parte, prendendo le mosse da alcuni punti in comune tra il Mimiambo 3 ed il Giambo 2 di Callimaco (in particolare la presenza di tre misteriosi personaggi con nomi simili), vengono fornite alcune prove per l’identificazione di tali personaggi con tre poeti che vissero in quel periodo ed ebbero sicuri contatti sia con Alessandro Etolo che con Callimaco: si tratta di Antagora di Rodi, Filisco di Corcira e Timone di Fliunte.

The article is devoted to the translations of M.N. Muravyov. We present more than ten unpublished texts from his Notebook, which is preserved at the Manuscripts Department of the Russian State Library: a number of works of Horace, Virgil, Anacreon, Martial, Callimachus, Lucretius and Lucan. Secondary in this context, but no less important, is the translation of a fragment from the famous poem Jerusalem Delivered by T. Tasso. These texts do not exhaust the subject (many of Muravyov’s translations still remain unpublished), but, along with others, may become the basis for the reconstruction of Muravyov’s literary position, which can already be characterized as oriented towards European “classicism.”

RiassuntoL’articolo prende in esame un ben noto frammento degli «Aitia» di Callimaco che offre la più importante testimonianza del culto dell’ecista nelle colonie siciliane. Una più approfondita indagine dei vv. 40–41 consente di istituire un parallelo con le norme rituali concernenti i Tritopatreis nella lex sacra di Selinunte (A 9–15). In entrambi i casi a un sacrificio animale con sversamento del sangue segue una libazione senza vino e un banchetto sacro. La sequenza rituale è inusuale e la sua diffusione nel mondo coloniale siciliano mette in luce sia la complessità del culto dell’ecista dal punto di vista religioso, sia l’intimo nesso che lo connette con la memoria sociale e l’identità della comunità politica.

El presente trabajo propone una lectura del Yambo 1 de Calímaco de Cirene (c. 320-244 a. C.) ligada a la imagen del poder real en Egipto bajo la égida de Ptolomeo II Filadelfo. En este sentido, nuestra hipótesis considera que en la parábola de la copa de Baticles -relato enmarcado dentro del poema-, el recorrido trazado por el viaje de la mítica copa ofrecida como premio al mejor de los Siete Sabios de la Antigüedad podría estar remedando un mapa geopolítico en el que se plasman las pretensiones de soberanía de la dinastía ptolemaica sobre distintas regiones de Licia, Caria y el sur de Jonia; en particular, sobre la ciudad de Mileto y el santuario de Apolo en Dídima. Consideramos, finalmente, que la relevancia de Mileto y Dídima en Calímaco podría corresponderse con la importancia política de la ciudad y el santuario para la dinastía ptolemaica. The present paper aims at a reading of Callimachus of Cyrene’s Iambus 1 (c. 320-244 BC) linked to the image of real power in Egypt under the aegis of Ptolemy II Philadelphus. In this sense, our hypothesis considers that in the parable of Bathycles’ cup –a framed narrative within the poem-, the route traced by the journey of the mythical cup offered as a prize to the best of the Seven Sages of ancient Greece could be mimicking a geopolitical map that embodies the claims of sovereignty of the Ptolemaic dynasty over different regions of Lycia, Caria and southern Ionia; in particular, over Miletus and the Apollo’s temple at Didyma. We consider, finally, that the relevance of Miletus and Didyma in Callimachus could correspond to the political importance of the city and the sanctuary for the Ptolemaic dynasty.

Lyric after Pindar should be seen not as declining and petering out, but as developing in ways which radically question or play with the fundamentals of the genre (or “super-genre”). The stanza is a crucial feature of lyric up to Pindar, especially when seen textually; “modernist” expansion into huge astrophic entities (Timotheus, etc.) and “postmodern” reduction into stichic lines (Callimachus, etc.) both involve radical rethinking of the super-genre, and one is a reaction to the other. However, the most innovative postmodernists are the poets somewhat earlier than Callimachus and Theocritus (Simmias, Philicus, etc.); Callimachus and Theocritus continue their ideas with new twists and new point. And the stanza is not really dead: within Timotheus’ and Callimachus’ poems stanza-like structures are built up. The late-classical and Hellenistic development of lyric is as dynamic and thought-provoking as that of sculpture. On ne devrait pas considérer que la lyrique après Pindare décline et s’épuise, mais plutôt qu’elle se développe selon des voies qui questionnent radicalement ou jouent avec les fondements du genre (ou « super-genre »). La strophe est une caractéristique cruciale de la lyrique jusqu’à Pindare, surtout d’un point de vue textuel ; l’expansion « moderniste » en grandes entités astrophiques (Timothée entre autres) et la réduction « postmoderne » à des vers stichiques (Callimaque entre autres) impliquent toutes deux une remise en cause radicale du super-genre, et l’une est une réaction à l’autre. Cependant, les postmodernistes les plus novateurs sont les poètes un peu antérieurs à Callimaque et Théocrite (Simmias, Philicos entre autres) ; Callimaque et Théocrite prolongent leurs idées avec de nouveaux ajustements et de nouveaux objectifs. Mais la strophe n’est pas réellement morte : dans les poèmes de Timothée et de Callimaque se construisent des structures d’apparence strophique. Le développement tardif et hellénistique de la lyrique est aussi dynamique et stimulant que celui de la sculpture. Dopo Pindaro la poesia lirica non declina e non si esaurisce, ma si sviluppa in modi che mettono in discussione o giocano con i fondamenti del genere (o sopra-genere). La stanza è un aspetto cruciale della lirica fino a Pindaro, specialmente se considerata da un punto di vista testuale; un’espansione “modernista” in enormi entità astrofiche (Timoteo, ecc.) e una riduzione “postmoderna” in versi stichici (Callimaco, ecc.) implicano entrambe un totale ripensamento del sopra-genere e l’una è una reazione all’altra. Tuttavia, i postmodernisti più innovativi sono i poeti che collochiamo un po’ prima di Callimaco e Teocrito (Simmia, Filico, ecc.). Callimaco e Teocrico riprendono il loro pensiero con nuovi sviluppi e una nuova prospettiva critica. La stanza non è davvero morta. Con i poemi di Timoteo e Callimaco vengono costruite strutture simili alla stanza. Lo sviluppo tardo-classico e ellenistico della lirica è dinamico e stimolante come quello della scultura.

Cet article traite des expressions littéraires de la jeunesse et de la nouveauté chez Apollonios de Rhodes. Il examine l’usage du langage de nouveauté dans plusieurs passages des Argonautiques tout en employant des méthodes philologiques, herméneutiques et métalittéraires, afin de démontrer que le principe et le langage de nouveauté chez Apollonios expriment un nouveau regard sur le monde. This article examines literary expressions of youth and newness in Apollonius of Rhodes. It explores the use of the diction of newness in a select number of passages throughout the Argonautica, employing philological, hermeneutic and metaliterary approaches in order to demonstrate that the concept and the language of novelty in Apollonius articulate new perspectives on the world. Questo articolo esamina le espressioni letterarie di giovani e novità in Apollonio Rodio. Essa esplora l’uso della dizione di novità in un numero selezionato di passaggi in tutto Le Argonautiche, impiegando gli approcci filologici, ermeneutici e metaletterari al fine di dimostrare che il concetto e il linguaggio di novità in Apollonio articolano nuove prospettive sul mondo.

The monumental new commentary by Simon Hornblower on Lycophron’s “minor masterpiece,” as he calls the Alexandra, much helps our understanding of the text. Focussing rather on the historical evidence that might be alluded to in the work, however, Hornblower fails to take due care of literary interpretation. Le commentaire monumental que Simon Hornblower vient de publier sur le « chef d’œuvre mineur » de Lycophron, ainsi qu’il désigne l’Alexandra, apporte une aide importante à la compréhension du texte. Cependant, en se focalisant surtout sur la matière historique à laquelle l’œuvre peut faire allusion, Hornblower oublie de prendre suffisamment en considération l’interprétation littéraire du poème. Il nuovo commento monumentale di Simon Hornblower sul “piccolo capolavoro” di Licofrone, come chiama l’Alexandra, aiuta molto la nostra comprensione del testo. Concentrandosi in particolare sul materiale storica che potrebbero essere accennato nel lavoro, Hornblower tuttavia non tiene la dovuta cura dell'interpretazione letteraria.

In this study I evaluate Callimachus’ rhetorical presentation and characterization of local historians and their material as either “old” or “new.” The first section focuses upon the Hecale. I show that Callimachus artificially antiquates and at the same time highlights the newness of previously unattested elements that he draws from the contemporary Attic histories of Philochorus and Amelesagoras I turn to the Aetia in the second section and concentrate on four examples of the poet’s representation of local historians and historical texts. By exaggerating the antiquity of the historian, Callimachus presents himself as a participant in an ancient historical tradition, while simultaneously emphasizing the modern qualities of his own “local history” of the Ptolemaic oikoumene. Cette étude réévalue la présentation et la caractérisation des historiens régionaux comme « anciens » ou « nouveaux » chez Callimaque. Dans la première section, on se concentre sur l’Hécalé, afin de démontrer comment Callimaque rend artificiellement vétustes et à la fois nouveaux des éléments des histoires attiques de Philochore et d’Amélésagoras. Dans la deuxième section, on se tourne vers les Aitia, dont on précise quatre exemples de la représentation d’historiens régionaux. En amplifiant l’antiquité de l’historien, Callimaque se représente comme un participant à la tradition, de même qu’il met l’accent sur les aspects modernes de sa propre ‘histoire locale’ de l’oikoumene des Lagides. In questo studio esamino la presentazione retorica e la caratterizzazione degli storici locali e del loro materiale da parte di Callimaco come “antico” o “nuovo.” La prima sezione è dedicata all’Ecale. Qui mostro che Callimaco, in modo artificiale, attribuisce antichità e al tempo stesso sottolinea la novità di elementi precedentemente non attestati che attinge dalle coeve storie attiche di Filocoro e di Amelesagora. Passo poi a trattare degli Aetia nella seconda sezione e mi concentro su quattro esempi del modo in cui il poeta ritrae gli storici locali e i loro testi. Esagerando l’antichità dello storico, Callimaco presenta se stesso come partecipe di un’antica tradizione storica e, insieme, pone in rilievo le caratteristiche moderne della sua stessa “storia locale” dell’ecumene tolemaica.

This paper investigates how Suetonius uses his representation of the literary taste of the emperor Tiberius to characterize him. Tiberius allegedly loved and imitated Hellenistic poets (Euphorion, Rhianus and Parthenius). How does this characterize him? Another question is whether this taste is modern or old-fashioned in comparison with the tastes of his contemporaries, in particular his predecessor Augustus. Finally I ask whether the fact that a similar literary taste (partly for the same authors) is attributed in the biographical tradition to Hadrian can be connected to Suetonius’ account of Tiberius’ literary interests. Cette étude examine la présentation des goûts littéraires de l’empereur Tibère chez Suétone. L’empereur était prétendûment passionné de littérature hellénistique et imita des poètes de l’époque, dont Euphorion, Rhianos et Parthénios. Comment cela contribue-t‑il à la caractérisation de Tibère ? Les goûts de Tibère sont-ils modernes ou démodés par rapport à ceux des autres empereurs romains, en particulier son prédécesseur Auguste ? Une telle passion littéraire est attribuée aussi à l’empereur Hadrien dans la tradition biographique, un cas que l’on peut associer au portrait de Tibère chez Suétone. Questo articolo esamina il modo in cui Svetonio utilizza la sua rappresentazione del gusto letterario dell’imperatore Tiberio per caratterizzarlo. A quanto sembra, Tiberio amava e imitava i poeti ellenistici (Euforione, Riano e Partenio). In che modo ciò lo caratterizza? Un’altra questione è se questo gusto sia moderno oppure antiquato al confronto con i gusti dei suoi contemporanei, in particolare il suo predecessore Augusto. Infine, mi domando se il fatto che un simile gusto letterario (in parte per gli stessi autori) sia attribuito ad Adriano nella tradizione biografica possa essere connesso al resoconto svetoniano degli interessi letterari di Tiberio.

This paper presents issues for the philosophy of books. Bibliophilia and bibliophobia are both virtues and vices. Constructing a library is also a philosophical tasks, for books are philosophical objects.

Catullus’ poem 64 is a highly complex text, the interpretation of which has long divided scholarship. In the present paper I look at possible political resonances of the epyllion in its historical context. First, I propose an intertextual reading of two passages from Catullus 64 (the catalogues of mortal and divine guests that attend the wedding at Pharsalus) in the light of Callimachus’ Hymn to Delos. I argue that Catullus uses the Thessalian section of the hymn with the struggle between the river Peneios and the war-god Ares not only as a source for learned mythological and geographical details, but also as a substantial subtext for his dark vision of Thessaly as a landscape foreboding war and civil war. In a second reading, I then look back at Catullus 64 from the perspective of two later Roman poets, Virgil and Lucan, who historicize Catullus’ mythical Thessaly even more specifically in the light of the civil wars. As examples I take the epilogue to the first book of the Georgics and especially Lucan’s Thessalian excursus in the sixth book of his Bellum civile, where he reworks Catullus as well as Callimachus in order to characterize his Thessaly as a literary landscape predestined for the horrors of the civil war battle at Pharsalus. Le poème 64 de Catulle est un texte très complexe, dont l'interprétation a longtemps divisé les savants. Dans le présent article, je recherché les résonances politiques possibles de l’epyllion dans son contexte historique. Tout d'abord, je propose une lecture intertextuelle de deux passages du poème 64 de Catulle (les catalogues des clients mortels et divins qui sont présents au mariage à Pharsale) à la lumière de l'Hymne à Délos de Callimaque. Je soutiens que Catulle utilise la section thessalienne de l'hymne sur la lutte entre le fleuve Pénée et le dieu de la guerre Arès, non seulement comme source érudite pour plus de détails mythologiques et géographiques, mais aussi comme un sous-texte important pour sa vision sombre de la Thessalie comme paysage annonçant la guerre et la guerre civile. Dans un deuxième temps, je reviens au poème 64 de Catulle dans la perspective de deux poètes latins ultérieurs, Virgile et Lucain, qui historicisent la Thessalie mythique de Catulle encore plus nettement à la lumière des guerres civiles. À titre d'exemples, je prends l'épilogue du premier livre des Géorgiques et surtout l’excursus thessalien de Lucain dans le sixième livre de son Bellum civile, où il retravaille Catulle ainsi que Callimaque afin de caractériser sa Thessalie comme un paysage littéraire prédestiné pour les horreurs de la la bataille de la guerre civile à Pharsale. Il carme 64 di Catullo è un testo molto complesso la cui interpretazione divide da tempo la critica. Nel presente articolo considero i possibili echi politici dell’epillio nel suo contesto storico. In primo luogo, propongo una lettura intertestuale di due passi dal carme 64 (il catalogo degli ospiti mortali e divini che partecipano al matrimonio a Farsalo) alla luce dell’Inno a Delo di Callimaco. Sostengo che Catullo utilizzi la sezione tessalica dell’inno, con lo scontro fra il fiume Peneo e il dio della guerra Ares, non solo come fonte di dettagli mitologici e geografici, ma anche come rilevante sottotesto per la sua visione negativa della Tessaglia come paesaggio che prefigura la guerra e soprattutto la guerra civile. In una seconda lettura, ritorno al carme 64 di Catullo dal punto di vista di due più tardi poeti romani, Virgilio e Lucano, che storicizzano la Tessaglia mitica di Catullo ancora più precisamente alla luce delle guerre civili. Come esempi prendo l’epilogo al primo libro delle Georgiche e soprattutto l’excursus tessalico di Lucano nel sesto libro del Bellum civile, nel quale egli rielabora Catullo così come Callimaco al fine di caratterizzare la sua Tessaglia come paesaggio letterario, predestinato agli orrori della battaglia di Farsalo.

This paper examines the Nemean episode of Statius’ Thebaid (4.646-7.104). It is argued, against recent interpretations, that the episodeis not simply a Callimachean digression from martial themes : the hostilities between Argives and Nemeans recall the bella plus quam ciuilia between Caesar and Pompey ; the incursion of the Argives violently destroys Nemea’s pastoral landscape ; and Nemea becomes the site of quintessentially epic events. The snake that kills Opheltes looks back to Vergil’s Calabrian water-snake in Georgics 3 (and the Culex) : Vergil’s didactic persona had warned not to fall asleep when dangerous snakes are around. The death of the child can also be read as a pessimistic inversion of Vergil’s fourth Eclogue. On a poetic level, we witness the epic dissolution of Nemea’s pastoral world. On a political level, the Nemean episode seems to suggest the impossibility of an Augustan Golden Age in the Flavian poem’s disturbing universe of nefas. Nemea is Statius’ paradise lost.

L’Hymne à Délos de Callimaque présente l’une des descriptions les plus étonnantes de l’Antiquité d’un paysage personnifié. Cet article s’attache à deux aspects de la représentation pour ainsi dire surréaliste de Callimaque. Premièrement, j’étudie de manière assez détaillée les conventions et les concepts de la poésie antérieure que Callimaque utilise et détourne pour créer sa propre image d’un paysage mouvant et animé. Je m’intéresse en particulier aux personnifications des éléments géographiques et aux expressions métaphoriques ou métonymiques que l’on trouve dans la poésie archaïque. Deuxièmement, je me demande si nous pouvons restituer l’effet que le renversement de telles conventions a pu avoir sur le lectorat ancien de Callimaque. Cela nécessite que je prenne en considération les théories qui concernent la visualisation (energeia) et la plausibilité (pithanotès) développées dans les anciens traités poétiques et rhétoriques, qui étaient connues ou qui se sont développées dans l’environnement lettré de Callimaque, au Musée d’Alexandrie au IIIème siècle avant J.-C. Afin de mieux comprendre les problèmes posés par l’Hymne à Délos, j’évoque aussi quelques appréciations critiques modernes du poème. The Delos Hymn of Callimachus presents one of antiquity’s most astonishing descriptions of personified landscape. This article addresses two aspects of Callimachus’ almost surrealistic representation. First, I look in some detail at conventions and concepts from earlier poetry that Callimachus uses and abuses to create his peculiar picture of a moving, animated landscape. I focus in particular on personifications of geographical items and on metaphorical or metonymical expressions as they are found in archaic poetry. Secondly, I ask whether we can reconstruct the effect that overturning such conventions may have had on Callimachus’ ancient readers. This entails that I will look at theories concerning visualization (enargeia) and plausibility (pithanotès) from ancient literary and rhetorical treatises known to or originating in the learned environment of Callimachus, the Alexandrian Museum of the third century BC. To get a clear focus on the problems the Delos Hymn presents, I also survey some modern critical appraisals of the poem. L’Inno a Delo di Callimaco presenta una delle più sorprendenti descrizioni di paesaggio personificato dell’antichità. Questo articolo analizza due aspetti della rappresentazione quasi surreale che fa Callimaco. In primo luogo, discuto in dettaglio convenzioni e concezioni della poesia più antica di cui Callimaco fa uso e abuso per creare la sua particolare immagine di paesaggio animato e in movimento. Mi concentro in particolare sulle personificazioni di elementi geografici e su espressioni metaforiche o metonimiche reperibili nella poesia arcaica. In secondo luogo, mi chiedo se possiamo ricostruire l’effetto che il capovolgimento di tali convenzioni potesse avere sul pubblico antico di Callimaco. Ciò comporta il riferimento alle teorie relative alla visualizzazione (enargeia) e alla plausibilità (pithanotes) in antichi trattati di letteratura e retorica noti o derivati dall’ambiente erudito di Callimaco, il Museo alessandrino del III secolo a.C. Per avere una chiara percezione dei problemi presentati dall’Inno a Delo, passo in rassegna alcune valutazione critiche moderne del componimento.

Polyphony in Callimachus is often a strategy of persuasion: adopting a plurality of points of view in the presentation of an argument makes that argument more authoritative—especially when the authority of at least some of these points of view can be taken for granted. This paper investigates a few examples of the frequent overlapping of the authorial voice of Callimachus with different Callimachean voices impersonating or allusively evoking a series of more or less peremptory figures—a literary critic in defense of his poetics, the vox populi, the director of a ritual for a god, the god himself, or a series of saviors of the past. The paper concludes with an argument that the editor of Callimachus’ Hymns (Callimachus himself?) may have hidden behind the authority of Callimachus the “theologian”.

In Aetia fr. 1.3–5 Pfeiffer Callimachus complains that his adversaries, the Telchines, accuse him of not writing “one continuous poem in many thousands of verses,” celebrating “kings and heroes.” Callimachus did choose to celebrate kings and heroes, but in poetry that is subtle, brief, allusive, learned, and ironic. Contemporary kings occur particularly in the hymns to Zeus, Apollo, and Delos, while queens are more prominent in the Aetia. Hesiod is Callimachus’ most important Greek model in constructing an image of the just king from whom wealth, prosperity and peace flow. A number of scholars have also argued that Egyptian models of kingship may be in play as well, though filtered through Greek texts.

Lucretius’ De rerum natura is one of the relatively few corpora of Greek and Roman literature that is structured in six books. It is distinguished as well by features that encourage readers to understand it both as a sequence of two groups of three books (1+2+3, 4+5+6) and also as three successive pairs of books (1+2, 3+4, 5+6). This paper argues that the former organizations scheme derives from the structure of Ennius’ Annales and the latter from Callimachus’ book of Hynms. It further argues that this Lucretius’ union of these two six-element schemes influenced the structure employed by Ovid in the Fasti. An appendix endorses Zetzel’s idea that the six-book structure of Cicero’s De re publica marks that work as well as a response to Lucretius’ poem.

The subject of this paper is the rapport of two epistolary poems of Catullus (poems 50 and 65) to the rendition of earlier poets that follow them (poems 51 and 66) as read through the prism of a Callimachean epigram (34 G.-P. = 2 Pf.). The paper seeks to further not only our understanding of Catullus’s use of Sappho and Callimachus as both artistic models and actual poetic figures of his own work, but to demonstrate how widely the intertextual resonance of one poem, here a sepulchral epigram for a dead poet, can be spread throughout the composition of a later author.

The image of the hunter going after the escaping prey and scorning that one caught, in an amatory context (the lover is the hunter going after the escaping beloved, leaving the woman he has already conquered), starts from Callimachus and goes to Cervantes, who probably should take it not from classical sources, but from Ariosto’s Orlando Furioso. The image offers different applications, depending on the authors who employ it., La imagen del cazador que persigue la presa que huye y deja la que atrapa, dentro de un contexto amatorio (el enamorado es el cazador que persigue a la amada huidiza, abandonando a la que ya ha conseguido), se inicia con Calímaco y llega hasta Cervantes, quien la tomaría no de las fuentes clásicas, sino del Orlando Furioso de Ariosto. La imagen adquiere diversas aplicaciones, según los autores que la utilizan.