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This paper studies the causal impact of political connections on innovation. Using a unique hand-collected data set of sudden deaths of politically connected independent directors (i.e., retired government officials) in Chinese firms, we find that an unexpected loss of political connections increases a firm’s patent applications by 34% (14 patents). The innovation response is more pronounced in firms with stronger connections: when the connected directors held higher-level bureaucratic positions or when firms operate within their geographical jurisdictions. Upon losing political connections firms face higher competitive pressure and divert resources from rent-seeking into innovation investment. Our findings highlight the role of competition in the substitution between political connections and innovation, particularly in settings where formal institutions are weak.

I combine personnel records with vital statistics for 1910 to 1925 to study how bureaucratic representation affected mortality in 1,271 Indian towns during the 1918 influenza pandemic. Exploiting the rotation of senior colonial officers across districts and a cross-border comparison, towns headed by Indian (as opposed to British) district officers experienced 15 percentage points lower deaths. The lower mortality effects extended beyond the urban areas and coincided with greater responsiveness in relief provision. Bureaucratic representation can thus be a powerful way to increase state responsiveness during times of crisis.

I present a model of corruption with incomplete information where the bureaucrat may request a bribe from the citizen for providing a service. If the government rewards the citizen for reporting corruption and punishes the bureaucrat in a proper way, corruption can be completely prevented. I also compare this policy with a more traditional policy of independent exogenous audits.

The increased availability of quantitative historical datasets has provided new research opportunities for multiple disciplines in social science. In this article, we work closely with the constructors of a new dataset, CGED-Q (China Government Employee Database-Qing), that records the career trajectories of over 340,000 government officials in the Qing bureaucracy in China from 1760 to 1912. We use these data to study career mobility from a historical perspective and understand social mobility and inequality. However, existing statistical approaches are inadequate for analyzing career mobility in this historical dataset with its fine-grained attributes and long time span, since they are mostly hypothesis-driven and require substantial effort. We propose CareerLens, an interactive visual analytics system for assisting experts in exploring, understanding, and reasoning from historical career data. With CareerLens, experts examine mobility patterns in three levels-of-detail, namely, the macro-level providing a summary of overall mobility, the meso-level extracting latent group mobility patterns, and the micro-level revealing social relationships of individuals. We demonstrate the effectiveness and usability of CareerLens through two case studies and receive encouraging feedback from follow-up interviews with domain experts.

Social movements organize people, resources, and ideas for social change. Many do this through formal organizations—often called social movement organizations (SMOs). The concept of a social movement organization is trickier than it may initially seem, since it depends on defining a “social movement” and specifying its relevant set of organizations. Though scholars have defined social movements in a variety of ways, we draw on Snow (2004) to provisionally define social movements as collectivities seeking social change at least partly outside of institutionalized politics. Similarly, though various definitions of organizations have been offered, we view organizations as goal-directed, boundary-maintaining groups, typically with some degree of formal structure. Keywords: bureaucracy; institutionalization; resource mobilization

This paper draws together discussions around public and private, represented talk, and conviviality by showing how an interviewee uses linguistic features to frame instances of talk as either “represented private talk” or “represented public talk”. My empirical focus is an interview that was recorded as part of fieldwork on leadership practices in the Indonesian bureaucracy. In this interview with a department head it seems that he adds authenticity to accounts of his leadership practices by performing them through represented talk. His use of Javanese in instances of represented talk also helps index intimate social relations between himself and his staff, while in some instances the combination of reference to place and participants also helps to nest ideas of private within represented public talk.

Refereed/Peer-reviewed Foreign institutional actors (INAs) can act as a liaison between firms and authorities and other power players to navigate bureaucratic structures, both as resource and legitimacy providers in the host market. Building on institutional theory, this study draws from broader organizational sociological literature, to explore the structural position of INAs in a host country context, and engages with fundamental questions of legitimacy, status, and power. It responds to repeated calls that more studies in international business research are needed on the impact of institutional differences, how to obtain legitimacy, and enhance the home country support networks. To understand INAs' position, specifically within the social structure of a bureaucratic host environment, our study uses in-depth interviews with elite actors from the support networks. Japan is chosen for this study as a host market, because it is the European Union's second largest trading partner in Asia, has a strong central bureaucracy, and historically and currently remains a challenging market for Westerners due to complex market entry barriers. The findings provide a new theoretically derived empirical model demonstrating the positional leverage of these INAs, to “open-doors” into a complex environment and offer a nuanced understanding of their formal and informal structural positions of power. The findings also demonstrate a significant overlap between organizational legitimacy and the exemplary status of these INAs in the bureaucratic environment, which enhances and empowers their leverage to reach authorities, press, and other important actors in the market.

When and how do governments deliver public goods and services in response to citizen preferences? We review the current literature on government responsiveness, with a focus on public goods and service delivery in developing countries. We identify three types of actors that are commonly present in these accounts: politicians, bureaucrats, and citizens. Much of this literature examines interactions between dyads of these actors. The study of electoral accountability and constituency services emphasizes relationships between citizens (or voters) and politicians. Studies of bureaucratic incentives and political oversight of bureaucrats emphasize interactions between politicians and bureaucrats. Finally, studies of bureaucratic embeddedness and citizen oversight of bureaucrats elaborate the interactions between bureaucrats and citizens. We argue that an emerging literature that considers interactions between all three types of actors provides rich theoretical and empirical terrain for developing our understanding of responsiveness and accountability in low- and middle-income countries and beyond.

The wave of labor unrest that accompanied Belarusian post-election protests had no precedents in the country's independent history or recent post-Soviet political protest mobilizations. These protests challenge the prevalent trend in the current literature on the post-Soviet working class to stress its weakness in terms of organization, as well as structural and material resources. This article relies on a database of workplace-related protest events (August 10–September 30) and a selection of statements, interviews, and social media discussions among participants of the protests, in order to explain this unexpected activation of the seemingly passive Belarusian working class. The author hypothesizes that it was the vagueness of the Belarusian opposition's ideology and workers’ participation in the broader protest movement that helped them overcome the challenges of suppressed voice, bureaucratic despotism, and atomization. These mobilizing factors, however, limit the further development of autonomous labor organizations and their democratizing impact.

After the last EU enlargement, state borders have been partially replaced by internal border controls of state bureaucracies to regulate westward migration. Existing ideas of threat associated with non-EU migrants are accompanied by a 'new menace' referring to criminal ’insiders’ who might profit from the freedom of mobility within the EU. Accordingly, social security and immigration policies are increasingly intertwined within surveillance practices of member states, blurring the line between welfare and crime control measures. Therefore, new geopolitical measures and local risk management strategies are introduced for tracing and screening mobile groups. These monitoring practices, such as spidergrams, are taking new forms in technocratic bureaucracies and changing the means of interaction between newcomers and administrative bodies in host societies. In order to understand how these welfare service based financial monitoring structures facilitate spatial population control, we need to understand how selective incentives are invented in order to make undesired groups voluntarily leave the executive territory of host societies. This targeted social sorting is a dynamic process, shaped by narratives of politicians, academics and the civil society, in which economic and ethnic connotations of migrants are regularly intertwined. As full EU citizens, large Roma populations now enjoy freedom of movement throughout Europe. The long-standing prejudiced perception of Roma as profiteers living on welfare, involved in illegal activities and unwilling to integrate has become a basis for Western concerns about a “threatening flood” of westward-bound benefit tourists. This has been used to justify new control measures in several Western member states. Based on empirical case studies, this study will analyse these asymmetries of surveillance within the virtual walls of Fortress Europe, and uncover coping of Central European Roma migrants in daily bureaucratic welfare procedures in London.

Traditional approaches to understanding the emergence and mobilization of social movements focused primarily upon fluctuations in the hearts and minds of aggrieved individuals. Analysts of social movements inspired by the accelerated founding rates of more or less bureaucratically organized groups of citizens in the 1960s—joining early risers in the organizational field some of which, such as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), had emerged in the nineteenth century—began to focus more directly upon the central mediating role that social movement organizations (SMOs) play in mobilizing social movement activity. Zald and Ash (1966) first systematically deployed the concept in their classic paper that effectively challenged the universality of Roberto Michels' (1949) “iron law of oligarchy.” Denotatively bounding the SMO, their analyses referenced civil rights movement organizations of the 1960s, including the Congress on Racial Equality (CORE) and the NAACP, as well as the American Communist Party and the Women's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU). The concept was later more clearly specified by McCarthy and Zald (1973: 1218): “A social movement organization (SMO) is a complex, or formal organization which identifies its preferences with a social movement or a counter-movement and attempts to implement those goals.” In subsequent years, the term and its acronym, SMO, have come into widespread use as scholars have sought to understand patterns of SMO emergence, variations in SMO structure, and functioning. Keywords: bureaucracy; movements; protests; public participation; resource mobilization

Social movement theorists have viewed various phenomena as aspects of the “institutionalization” of social movements. One meaning of institutionalization is that movements become established interest groups that are formalized in structure and headed by professional leaders. Along with formalization and professionalization, movements may also become institutionalized in the sense that their goals become conservative or mainstream. Another meaning of institutionalization is that movement ideas are incorporated into mainstream organizations or practices. And movements can be institutionalized in the sense that they operate within social institutions and organizations. All of these ideas are important to theories of the origins, development, and outcomes of social movements. Keywords: bureaucracy; institutionalization; movements

Counter-intuitive to the lessons of principal-agent models, Chinese leaders have often provided local officials with ambiguous policy guidelines that do not clarify the boundaries of discretion. While ambiguity can give local officials flexibility in policy implementation, it can also instill fear of punishment among possible transgressors and encourage preemptive self-censoring. Incorporating both perspectives, I develop a formal model that analyzes a situation in which ambiguity allows flexibility for certain types of local officials while intimidating others. I argue that central leaders use ambiguity as a screening tool to encourage only the competent type of local officials—or those who have policy expertise for producing good outcomes—to choose a gray-area policy at their own risk, while deterring the incompetent type from doing so. I illustrate the model with the case of state-owned enterprise restructuring in China. The argument is broadly applicable to interactions between any upper- and lower-level actors in bureaucratic hierarchy.

Writing Self, Writing Empire is an intimate history of Persianate bureaucratic culture in Mughal India told through the eyes of the imperial scribe Chandar Bhan Brahmin. Though Hindu Brahmin scribe...

This article explains how bureaucratic inertia and resistance to accommodating immigrants were overcome in Amsterdam and New York City. Scholarship on ‘immigrant bureaucratic incorporation’ is based largely on research conducted in U.S. suburban and rural areas and tends to highlight the importance of bureaucrats’ professional ethos – at times amplified by inclusive state and federal policies. Building on this work, our examination of Amsterdam school policies and New York City language access policies underscores instead the importance of local political and civic context in explaining why and how bureaucracies responded to the needs of immigrant communities in these established gateway cities. While Amsterdam and New York City bureaucrats initially resisted accommodating immigrants’ needs largely due to big-government inertia, their interactions, synergies, and conflicts with other local governmental and nongovernmental actors active on immigrant issues eventually resulted in more inclusive school and language access policies and practices.

Dissection and human specimens study remain the gold standard method for teaching anatomy. Due to the increasing health science courses in Brazil, the traditional way of obtaining bodies for scientific purposes, the unclaimed ones, became insufficient. In addition, this source is no longer ethically appropriate according to anatomists. In order to maintain the teaching quality, the Federal University of Juiz de Fora (UFJF) in Brazil, inspired by successful initiatives around the world, created a body donation program; Sempre Vivo. Besides the bureaucratic difficulty faced during its regulation, the implementation of a body donation program requires special attention regarding the religiosity, culture and uniqueness of the city's inhabitants. Informing people can demystify the process, avoid prejudice and increase the number of donors. In this way, an outreach project was designed to publicize Sempre Vivo and raise public awareness. In the first six years, Sempre Vivo reached the mark of 64 registered donors and seven bodies received. The donor’s profile corresponds to female (70.3%), 57 years of age, retired (50.8%), spiritist (53.1%) and with 12 years or more of formal education (90.6%). Considering that the UFJF has not received unclaimed bodies for ten years, the program was considered satisfactory up to this level and, in the future, it may be the exclusive source of anatomical specimens. The description of the creation and the publicizing of Sempre Vivo, the overcome challenges, as well as the donors’ profile, may encourage and facilitate the foundation of similar programs in Brazil and abroad.

The purpose of this paper is to: Explain the legal study of the implementation of Law Number 5 of 2014 concerning the State Civil Apparatus (ASN) in the stage of selecting the regional head of Tuban Regency. This research is a type of qualitative research. This research emphasizes on election management institutions, so the main approach used is the institutional network approach to Bawaslu, namely through a legal approach and a conceptual approach. Meanwhile, the legal material uses laws related to elections and its derivatives, namely the Bawaslu regulations in dealing with election violations. The realization of the neutrality of the State Civil Apparatus in the Pilkada can be carried out by optimally involving several related institutions, including the State Civil Apparatus Commission (KASN), Bureaucratic Leaders, Regional Inspectorates, and the Regional Civil Service Agency, the General Election Commission (KPU) and the General Elections Supervisory Agency (KPU). BAWASLU). The results of this study can be explained in the context of the Tuban Regency Pilkada on the legal settlement of findings of violations at the pilkada stage by ASN, the Tuban Regency Bawaslu then sends the results of the study and findings to the State Civil Apparatus Commission and by the institution a warning letter of recommendation is issued to the candidate.

Problem setting. Local government officials should adhere to ethical principles, norms, and rules of official behavior, influencing the creation of a positive image of service in local government bodies. Nowadays, city councils of certain cities concretized ethical norms and rules of behavior of deputies and officials in their ethical codes. Given that such codes aim to influence the increase of citizen trust in a local government body, to ensure the conscientious performance of official duties by deputies and officials, and to regulate the unethical situations, all city councils should develop and implement ethical codes. Recent research and publications analysis. Recent research analysis showed that among domestic scientists who studied ethics of civil servants are O. Antonova, L. Bobko, B. Senyshyn, T. Spodaryk, O. Stanasiuk, T. Vasylevska, O. Drozd, N. Sorokina, Ye. Romanenko. The professional ethics of civil servants was in the focus of the attention of many researchers, such as A. Voitenko, M. Novikova, M. Rudakevych, N. Puhachova, O. Ustymenko, V. Yakobchuk. Malimon and N. Shevchenko stressed the need for adoption of a general code of ethics of civil servants. H. Dzumaheldiieva, I. Serhiienko, L. Serhiienko addressed the issue of forming ethical codes in the system of public administration; however, the issue of creating ethical codes in local government bodies remained beyond the attention of scientists. Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Given the lack of research on ethical codes at the local level, this article aims to analyze the structure and content of the codes of ethics of deputies and ethical conduct of officials adopted by city councils. Paper main body. Today city councils of Berdychiv, Vinnytsia, Dnipro, Kyiv, Kolomyia, Ternopil adopted codes of ethics for deputies. Analyzing them, we can see that their structure is similar. At the beginning of codes, there are general provisions and the main principles that should be followed by deputies at work. The central part contains provisions on the rules of deputy ethics in the city council, at sessions and standing commissions, in the relations with voters. Besides, most codes prescribe rules of conduct for deputies in the relations with political parties, the media, bodies representing other branches of government, inter-fractional relations, meetings with foreign citizens, and stays in other countries, rules of conduct on the Internet.The codes define norms of unacceptable behavior to prevent unethical behavior of deputies. When performing duties, deputies must prevent corruption and conflicts of interest, not abuse resources, receive gifts or benefits. Except for the code of Dnipro city council, the final part of others contains the provisions on the control of their observance by deputies. Although it deals with the reports of violations, the codes do not specify the procedure of consideration, deadlines, and publication of results. The positive side of the ethical codes of deputies of Berdychiv and Vinnytsia city councils is that they define the main concepts used in them, contributing to the correctness of their understanding. Lviv сity сouncil was among the leaders in developing codes of ethical conduct for officials. If we compare its content with Kolomyia and Berdychiv ones, we may note that it is much clear and specific. In particular, it details the moral and ethical principles, standards of behavior of both employees and managers in the performance of their duties, as well as the annex to the code specifies a list of categories of unacceptable behavior according to the nature of violations (abuse of power and resources, interpersonal and professional violations). The approach of city councils to the development of codes of ethics in Ukraine is becoming more balanced. Thus, international and domestic experts were involved in the creation of the draft code of ethical conduct for officials and employees of Lviv City Council, and the officials of the city council, the public, business, and representatives of non-governmental organizations took part in its discussion. Among the innovations of the code was the right of employees to appropriate working conditions, free from harassment, intimidation, threats, blackmail, physical, psychological, financial, bureaucratic, administrative pressure. Besides, the council developed and implemented a notification system for reporting unacceptable behavior. Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. City council codes of ethics play the role of important ethical regulators of the professional conduct of deputies, officials, and employees. They define moral and ethical principles, values, standards, and rules, compliance with which is evidence of a high level of culture and professionalism. Although the unacceptable behavior constitutes an integral part of codes of ethics, the procedure for responding to reports of breaches of conduct is usually unprescribed. A successful example of improving the codes of ethical conduct of officials is the Procedure for receiving, registering, and reviewing reports of its violations, approved by Lviv city council. Today, it is not only important to respond timely to violations of rules of ethical conduct by deputies and officials, but also to prevent its unethical manifestations, in particular by organizing regular trainings on ethical issues aimed at forming expected standards of conduct.

The relevance of this article is determined by the demand for the stereotype of a civil servant in Russian public communication and the need for its regular research in order to form an objective public opinion and determine the dynamics of social processes. The purpose of the research was to identify and describe the changes in terms of the content of the language sign official in the Russian language in Pre-Soviet, Soviet and modern periods. The methods of synchronous, diachronic, component, lexicographic and contextual analysis are used in the paper. The study was carried out on the material of lexicographic sources and modern mass media discourse on government administration. For the first time, the main vectors for developing semantics of the key lexical unit of the administrative language in the modern period were identified and described. The changes were caused by the destruction of ideologized subject-conceptual semes of the Soviet era; by the expansion of paradigmatic and syntagmatic ties, reflecting the disappearance of geo-conditioned characteristics and consolidating the features of the hierarchy of the modern management, as well as by the actualization and unification of the verbal sign. It is concluded that, in terms of the semantics of the studied verbal signs, there is a traditionally stable pejorative-evaluative emotiveness due to the sociocultural context which is reflected in associative characteristics - stimuli indicating human weaknesses associated primarily with violated moral and ethical norms. The prospects of the research are seen in continuing the synchronous-diachronic study of the most important for the modern Russian language verbal signs official, manager, bureaucrat, functionary in the lexical-semantic field bureaucracy, which is actively developing, and in using the proposed methods of analysis to study other subsystems of the Russian language.

Given the important role that school management currently plays, this paper aims to discuss democracy from democratic management perspective in educational institutions. Thus, it focuses on ideas of equal opportunity, liberties, human and social rights, which are safeguarded by modern democracy, where conflicts in the perpetuation of inequalities and social violence in education occur, prompting the analysis of democracy in the capitalist context. This is an exploratory-bibliographical, qualitative research that is based on documental analysis of publications that are related to literature pertinent to educational policies, democracy, and democratic management. The study found that the democratic management has oscillated between equal management of the School Council and a management that is discretional, bureaucratic, and that is more tolerant to the perverse logics of control and hierarchy than to the school self-organization which should identify with a participatory democracy.

The activity of the Vyatka left opposition that arose during the internal party discussion in the fall of 1923 and the spring of 1924 is studied. The work is based on archival documents from the Central State Archive of Kirov Region, as well as on materials from the Vyatka Pravda party newspaper. The platform of the local opposition opposed the formation of factions but insisted on clarifying what factionalism is supposed to mean. The Left Opposition united the party community of the provincial city and adjacent working areas. Most party members initially expressed full confidence in the partys Central Committee. An analysis of archival material shows that the Vyatka opposition tried to establish a broad discussion of problems in internal party life. In the provincial center there was a party discussion club that organized heated discussions. The focus on clarifying the concepts of factions and groups reflected the desire of opposition supporters to avoid being accused of betraying the party and the cause of the revolution. Remarkably, until early January 1924 the left opposition had absolute support among party members in Vyatka. The article analyzes the Central Committees suppression of the local opposition in January - February 1924, and in particular the skillful techniques of Aron Solts and his supporters. At the final stage of the struggle, a group of conciliators arose among the members of the opposition, and contributed to the victory of the Central Committee line. The article clarifies reasons and circumstances of the defeat of the opposition, none of whose representatives openly stood in opposition to the majority of the Central Committee or called on ordinary members to protest. The authors demonstrate that the local left opposition was a situational unification of diverse forces, dissatisfied with the bureaucratization of the party, the growing dictatorship of the Central Committee, the newcomers, as well as the dominance of appointees from the Party and the Soviets. During the discussion in the organizations of the Party, the need for developing internal party democracy and a free discussion of the problems emerged, showing that there was a potential alternative to Stalinism. The main feature of the left opposition was that it formed and temporarily won the predominantly non-proletarian Vyatka, where before the 1917 revolution the zemstvo and city democratic self-government has gained roots; this is interpreted as a preservation of the demand for freedom and democracy in local society.

Why does a state change its foreign policy objectives and who is responsible for instigating such change? According to Hermann, four primary change agents are central to this process: leaders, bureaucracies, changes in domestic constituencies, and external shocks. This paper argues that the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) is a complementary policy process framework that can explain foreign policy change (FPC) and that accounts for all four of these primary change agents. Additionally, it is a broader framework of the policy process that facilitates a more comprehensive understanding of the factors influencing FPC than traditional FPC research. The ACF has the potential to broaden our understanding of FPC by emphasizing the intersection of the international system with domestic politics and focusing on a myriad of policy actors coordinating their advocacy efforts to influence FPC. To support this argument, the paper discusses how FPC can benefit from the ACF and reviews past applications. It proposes a research agenda using the ACF to study FPC and draws conclusions about future challenges and directions.

The 2017 outbreak of Mycoplasma bovis in New Zealand deeply impacted rural communities, particularly cattle farmers. In 2018, the Ministry for Primary Industries (MPI) implemented an eradication programme that involved herd testing, stock culls, restriction of stock movements, decontamination of affected farms, and compensation to farmers for losses associated with the eradication programme. New Zealand news media reported widely on the emotional trauma experienced by affected farmers and MPI was criticised for poor management of the outbreak. We interviewed nineteen farmers and farming couples affected by M. bovis in Southern New Zealand to gain insight into their experiences of the outbreak. In this paper, we present the findings pertaining to one dominant thematic: that of farmers' interactions with the bureaucracy associated with the management of the outbreak. The farm appeared to quite literally represent a site of collision between farming values of stock welfare and practical and relational forms of knowledge; and policy, regulation, compliance and technical instrumental forms of knowledge. For these reasons, Habermas’ theory of lifeworld and system presented itself as a particularly salient framework for interpreting our data. Participants experienced the eradication programme as intrusive, impractical, and inhumane; while their situated local knowledge and pragmatism were ignored in favour of adherence to wasteful and inefficient bureaucratic processes that while compliant with policy, made no sense to the farmers. We suggest that biosecurity threats such as M. bovis might be more effectively managed when the bureaucracy is attentive to the rural lifeworld and responsive to the situated knowledge of farmers.

The author identifies the amount of Crimean Tatars who served as officials in Taurida Governorate in the first half of the 20th century. The article is based on archival data, address-calendars and mesyatseslovs of the Russian Empire. Russian politics in the region after the Crimean annexation was characterized by an active interaction with the local population. The imperial authorities gave the Crimean Tatars broad rights and involved them in civil and military service. Tatar murzas and beys who entered service closely interacted with Russian officials and thus got acquainted with the Russian language and culture as well as with the new legal system. While the largest number of Crimean Tatars were in service during the reign of Catherine II, their number began to decline under her successors. The author argues that the Russian authorities interaction with the Crimean Tatar nobility was based on mutually beneficial conditions. The state received the loyalty of local leaders, which provided stability and allowed for communication with the ordinary population. In turn, the murzas and beys received titles and ranks, which allowed them to increase their property and keep their social status. However, the number of Crimean Tatars in local government functions during the first half of the 19th century was low. They served in the governing bodies only by election from the nobility. This was a result of central policy but also of the low level of training among Tatar officials. Many of them were not familiar with legal procedures laws and could not read and write in Russian. Consequently, they preferred service in military formations, which was more prestigious and did not require special training.

This article presents an empirical study of the labor process of internet virtual teams. It argues that organizations with a “horizontally virtual and vertically real” structure face a dilemma in the virtual team labor process. While a culture of engineers, which embodies equality, liberty, and cooperation, is the cultural basis of the virtual team, management is bureaucratic, emphasizing individual interests and hierarchical features. The coexistence of the two leads to cooperation and division of labor in virtual teams. Essentially, this is a compromising institutional arrangement adopted by corporations to triangulate technology culture and managerial control to obtain surplus value. Based on the preceding discussion, this paper ends by proposing a new theoretical framework for studying the labor process under the technological conditions of the internet.

E-Government implementation is the use of technology, information, and communication to realize more efficient and effective government practices in the process of implementing public services in order to facilitate public access to information and create principles of accountability, transparency and good public participation in the Indonesian government. This study aims to explain the implementation of E-Government in Indonesia which encourages the development of information and data systems and is adapted to existing bureaucratic processes. The method used in this research is qualitative research methods. The results showed that public service innovation organized by the government of the Republic of Indonesia was able to create relationships between elements in a country online, not inline, so that efficiency and speed in public services was not only a symbol but a reality.

In his 1962 NBER volume, The Growth of Industrial Production in the Soviet Union, Warren Nutter writes about how the study of the Soviet economy was hamstrung by official secrecy and data limitations. Western economists were forced to rely on what Nutter called “Marco Polo economics” or “travelers' tales” to replace or interpret quantitative data. Nutter's book is littered with these tales of Soviet economic activity from Soviet émigrés, foreign visitors, and reports of Soviet citizens. The tales provide a narrative grounding for The Growth of Industrial Production in the Soviet Union by outlining the flow of data through the Soviet statistical bureaucracy, establishing the strengths and limitations of Soviet data, and aiding in the interpretation of difficult-to-measure concepts such as product quality and military production.

This paper takes on the apparent paradox of India’s combination of durable democracy, capable bureaucracy, but a deficient development trajectory. It begins by outlining the nature of the problem. Then it summarizes and compares some significant approaches to drawing connections from governance institutions to development outcomes. Next, it reviews some of the contributions to understanding India’s political economy in the last few decades. Finally, it attempts to draw some lessons from India’s experience for the application of different theories of governance and development. The central lesson is that the paradox recedes when attention is paid to the subnational level, where India’s states encompass considerable variation in initial societal and economic conditions and in development outcomes.

This article explores one of the largest property transfers in modern European history: the confiscation of real estate and movables left behind by up to 12 million Germans who fled or were expelle...

Many authors have argued that digital technologies enable collaboration without central oversight or authority, obviating the need for the hierarchical bureaucracies that characterize industrial capitalism. In this context, Wikipedia is often mentioned as a paradigmatic example. We draw on the classical accounts of Robert Michels and Max Weber to study mechanisms pushing towards or away from power concentration and bureaucratization. Our historical analysis of bureaucratization and power concentration in Wikipedia is based on 118 conversations and interviews as well as extensive archival research. While most studies on Wikipedia only consider the online encyclopedia itself, we also scrutinize the Wikimedia Foundation. Our analysis uncovers alternating processes of power concentration and power diffusion. While we observe power concentration for reasons anticipated by Michels, we also find strong counter-tendencies. Consequently, power concentration does not follow an ‘iron law’ but is the contingent outcome of struggles among stakeholders. In line with Weber, we identify a process of progressive bureaucratization. This does not only result from the pursuit of organizational manageability, but from a quest for democratic equality and minimization of domination as well. We introduce the concept of self-organizing bureaucratization to highlight how bureaucratization is the unintended and emergent outcome of efforts to increase democratic accountability.

There is widespread perception that bureaucracy is omnipresent in Portuguese health care management. This is despite bureaucracy being heavily deprecated. This paper addresses this dissonance by studying the Portuguese Public Enterprise Entity Hospitals context. It seeks to understand how a bureaucratic approach prevails. The study is based on document analysis and extends the Institutional Logics Perspective to the health care context. Three institutional logics were observed: State, community, and profession. The need to resolve conflicts between the different logics induces a neo-bureaucratic approach to management. This paper contributes by identifying the institutional drivers of bureaucratic logic in health care settings.

Jim, the marketing manager, approaches Hank, the engineering project leader. "Hey, Hank. When can we get this model ready for display? You know, that sales convention is coming up in two weeks, and Jane claims that if we don't show, the competition is really going to close in." "Sorry, Jim," Hank explains. "We're just not satisfied with the speed of this computer. We need at least six weeks; before that there is just no way. My people won't tolerate getting it out earlier if it's not perfect. They've worked too hard to do that." "Okay, Hank," Jim continues. "How about just a prototype for people to look at with a promise of the increased speed to come later?" "Forget it, Jim," Hank insists. "Engineers don't work that way. You can't just promise, you have to deliver. Besides, sending the prototype would be dishonest. Tell Jane to come down here, and I'll explain it to her." This scenario, which actually occurred, is repeated all the time in literally thousands of bureaucratic settings, not just with engineers but also with health professionals, financial professionals, lawyers, teachers, scientists, and so on. Most professionals insist on doing things "right." In this particular case, not only did Hank and his professional group insist on conformity to technical specifications; they maintained a value system that could not justify a loosening of standards, an easy-out approach. Further, they challenged their corporate executive (Jane was the marketing vicepresident) while demanding to be involved in the final decision. Isn't this insubordination beyond the acceptable limits of corporate practice? How can any organization tolerate this kind of behavior and remain productive? To finish the story, it's necessary to point out that Hank was raised in the 1960s. Although he wasn't a campus radical per se, he did pay heed at a gut level to the protests against the Vietnam War that occurred during his college days. He was sympathetic to that cause and even wrote couple of articles about the Pentagon for his college newspaper. He delayed entering the corporate world for several years after graduating with a degree in engineering, refusing to work for any organization with any connection to war-related mater*ials or processes. Finally, he joined a computer start-up company that became very successful. He turned down several offers to move into higher-paying management positions but eventually agreed to serve as the leader of a high-performance product team. He was known as brilliant but somewhat arrogant. Hank worked his own hours, but he got things done. Jane would come down and talk to him. In this instance, Hank's project team missed the demonstration. Hank convinced Jane that the performance of the machine would outstrip any advantage the competition would derive from being first out. It turned out he was right. There are many Hanks who have infiltrated our modern-day organizations, no longer as protestors, campus radicals, or even troublemakers. Indeed, many of them are serious, devoted, professional employees who are retained, as Hank was, if only for their record of extremely high performance. Yet they're different from nonprofessional employees and even from other salaried professionals. They're still '60s kids. They still believe in full participatory rights in their local society. They're interested in assuming positions of responsibility and autonomy, if not power, but they won't be denied the opportunity to use their individual initiative in solving organizational problems. These are the '60s professionals, and in this article I'll tell you not only who they are and what they're like, but how, like Hank, they can successfully be assimilated into bureaucratic life.

In this article, through the lens of critical theory and collective theatre creation, we will look at how a group of homeless individuals in the city of Seville (Spain) has been able to assert their human rights using art. Through the words of the actors themselves, we will reveal the obstacles they face in accessing the city’s public sphere, and their deconstruction. By creating and producing plays, as well as interacting with the audience, the participants became not just actors, but citizens with rights. Collective theatre creation, as adapted by the authors within the context of their research in the field of social work, provides insights into how art has the power to become a strategy for helping those living on the fringes of mainstream society reclaim their place in it politically and culturally. This research has been made possible thanks to the commitment of the members of Teatro de la Inclusión, a theatre group and socio‐artistic project that ran for twelve years and allowed homeless individuals, tired of being passive subjects, dependent on external assistance and subject to endless bureaucracy, to become amateur actors. In doing so, they created for themselves dignified forums in which to express themselves within their city and put their communicative and artistic skills into practice.

The first name that the bureaucracy concept evokes today is undoubtedly Max Weber. In Weber's management theory; there are three types of authority, which Weber tries to question why people obey orders. Weber; states that these authorities, which he describes as traditional, charismatic, and legal-rational models, can all provide obedience, but each will suit a different stage in the development of organizations. This study aims to reveal the meaning that Weber attributes to the concept of authority trilogy and bureaucracy. As a method, a literature review has been made. The findings obtained have been analyzed with a critical point of view and in detail and content analysis and interpretation techniques have been used to examine the findings. Also including the ideas of the leading thinkers of the Islamic world on the issues of authority and legitimacy has enriched the article.

This paper explores the tension between the formal values of public administration, administrative racism, and Whiteness in the context of the Department of Motor Vehicles (DMV). It asks: (1) Which...

In the aftermath of the global #Metoo-movement, sexual harassment (SH) and other forms of gender-based violence (GBV) have emerged at the forefront of public debate and research. Higher education instituions (HEI) worldwide have responded with different preventive measures, targeting context-specific challenges and solutions. In India, post the enactment of the law on prevention and repatriation of SH of women at work in 2013, governing bodies in HE have issued several policies and guidelines. However, almost no empirical studies have explored the implementation and consequences of these initiatives. This pioneering study explores the Indian experiences of procedural change in this sense, through the challenges faced by internal complaints committee members. A specific focus in the analysis is on the members discourses on executing the quasi-legal and behavioural mandates of the law. In conclusion, ambiguities within the law as such, misrecognized cognitive biases in committee members narratives, and a lack of adequate conversation on GBV and SH sums up to identified bureaucratic grey zones. Several recommendations on context specific preventive measures are suggested as well as core recommendations on future research targeting prevention of GBV and SH in HEI more generally.

Armed forces are now in a race to exploit the technologies associated with Artificial Intelligence. Viewed as force multipliers, these technologies have the potential to speed up decision making and roboticise warfighting. At the same time, however, these systems disintermediate military roles and functions, creating shifts in the relationships of power in military organizations as different entities vie to shape and control how innovations are implemented. In this article we argue that new innovation processes are sites of emerging forms of public–private interaction and practices. On the one hand this is driving entrepreneurialism into government bureaucracy even as it forges new bonds between defence and industry. On the other, as technologies replace soldiers, a new martial culture is emerging, one that reframes the warrior geek as an elite innovation corps of prototype warrior. We seek to map these relationships and explore the implications for civil-military relations in the twenty-first century.

PurposeThis study explores the relationships between governance quality and disaster risk in respect to the pillar values of public administration. The objective is to strengthen the focus and resolve of bureaucratic institutions to engage with disaster risk management (DRM) as a core function.Design/methodology/approachMultiple correlation analysis is conducted using data from global indices of disaster risk and governance quality. This is situated in the argument for the importance of public administration to conduct DRM under the auspices of core values for governance.FindingsThere are strong relationships between measures of disaster risk and various qualities of governance that adhere to the administrative theories of public welfare management, particularly through measures for mitigation and preparedness.Research limitations/implicationsThis study is conducted at the national level and may obscure regional effects of governance quality and disaster risk that occur in larger and environmentally diverse countries.Originality/valueThere are few studies that champion the value of public administration's qualities and values in the efforts of DRM. This research provides support for such a position by connecting governance quality to disaster risk and overlaying the influence of the core administrative values of efficiency, effectiveness, the economy and equity.

Corruption is still a serious problem in the state finances management in Indonesia despite of various efforts to improve the bureaucracy management and government financial reports. The implementation of a decentralized system and direct elections in the legislative and executive government institutions based on divided government political structure, are expected to boost the check and balances process and the creation of high quality financial reporting system. However, this system does not reduce the propensity of corruption occurrence. Therefore, this study aims to examine the role of the financial reporting system as the embodiment of governance and the role of divided government to the corruption. The corruption data used in this study is inkracht data so that it can describe the actual corruption cases compared to the corruption variable in the form of perception that is more subjective and tends to be biased. The results of the study show that governance with the BPK opinion indicator obtained by the district / city government is not substantively describing the use of state finances. In the other word, corruption still occurs in the local government that have obtained the best opinion. Meanwhile, the divided government which theoretically should encourage checks and balances, it creates a negotiation space that promote bigger chance of corruption come about. Apart from the study result, efforts to eradicate corruption in the first period of President Jokowi's reign were better than the previous regime.

This paper explores how police bureaucracies, in their pursuit of greater accountability and management efficiencies, create what are intended to be rational data collection and use processes. Howe...

Although the United States spends more on health care than comparable nations, many Americans suffer from poor health. Many factors are emphasized as being important for improved health outcomes, including social and economic indicators, living and working conditions, and individual-level behavior. However, I argue the overwhelming attention to male health outcomes—compared to female health outcomes—and focus on factors that are “traditionally understood” as important in shaping health are two limitations of existing health-related research. I adopt an innovative approach that combines the theory of representative bureaucracy, gender concordance, and symbolic representation to argue that increase in female physicians contribute to improved female health outcomes. Using an originally collected dataset that contains information on female physicians, health outcomes, and state and individual-level factors, I study how female physicians influence the health outcomes of non-Hispanic White women, non-Hispanic Black women, and Latinas in the United States from 2000 to 2012. The findings suggest female physicians contribute to improved health outcomes for non-Hispanic White women and non-Hispanic Black women, but not Latinas. Supplemental Analysis bolsters confidence that the findings are not the result of increased access to health care professionals. This study highlights the importance of applying the theory of representative bureaucracy and symbolic representation to health care, the promise of greater female representation in health, and the insight gleaned from incorporating intersectionality in public administration research.

Drawing on a framework offered by Bauman and literature from disability studies and other sociological areas, this article argues that the experience of austerity for disabled people in Sweden is one of bureaucratic violence, shaped by disablism. The article aims to broaden the sociological conceptualisation of bureaucratic violence to include disablist austerity within its purview. It utilises fieldwork data from interviews with disabled people in Sweden to explore how welfare bureaucracy isolates and dehumanises disabled people. It also examines how Swedish welfare bureaucracies obscure the impact of austerity on this population. Due to the convergence of neoliberalism and austerity in Sweden, the exploration of bureaucratic violence opens up important questions regarding the Social Darwinist elements in neoliberal theory. Ultimately, bureaucratic violence is a useful concept for sociologists for two reasons: it sheds austerity of its technocratic veneer and connects lived experiences of welfare reform to the lethal consequences of austerity.

This study analyses the intricate relationship between sanction-based accountability and bureaucratic shirking. Drawing on an original survey conducted among Chinese civil servants, it addresses the question of whether sanction-based accountability can effectively regulate the conduct of public officials and provide a cure for bureaucratic shirking. The study identifies the characteristics of shirking behaviour in the Chinese bureaucracy and distinguishes three major patterns: evading responsibility, shifting responsibility and reframing responsibility. The findings indicate that sanction-based accountability may contain some obvious and notorious slacking types of behaviour, such as stalling and inaction, but government officials may distort or reframe their responsibilities to cope with accountability pressure. Empirical evidence suggests that owing to some “strategic” adjustments in bureaucratic behaviour, flagrant shirking is replaced by more subtle ways of blame avoidance, such as playing it safe or fabricating performance information. Sanction-based accountability therefore does not offer a panacea for bureaucratic shirking.

The purpose of the study is to identify contradictions between the competence of a public official of a government body based on the post he takes, on the one hand, and the need for this official to make managerial decisions beyond his competence. On the basis of this contradiction, the authors show the negative consequences of the implementation of management activities by a public official and suggest some measures to prevent and eliminate them.The paper analyzes the cases when the heads of public authorities were supposed to accept construction and repair work performed by counterparties under civil contracts, but due to their incompetence in this matter, they signed acts of acceptance of the work performed without indicating any shortcomings, for which they were brought to criminal and financial liability. The authors describe the reasons for these negative phenomena, analyze the possibility and legitimacy of the delegation by the heads of public authorities of powers to accept the work performed and determine the subject matter of the offense.By analyzing the judicial practice, the authors determine the subjects of crimes in the field of poor-quality reception of work performed by contractors; attention is focused on the fact that in order to qualify such acts as criminal, it is not necessary to establish the intent. Officials’ references to their incompetence in this matter, as a rule, are ignored by the courts. By comparing the activities of leaders in the commercial and public spheres, the authors point to the possibility of criminal prosecution of a public official without claiming damage caused to any person and before considering a legal dispute for compensation for damage between the public authority and the counterparty. In conclusion, the authors make proposals on the need to involve third-party organizations in the acceptance of the work performed on the basis of outsourcing, which will increase the quality of activities of public authorities and reduce the level of malfeasance.

This study investigates the four psychological empowerment dimensions (competence, impact, meaning, and self-determination) and how they impact job satisfaction. Employee empowerment innovatively boosts the performance and capabilities of the organizations. This study is significant in the background of the Libyan banking sector working under uncertain conditions since the start of the Libyan civil war. This study proposed a theoretical framework with four hypotheses that established a relationship between competence, impact, meaning, self-determination, and job satisfaction. The study used a quantitative design to test the theoretical model using the psychological empowerment model of Spreitzer (1995) and job satisfaction with the Minnesota Satisfaction Questionnaire (MSQ). Five hundred thirty (530) questionnaires were distributed to 25 branches of banks in Libya and received 333 responses, out of which 327 were valid for the analysis. The data analysis was conducted using Structural Equation Modelling (SEM) using Partial Least Squares (PLS), aided by Smartpls 3 software. The results indicated that competence was insignificant with job satisfaction and all other three dimensions were positive and significant with job satisfaction even in the bureaucratic organizational structures. It is also interesting to note that lower and middle-level managers have the self-belief to contribute despite influencing the strategies.

The article considers the process of reforming the civil service in the context of the state transformations of Peter the Great. The author pays special attention to the periodization of reforms. Based on its analysis, the conclusion is drawn not only about the validity of the chronological division of Peter the Great’s state transformations into conditionally spontaneous and organized stages, but also about a kind of “domino principle”: the implementation of one reform necessitated the next. The author gives his own interpretation of the features of the formation of the imperial bureaucracy in Russia in the first quarter of the XVIII century. The relatively slow development of this process is noted, which can be explained by the inertia of the bureaucracy itself and, first of all, the podyachy corps.

This article aims to ascertain the role of a local leader in the transformation of waste management in Depok City, West Java, between 2014 and 2017. In 2005, Depok was identified as one of the dirtiest cities in Indonesia; by 2017, it had successfully transformed itself and received the Adipura Award for Indonesia's cleanest city. Based on qualitative fieldwork, we argue that Depok's waste management was transformed through a series of policies made by the mayor in conjunction with the Government of Depok City between 2006 and 2016. The example of Depok shows that formal leadership plays an important role in encouraging the emergence of innovative policies to address public problems. In this case, the vision of the leader was translated into policy and implemented by bureaucratic institutions, thereby driving important changes in the region. Further contributing factors included credibility, protection from opposition, and access to resources. We also emphasize the importance of leadership in giving direct examples to local communities on how we understand waste; how we reduce, reuse, recycle, and participate. The leader's ability to consolidate his ideas within the broader community, as well as his commitment to sustainable change, become the main driver of his policy performance.

This paper aims at discussing approaches to Islamic marriage administration reform in Indonesia upheld by the Ministry of Religious Affairs and the KUA. This qualitative study relies on various statutory materials to examine the reform of Islamic marriage in Indonesia. An empirical study was conducted in several KUA offices in Denpasar Bali to obtain information about reform-related regulations implementation and the approaches of the marriage administration reform made by KUAs. This paper argues that top-down policies are not sufficient to make successful bureaucratic reform. Bottom-up approaches by each KUA through solid leadership and innovation have proven to determine the success of the reform. The paper, however, found that these bottom-up approaches are not without weakness as they tend to be unsystematically taken and that not all KUAs in Indonesia, therefore, have introduced such reforms and made equal success.[Artikel ini membahas beberapa pendekatan dalam mengkaji reformasi administrasi pernikahan Islam di Indonesia yang dikelola oleh Kementerian Agama dan KUA. Studi kualitatif ini mengandalkan beberapa bukti hukum untuk menguji reformasi pernikahan Islam di Indonesia. Studi empiris ini dilakukan di sejumlah KUA di Bali untuk mendapatkan informasi mengenai implementasi kebijakan dan pendekatan reformasi administrasi yang telah dibuat KUA. Argumen dari artikel ini adalah kebijakan dari atas ke bawah tidak cukup berhasil dalam reformasi birokrasi. Sedangkan pendekatan dari bawah ke atas di masing-masing KUA melalui kepemimpinan yang solid dan inovatif, justru cenderung dominan keberhasilan reformasinya. Meskipun demikian, artikel ini juga menunjukkan kekurangannya yaitu kurang tersistematis dan tidak semua KUA di Indonesia yang juga menjalankan program reformasi dapat meraih sukses yang sama.]

The nursing profession has the widest range of opportunities, but the unawareness and ignorance of nurses are making them be at a dependent level only rather than independent. In most of the scenarios, administrative nurses, health care policymakers, and administrators of institutions and agencies, make and implement roles and activities for nurses to fulfill the aims of medicine and institutional bureaucracy. This problem 'forces' nursing to travel a dependent path. A view is set forth that the problem stems from the collective failure of nursing to articulate and implement a function and product distinct from that of medicine and other professions. Making this distinction is critical to the charting of an independent path. Nursing's past and present are examined in terms of the service nursing does provide for society. This paper deals with the various emerging job opportunities for nurses and ways to choose the best working environment for career advancement. Keywords: Teaching Role, Clinical Role, Research Role, Entrepreneur Role, Indian Nursing Council, Migration.