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Militant groups that are in armed conflict with a government often coexist with political parties that have ethnic or ideological connections to them. In this article, we explore the extent to which electoral support received by militant associated opposition parties and nationally incumbent political parties influences subnational variation in militant attacks. We argue, and empirically demonstrate, that militants strategically target localities where the levels of electoral support for the opposition party and the nationally incumbent party are close in an effort to negatively influence the electoral performance of the incumbent party. To illustrate this dynamic we examine subnational data from 1995 to 2015 Turkish legislative elections and attacks organized by the Kurdish militants within the same time period. We also examine the impact of June 2015 legislative elections on militant attacks until the snap elections in November 2015. Our empirical examination shows that militants target localities where electoral support for the governing party and Kurdish opposition party is close. Moreover, increase in violence negatively influences the electoral performance of the governing party. However, it does not consistently have a significant influence on the opposition. The findings illustrate that militants strategically choose the location of their attacks based on electoral dynamics, and attacks can pose an electoral challenge to the governing party.

This article deals with the construction of militarised masculinity of disabled veterans in the interplay of official identity and embodied everyday experience in the context of an ongoing internal...

The signing of the Havana Peace Agreements that ended the armed conflict in Colombia in 2012 marked an important advancement in the attempt to create a more inclusive and lasting peace by acknowled...

The article focuses on the subaltern system of micro appropriations or Jugaads used by young Kashmiris to survive within precarious situations inflicted due to armed conflict. More particularly, it argues that such Jugaads are invoked by the subaltern consciousness of Tehreeq-e-Azadi, which offers space for not just the negotiation with the state but also the creative improvisation of daily political actions. It is illustrated that young people’s political participation is entangled with the attempts to overcome the uncertainty around their lives, thereby offering them pragmatic solutions in advancing their interests. It is further elaborated that the existing polarization between separatism and mainstream is obscure at the experiential level, living within precarious situations has taught young people to silently craft possibilities of a good life without looking confrontational to either side. The article argues that localized forms of engagement are crucial for a comprehensive understanding of how modern states operate.

Resumen: El artículo hace parte de los esfuerzos que la sociedad colombiana, liderada por la Comi- sión para el Esclarecimiento de la Verdad, la Convivencia y la No Repetición (CEv), viene realizando por conocer lo ocurrido durante el conflicto armado colombiano, como un paso para entenderlo y así evitar su repetición. Busca contrastar estadísticas sobre violencia en la Universidad Nacional de Colombia en todas sus sedes, entre 1958 y 2018, con las memorias elaboradas por diversos estamen- tos universitarios sobre lo ocurrido en ese lapso de tiempo. En consecuencia, consta de dos partes: inicialmente se hace un recorrido histórico en seis periodos de las luchas y la violencia en la Univer- sidad en esos 60 años, para luego analizar las tendencias de las violaciones de derechos humanos a la comunidad universitaria. Así se espera colaborar a la comprensión del conflicto armado en el país, como también alimentar la memoria de la propia Universidad Nacional, tal vez no la más afectada, pero sí muy representativa del trascurrir académico en una sociedad violenta como la colombiana. Violence in the National University of Colombia, 1958-2018 Abstract: The article is part of the efforts that Colombian society, led by the Truth, Coexistence and Non-Repetition Commission, has been making to learn about what happened during the Colom- bian armed conflict, as a step towards understanding it and avoiding repetition. It seeks to contrast statistics on violence at the National University of Colombia in all its campuses, between 1958 and 2018, with the memories produces by students, professors and workers about what happened that period. It consists of two parts: first, it presents a historical analysis of six periods of struggles and violence at the University in those 60 years, second, it analyzes the trends of human rights viola- tions against the university community. Keywords: National University of Colombia, student movements, violence, human rights

What are the effects of internal armed conflict on public perceptions of the police? We explore this research question in the context of Afghanistan and argue that local conflict intensity will hav...

Introduction. The development of transport infrastructure plays a key role in the implementation of the state strategy to stimulate the economic development of the eastern regions of Ukraine. Among other things, the most important component is the network of state roads. Some of the roads damaged by the armed conflict in eastern Ukraine remain in poor condition. Problems. The armed conflict in eastern Ukraine in Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts has damaged and destroyed road infrastructure. This in turn has complicated and made road transport more expensive. As a result of the movement of large and heavy military equipment, most often moving in columns, on highways of state and local importance there are potholes, subsidence, destruction of the edges of the pavement, ruts. To improve the situation and bring performance to the relevant standards, a number of State target programs and projects were introduced. But some roads still remain destroyed and need funding for repairs and reconstruction. Purpose. The purpose of the article is to highlight the state and prospects of road infrastructure development in the regions that have been negatively affected by the armed conflict in eastern Ukraine. Materials and methods. During the writing of the article, dialectical methods of scientific knowledge were used to form a list of highways of state importance in the eastern regions of Ukraine, primarily analysis and synthesis. Empirical methods of cognition, such as description, measurement and comparison, are also used. Results. The paper highlights and characterizes the state of road infrastructure in the regions affected by the armed conflict in eastern Ukraine and reveals the prospects for its development. Conclusions. The need to finance the repair and restoration of roads that have not been included in the list of already approved and funded programs, and the formation of clear strategic directions may be provided by the Program of measures for restoration and development of public roads in Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Armed conflict in eastern Ukraine, taking into account the priorities of restoring and building peace, realizing the industrial potential of the eastern regions of Ukraine and the principles of development of the entire network of public roads of state importance of Ukraine. Critical for the implementation of this plan is the adoption by the government of a program for the restoration and development of public roads of state importance in the regions that have been negatively affected by the armed conflict in eastern Ukraine.

El presente es resultado de investigación del proyecto Las narrativas del perdón desde los géneros literarios en Colombia, adscrito a la línea de investigación en Derecho, Conflicto e Internacionalización, del grupo de investigación Orbis Iuris, de la Fundación Universitaria Autónoma de las Américas, el cual centra su problema de investigación en la configuración el perdón a partir de los géneros literarios dentro del conflicto interno armado en Colombia (1948-2016). Dicha investigación fue proyectada para dos fases de duración anual. Para la primera de ellas se tuvo como objetivo específico recrear la configuración del perdón a partir de la crónica del conflicto armado en Colombia (1948-2016). Es en este sentido que surge el actual resultado como capítulo de profundización teórica en material de crónica y conflicto interno armado en el país. Para llevarlo a cabo, se acudió al modelo cualitativo propio de los estudios histórico-hermenéuticos de las ciencias jurídicas, enfoque que permitió hacer el proceso de interrelación e interpretación de las categorías conflicto armado interno, narrativa y crónica, logrando dar cuenta con ello de su importancia como espacio de construcción del perdón, toda vez que la narración de la experiencia del mal tiene como motivación hacer permanecer las vivencias sufridas, consolidándose de esta manera en testimonio que posibilita el aprendizaje ético-político, el reconocimiento y la memoria.

El presente artículo es resultado de una investigación que tuvo por objetivo medir la resiliencia en adultos víctimas del conflicto en el Carmen de Bolívar, Colombia. Para ello, se aplicó un cuestionario estructurado de breve duración, de 32 reactivos donde se evalúan las variables factores protectores internos, factores protectores externos y Empatía. Participaron 231 personas adultas del área geográfica estudiada. Entre los resultados se encontró que entre los factores protectores interno destaca la confianza en si mismos, consideran que la educación es muy importante entre los factores protectores externos y con respecto a la empatía confían en un mejor mañana. Se concluyó que, si bien es limitada la definición y medición de la resiliencia por la naturaleza dinámica y los múltiples factores de influencia del constructo, la población civil encuestada evidencia elementos característicos de la conducta resiliente posterior a haber sido afectados por el conflicto armado en su región.

This study aims to assess the potential of urban agriculture to secure daily needs during the armed conflicts, in addition to assess the contribution of urban agriculture in alleviating poverty level and unemployment rate for its practitioners. A combination of both quantitative and qualitative research methods was employed in this study. In the quantitative design, 129 randomly selected urban farmers from the area of the survey completed the self-administered close-ended questionnaires, whereas the statistical analysis presents the socio-demographic, economic, and other aspects of the households. The qualitative data collection included interviews with six governmental and nongovernmental officials.The results show that 89.2 percent of the urban agriculture practitioners are feeling food security. However, a small percentage of the households who practice urban agriculture are still experiencing difficulties with food security. In the meantime, the armed conflict forced most of the urban farmers to evacuate their homes or lands; thus, only 34.9 percent of urban farmers managed to gain food during the 2014 armed conflict.In a nutshell, urban agriculture significantly and positively contributes to alleviating household food insecurity in the study area. However, its role was very limited during the 2014 armed conflict.

The recent events in Palestine–Israel once again have brought anger and frustration to people inside and outside the medical community. Especially for the pediatric community, the recent wars’ toll of at least 67 children in the Gaza Strip and two children in Israel killed warrants attention. Armed conflicts have both direct effects on children's physical health and indirect harms through toxic stress and deprivation. During these troubling times, when civilians, including children, are dying and being mutilated because of conflict, it is crucial to understand the role of structural violence in perpetuating immediate violence. This article will shed light on the historical context of the recurrent wars and military aggressions in Palestine–Israel and contextualize them from a broader public health perspective.

Discourse analysis is used to identify the meanings and socio-labor barriers perceived by former FARC combatants in the post-conflict scenario, which must be understood to establish frameworks for action in the peace-building process. The interpretative repertoire "to be crossed out" is shown as an ontological mark in the former combatant that deprives him of access to different social settings and that hinders the identity configuration, fostering feelings of nullification of his civil utility. A partir del análisis del discurso se identifican los significados y barreras sociolaborales percibidas por excombatientes de las FARC frente al escenario de postconflicto, que deben ser comprendidas para establecer marcos de actuación en el proceso de construcción de paz. El repertorio interpretativo estar-tachado se muestra como marca ontológica en el excombatiente que le priva para acceder a distintos escenarios sociales y que entorpece la configuración identitaria, fomentando sentimientos de anulación de su utilidad civil.

The article deals with the analysis and summarized results of public opinion polls conducted in Ukraine during 2005–2021 concerning support and public confidence with regard to the main state institutions of the security and defence sector of Ukraine. The significance of each of them is determined. The reasons and trends in the ratings of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, the Security Service of Ukraine, the militsiya and the National Police of Ukraine and other institutions in the period under study are clarified. The interrelations and interdependence of activities of these institutions are revealed. It is found out the significant increasing of confidence of the Ukrainian society in the institutions responsible for the national security of the state after beginning of the armed aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine. Among them, the Armed Forces of Ukraine have been and remain the most authoritative institution for the last fifteen years. The authors conclude that under the conditions of armed conflict and information war the state institutions of the security and defence sector would have a high level of public confidence.

El objetivo de este artículo científico derivado de una investigación doctoral es describir como el conflicto armado colombiano ha afectado a la región Caribe colombiana repercutiendo en la identidad de la población modificando la vida cotidiana y su visión de futuro. El método científico inductivo se desarrolla desde el enfoque cualitativo, con revisión de textos científicos como referentes teóricos arbitrados y probados científicamente; en el que no se dejara de lado los informes nacionales e internacionales de la situación de Violencia en Colombia y especialmente en el Caribe. En los resultados se llegará a plasmar como los eventos de la violencia política colombiana han afectado al hombre y mujer Caribe logrado que su identidad deba reconstruirse desde los cimientos ancestrales y de las oleadas poblacionales que le llegan como zona de puerto o entrada de diversas culturas que lo hacen un ser cosmopolita. En conclusión, la Identidad del ser caribeño colombiano deberá apegarse a su cultura, a su territorio y a su propia visión de la vida para lograr reconstruir el tejido social resquebrajado por la violencia ya que por medio del Perdón en toda su extensión; lograr la convivencia sana en la tierra de Macondo.

Este escrito presenta los trazos gruesos de la investigación de la socióloga Sophie Daviaud que se materializan en su obra escrita en francés, L’enjeu de droits de l’homme dans le conflit colombien (2010) para descubrir el significado y el reto que adquieren los derechos humanos en el conflicto armado colombiano. Además, cómo los actores armados, la sociedad civil y las organizaciones no gubernamentales (ONG) presentes en ese contexto, se apropian del discurso de los derechos humanos. Igualmente, presentamos a través de sus diversas posiciones los vínculos teóricos con el también sociólogo Daniel Pécaut quien es reconocido por su larga trayectoria en el estudio de la política en América y especialmente en el conflicto colombiano.

The scientific article is devoted to a comprehensive understanding of international legal, procedural, and organizational problems of investigation of war crimes committed during the military conflict in the south and east of Ukraine. It develops the author's concept of investigation of war crimes committed during the armed conflict, scientifically substantiated theoretical provisions and specific patterns that are manifested in the field of legal support, organization of investigation, collection of evidence, methods of investigation of crimes of this type. It is concluded that there is a need to specify the components of war crimes in national legislation. Recommendations for further improvement of criminal and criminal procedure legislation of Ukraine in order to fulfill the state's international obligations in the field of international humanitarian law are given.

The Brigade II of the Polish Legions in the Carpathian Mountains (November‑December 1914): Part II In this article, the author presents the activity of the Polish Legions, at that time commanded by the general Karol Durski, in the Carpathian Mountains. Polish soldiers had to fight there under very difficult conditions as a result of the numerous deficiencies in equipment and arms. Nonetheless, they tried to perform the tasks to which they were entrusted as best as they could. As opposed to the weakness of the Austro‑Hungarian army, the Polish units in this region played a decisive rule in halting the Russian offensive. This was a significant factor because if the Russians had crossed the Carpathians, this would have led to an invasion of Hungary, which could have had unpredictable consequences. In the first phase, the Polish units participated in the fight to liberate Máramaros County. The second phase comprised the armed conflict in the Nadvirna and Bohorodchany regions. This part of the skirmishes was finished with the bloody Battle of Mołotków on October 29, 1914. Although it ended with a tactical defeat of the Polish units, which were forced to retreat, it was, however, a tactical victory, as the Russians, exhausted by the daylong battle, were forced to cease their offensive manoeuvres.

El objetivo del artículo fue interpretar el significado social de la narrativa binaria de los principales participantes del conflicto armado en la región de Tierra Caliente (Michoacán), analizado con la metodología de la sociología cultural mediante los motivos, relaciones e instituciones.La narrativa binaria del conflicto armado reforzó las diferentes creencias colectivas sobre la inseguridad pública, la cual ha sido provocada por una supuesta debilidad de las instituciones estatales de seguridad pública, lo que ha permitido, en consecuencia, una expansión de la inseguridad creada sólo por los grupos criminales mexicanos.

Resumen En el contexto del conflicto armado en Colombia se han presentado múltiples violaciones de derechos humanos, que han determinado la persecución de las más graves conductas internacionales, entre ellas, la desaparición forzada. Desde la perspectiva que vamos a abordar, en el texto de Michael Sandel titulado Justicia ¿Hacemos lo que debemos?, más allá de los problemas jurídicos y de política criminal que el hecho encarna, veremos una reflexión ética acerca del problema, sin dejar de confrontar sus exigencias legales. El presente artículo es un análisis ius filosófico sobre los valores y deberes de protección del ciudadano que se afectan y comprometen la labor del Estado en la persecución y represión del crimen de desaparición forzada, a partir de sus elementos de producción de la conducta. Para tal efecto se desarrolla una investigación hermenéutica analítica de tipo descriptivo y propositiva. Abstract In the context of the armed conflict in Colombia, multiple human rights violations have occurred, which have determined the prosecution of the most serious international conducts, including enforced disappearance. From this paper's approach, in the text of Michael Sandel, entitled Justice: Do we do what we must?, beyond the legal and criminal policy problems that the fact embodies, an ethical reflection on the problem will be made, without ceasing to confront its legal requirements. This article is a philosophical analysis on the values and protection duties of the citizen that affect and compromise the work of the State in the prosecution and repression of the crime of enforced disappearance, based on the elements of production of the conduct. To this end, an analytical hermeneutic research of descriptive and propositive type is carried out. Resumo No contexto do conflito armado na Colômbia, são apresentadas múltiplas violações dos direitos humanos que vêm determinando a persecução das mais graves condutas internacionais, entre elas, o desaparecimento forçado. Sob a perspectiva que abordamos, no texto de Michael Sandel intitulado Justiça: o que é fazer a coisa certa?, mais além dos problemas jurídicos e de política criminal que o fato implica, vemos uma reflexão ética sobre o problema, sem deixar de confrontar suas exigências legais. Neste artigo, faz-se uma análise jusfilosófica dos valores e dos deveres de proteção do cidadão que são afetados e comprometem o trabalho do Estado na persecução e na repressão do crime de desaparecimento forçado a partir de seus elementos de produção da conduta. Para isso, é desenvolvida uma pesquisa hermenêutica analítica de tipo descritivo e propositivo.

The aim of the article is to provide an overview of the achievements of selected representatives of Poznan studies on international law, whose writings have been published in the previous volumes of the Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny [Journal of Law, Economics and Sociology]: Bohdan Winiarski, Alfons Klafkowski, Krzysztof Skubiszewski, Boleslaw Wiewiora, Jan Sandorski, Jerzy Tyranowski, Tadeusz Gadkowski, and Anna Michalska. The article considers a selection of papers representative for the main directions of research conducted by three generations of international lawyers from Poznan's Department of Public International Law. The topics covered are as follows: the relationship between international law and national law, the sources of international law, international river law, international law of armed conflict and international responsibility, the law of international organizations, international protection of human rights, territory and recognition in international law, and nuclear law.

The article considers scientific publications on the experience of confronting hybrid threats to the world. On the basis of these materials the purposes, the maintenance of hybrid war is defined and its definition is formulated. The emergence and development of new strategic factors gave rise to the concept of hybrid warfare as a strategy of confrontation between states, which cannot be purely attributed to either war or peace. The term “hybrid war” was first introduced in US and British military documents at the beginning of the 21st century. In today's wars and armed conflicts, both in Ukraine and in other regions of the world, the dominant important features and characteristics of the wars of the future are manifested. They are increasingly becoming a hybrid (“combined”) nature. At present, the experience of anti-terrorist operation and environmental protection shows that we are facing a hybrid war, which we cannot end with traditional methods.

After the Cold War, international relations in the Arctic were characterised by cooperation and diplomacy. However, since Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014, largely peaceful relations in the Hi...

Armed conflict in Colombia with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC-EP) was only settled after 50 years and several attempts at negotiations. This sequence of events fits the pattern of "conflict ripeness" first proposed by William Zartman. But using a successful settlement as a way to determine ripeness can be tautological. To address this issue, we develop a formal model to identify the level of ripeness at which a conflict is settled. In an overripe conflict both parties end up spending resources in a military build-up that is out of proportion with what they obtain in the final settlement. We show that such overripeness is exacerbated by the access to resources and by the factional heterogeneity within the two sides. We illustrate these dynamics by looking in detail at the attempts at negotiation between Colombia's government and the FARC-EP. To that end, we combine statistical data, some previously undisclosed, and interviews with some key participants. This work was supported by Comunidad de Madrid and Complutense University of Madrid. Attraction of the Research Talent 2018 Program. Grant: 2018-T2/SOC-10508.

Ukrainian migration to the European Union from the risk perspective The aim of this paper is to analyse, through the prism of risk theories, migration from Ukraine to the European Union in a multidimensional perspective. Risks taken by different actors associated with migration along this route have been considered. At the micro-level these are risks borne by Ukrainian migrants themselves. At the macro-level these are risks borne by both states of destination and origin. The concept of risk is the most suitable theoretical approach to be applied in the case of analyzing Eastern European migration. Migration to the fortress “Europe” creates many risks for the migrants and is treated as a challenge by the state actors. At the same time, it cannot be regard as a as a security threat. It is very modest both in the numbers and possible adverse consequences for all stakeholders involved. The article pays special attention to the issue of possible risks related to the eruption of armed conflict in Eastern Europe. It argues that those risks have grown but not significantly and the most affected actor is the Ukrainian state itself, who in a long-term perspective may experience dramatic demographic challenges. Both migrants as well the EU destination states may be at higher risk only in a case of serious destabilization at the whole Ukrainian territory.

Georgia v. Russia (II) is only the first judgment since Bankovic in which the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has examined the question of jurisdiction in an interstate case involving military operations in the context of an international armed conflict (IAC).

In many countries where peacekeeping missions are carried out, gender-based violence and conflict-related sexual violence occur in alarming numbers. Both civilians and fighters, women and children are the most victims in a conflict. Armed conflict becomes a traumatic experience for each individual who experiences it. Women peacekeepers representing the United Nations are in a State to help restore the trust of people experiencing post-conflict trauma. However, to date the number of women is still very low compared to men in the United Nations Peacekeeping Mission. The UN Charter mandates the Security Council to maintain international peace and security. The study discusses how women play a role in international peacekeeping and security missions as well as actions. This type of research is a normative juridical sourced in secondary data. The results of this study show that in all areas of peacekeeping, female peacekeepers have proven that they can perform the same role, by standards and in the same difficult conditions. Therefore, it is an operational imperative of the United Nations to recruit and maintain female peacekeeping forces., Di banyak negara di mana misi penjaga perdamaian dilakukan, kekerasan berbasis gender dan kekerasan seksual terkait konflik terjadi dalam angka yang mengkhawatirkan. Baik warga sipil maupun pejuang, perempuan dan anak-anak adalah korban terbanyak dalam suatu konflik. Konflik bersenjata menjadi pengalaman traumatis tersendiri bagi tiap individu yang mengalaminya. Perempuan pemelihara perdamaian mewakili Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa berada pada suatu Negara untuk membantu memulihkan kepercayaan orang-orang yang mengalami trauma pasca-konflik. Namun, hingga saat ini presentase jumlah perempuan masih sangat rendah dibandingkan laki-laki dalam Misi Pemeliharaan Perdamaian Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa. UN Charter memberikan mandat kepada Dewan Keamanan untuk menjaga perdamaian dan keamanan internasional. Penelitian ini membahas bagaimana perempuan berperan dalam misi pemeliharaan perdamaian dan keamanan internasional serta tindakan. Jenis penelitian ini adalah yuridis normative yang bersumber pada data sekunder. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa di semua bidang pemeliharaan perdamaian, perempuan penjaga perdamaian telah membuktikan bahwa mereka dapat melakukan peran yang sama, dengan standar dan dalam kondisi sulit yang sama. Untuk itu, adalah keharusan operasional PBB untuk merekrut dan mempertahankan pasukan perempuan penjaga perdamaian.

This article analyzes the framing of the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC-EP) in Razón Pública, a Colombian digital magazine, from July 2008 to July 2018. The article’s methodology combines Natural Language Processing and close reading. Results indicate that the magazine’s language primarily framed FARC as a protagonist of the peace process, and, secondarily, as an actor of Colombia’s armed conflict and drug trafficking. Shortly after Juan Manuel Santos’ first inauguration as Colombian president (2010-2014), some authors forecasted that the conditions were ripe for a peace process with FARC. During the official negotiation, FARC was framed as enigmatic, and rational protagonist of a challenging peace process. Overall, the frames detected in this analysis are an echo of the UNDP Colombian Report (2003) that called for analytic journalism that improves the public’s understanding of the country’s complex armed conflict and proposes negotiated and military solutions.

Myanmar (Burma) from 2007 to 2020 observed a short-lived detente with major Western governments after decades of ostracism. Armed conflict and mass atrocities worsened despite significant democrati...

In the Philippines, transitional justice is plagued by questions about whether and how to deal with the past as well as whether and what kind of justice is possible in the present. In 2014, the government ended its armed conflict with Muslim secessionists by enacting a peace deal with transitional justice provisions, but also proposed federalism as a more lasting solution to conflict. This article reads the agreement’s ‘dealing with the past’ framework as reflecting a conventional approach. It then highlights continuing Muslim experiences of land dispossession and human rights abuses. It shows how transitional justice can come with uncertainty about what it means to “move forward,” what “past” to overcome, and how the past is related to “justice.” Furthermore, it argues that as the country increasingly veers towards authoritarian rule, conventional applications of transitional justice are further impeded. It explores how federalism receives more enthusiastic support than transitional justice.

The purpose of the following article is to present the main dynamics of criminal activities and violence produced by the armed conflict in Colombia during the pandemic caused by COVID-19. After a review of the most relevant literature produced in 2020, this study presents trends in criminal violence, lato sensu, and those associated with the internal armed conflict. The situation of paralysis that the confinement produced has not translated into a mitigation of the phenomenon of violence. Thus, the massacres and murders of social leaders, activists, human rights defenders or ex-guerrillas of the FARC-EP has remained constant if not increasing during this time. This must also be related to a context of difficulty added to a Peace Agreement signed with the FARC-EP in November 2016. This must also be related to a context of added difficulty to a Peace Agreement signed with the FARC-EP in November 2016, which, in addition to governmental resistance and non-compliance, is overcome by an increasingly intense violence, which hinders the prospects of a peace-building scenario in the country. © 2021, Universidad Compultense Madrid. All rights reserved.

The peculiarities of last year's autumn armed conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan are considered, the main factors that contributed to the military victory by Baku and led to the defeat of Yerevan are analysed, and a number of conclusions and recommendations are offered to take into account in the processes of strengthening the defence capabilities of Ukraine, improving defence planning and planning of the defence of the state, ensuring the restoration of its territorial integrity.

The Islamist group Boko Haram (BH) was founded in the early 2000s and in less than two decades has transformed from a “Nigerian” movement into a regional one. Tactical, strategic and ideological differences between the leaders of BH have repeatedly led to its splits into separate factions; the most serious occurred in 2016, when the group split into the Islamic State in West Africa Province and Jamaatu Ahl-is-Sunna Lidda’Awati Wal-Jihad, the latter being still referred to as “Boko Haram” for convenience.The present paper examines the reasons for the splits in BH, the goals and military tactics of the two factions, and the prospects for the development of the security situation in the region of the Lake Chad basin (LCB), where armed conflict is fueled by large-scale poverty, socio-economic and political marginalization, and ineffectiveness of local authorities against the background of intertribal tensions and massive migration.The LCB has now become a huge human reservoir for jihadist recruitment. The situation in the region is further complicated by the fact that a significant portion of the population supports the Islamists, while the majority of locals are targeted by them and seek to leave their homes.The authors note that the division of BH into separate factions has made it more difficult for the LCB armed forces to conduct anti-terrorist operations, and for the LCB governments to negotiate cease fires or retrieve hostages, although, simultaneously, the split has led to a certain decline in the level of violence and to the weakening of the influence of the Islamists on the socio-economic development in the region.

RESUMEN. La situación de los menores víctimas de reclutamiento ilícito y su eventual participación en la comisión de crímenes internacionales abre un interesante debate en torno a las rutas procesales que debe afrontar luego de su desvinculación. Hay allí una tensión entre los derechos de las víctimas de dichos crímenes que el Estado debe investigar, juzgar y sancionar, y los derechos que, como menor de edad, le son inherentes al menor desvinculado. Este artículo recoge una investigación jurídica sobre la necesidad de una interpretación sistemática y armónica que materialice el principio de centralidad de las víctimas dentro del modelo de justicia transicional con enfoque restaurativo, con el fin de abrir una ruta procesal que garantice los derechos tanto de las víctimas de crímenes internacionales como de los menores víctimas de reclutamiento. ABSTRACT. The situation of minors, victims of illegal recruitment, and their potential participation in the commission of international crimes opens an interesting debate on the procedural routes to be followed after their extrication. A tension exists between the rights of such crimes' victims, which the State must investigate, prosecute, and punish, and the rights that, as a minor, are inherent to the extricated minor. This article compiles a legal investigation on the need for a systematic and harmonious interpretation that materializes the principle of victim centrality within the transitional justice model with a restorative approach to open a procedural course that guarantees the rights of both the victims of international crimes and minors as victims of recruitment.

The reluctance of Council of Europe member states to challenge each other at the bar of Europe, through the litigation of inter-state cases at the European Court, used to be a regular feature of the Strasbourg system. However, conflicts of different kinds in eastern Europe have led to a surge of such cases in recent years, as well as the introduction of thousands of related individual applications. The serious challenges presented, in particular by conflict-related cases, have led some commentators to question whether they can feasibly remain part of the Strasbourg process. For others, the focus should rather be on how such cases can be more effectively processed and assessed. This article emphasises the significance of both inter-state cases in general, and of cases arising from armed conflict (including individual applications): their political and legal importance; their centrality to the European human rights system; and how vital they are for individual victims of human rights violations. It analyses a number of controversial or challenging aspects of the adjudication of these cases, and puts forward some proposals for reform.

O objetivo principal da pesquisa foi analisar e compreender os processos de resiliência em Niñeces Chocó (afro-colombianas e indígenas) afetadas pelo conflito armado, des / pregadas, entre 1991 e 2020. No entanto, para falar sobre processos de resiliência é sine qua non aprofundar os contextos de formação de meninos, meninas e crianças (diversidades sexuais); ou seja, a família, a família extensa (comunidade), o jardim de infância e a escola. Método: a pesquisa seguiu o que denominei de hermenêutica do retorno, que é construída a partir de estudos pós-coloniais, a teoria da afrocentricidade e hermenêutica (FANON, 2009; CÉSAIRE, 2000; ASANTE, 2003, 1998; FOUCAULT, 1987). A partir daí, a pesquisa não só se aprofunda por meio de entrevistas e oficinas de narrativas grupais nas vivências dos mesmos, dos sujeitos envolvidos (crianças, famílias, líderes-esses e professores), mas o autor se aprofunda culturalmente em sua própria experiência como pessoa. Afro-Chocoana e racializada (retorno) como âncora no processo de pesquisa. Este trabalho é o produto de uma busca autobiográfica fortalecida com as investigações realizadas no campo na Colômbia.

Interpretamos las poéticas del español Rafael Chirbes y de la colombiana Laura Restrepo como ficciones memorialistas. Cada uno de los autores reinterpreta en la ficción hechos históricos de un pasado violento, a saber: la Guerra Civil y el franquismo (Chirbes), los orígenes del conflicto armado colombiano (Restrepo). Teniendo en cuenta que el concepto de memoria en la contemporaneidad ha girado en torno a la justicia y al derecho enfocándose en la compren-sión de crímenes atroces ocurridos en el pasado de una sociedad, este artículo pretende responder a las siguientes preguntas: ¿qué aportan las ficciones En la orilla de Rafael Chirbes y La novia oscura de Laura Restrepo al discurso jurídico-político?; ¿qué aporte introducen esas ficciones al campo de la memoria y la justicia?

Women have been the major victims of the Colombian armed conflict for more than 50 years. Nowadays, when the country faces an aftermath focused on reconciliation, understanding women’s experiences during the conflict is key to providing them tools for social justice and effective fulfilling of their needs. This qualitative synthesis of literature includes publications in Spanish and English of electronic databases over the past 20 years regarding rural women and the Colombian armed conflict. Studies were included for review if they were published between 2000 and 2019, were qualitative peer-reviewed articles, and addressed directly or indirectly the pregnancy process as well as the women’s sexual and reproductive health in rural Colombia. Seven of 169 articles initially identified were included for an inductive analysis of categories and themes. After the analysis process, three main themes emerged from the literature: (a) crumbling families, (b) being a woman: the challenges between being a peacemaker and a victim, and (c) protecting and caring of life. These three themes comprise 10 categories and 20 subcategories that provide support to the inductive qualitative synthesis. This review provides a comprehensive synthesis of the Colombian armed conflict focused on the victimization of women. It concludes with reflections about the Colombian women’s role in transitioning toward peace.

espanolEl tema de la reforma rural integral constituye el Punto 1 del primero y segundo Acuerdo final para la terminacion del conflicto y la construccion de una paz estable y duradera, suscritos entre el Gobierno de Colombia y las FARC-EP. Contiene avances progresistas favorables a los campesinos y contribuye positivamente a la solucion politica del conflicto armado, ligado en sus origenes al problema agrario colombiano, vigente aun y pendiente de una reforma agraria democratica. EnglishThe Comprehensive Rural Reform is the first topic of the first and the second final Agreement for the ending of the conflict and the construction of a stable and lasting peace, signed between the Government of Colombia and the FARC-EP. It contains progressive advances favorable to the peasantry, it contributes positively to the political solution of the armed conflict, related in its origins to the Colombian agrarian problem, which is still current and pending a democratic agrarian reform.

Objectives The catastrophic effects of armed conflict, particularly prolonged armed conflict, on individual and public health are well-established. The ‘right’ to healthcare during armed conflict and its lack of enforcement despite a range of United Nations mandated requirements regarding health and healthcare provisions is likely to be a significant feature in future conflicts, as zoonotic induced pandemics become a more common global public health challenge. The issue of enforcement of health rights assurance and its implications for the public health management of global pandemics such as COVID-19 in and between countries and regions in conflict is the objective of this Review. Study Design Narrative Review. Methods Referenced to the framework of International humanitarian law (IHL) and International human rights law (IHRL) in order to explore and discuss the deficits in health rights assurances in conflict settings and illustrate how gaps in protection and lack of enforcement compounds the disease response. Both international humanitarian law, and international human rights law can be leveraged to ensure human and health rights are assured in conflict settings. There is a distinct lack of international criteria with regard to standards of health care coverage, infrastructure and service preservation to the civilian population during times of armed conflict. This has far reaching consequences when confounded by a pandemic or even localised disease outbreak. Results We illustrate how in a pandemic disease emergency, such as COVID-19, all life is threatened; and how leaving the citizen population exposed to this contagion is a human rights breach and an indirect method of warfare. The consequences of failure to effectively address such pandemic infections, (i.e. COVID-19), in a conflict setting are potentially catastrophic as prevention and containment responses are severely constrained by state insecurity, political instability, terrorism, repression, rights abuses and displacement of citizens. Neglect by State actors potentially constitutes a breach of the universal right to life. States cannot justify their failures to mitigate disease based on claims of lack of resources, even when available resources are minimal. Where discrimination of people with a disease, such as COVID-19, or minority groups at the point of access to health facilities occurs, this further breaches the principle of medical neutrality. Conclusions The example of the COVID-19 response may offer a viable route to leverage greater access and coverage of health care in conflict and humanitarian settings. A radicalised partnership approach during these times of emergency is warranted, based on an ethical “humanitarian intervention” approach to provide care to all affected by contagious disease in conflict settings.., Highlights • The catastrophic effects of armed conflict on individual and public health are well-established. • Zoonotic induced pandemics (COVID-19) are a growing public health challenge in conflict settings. • International humanitarian law and human rights law can be leveraged to ensure health rights are assured in conflict settings. • In a pandemic disease emergency life is threatened; and leaving citizens exposed to contagion is a human rights breach and an indirect method of warfare. • States cannot justify their failures to mitigate disease based on claims of lack of resources. • Breaches of medical neutrality occur where discrimination of people with COVID-19 at the point of access to health facilities occurs. • COVID-19 responses may offer a viable route to leverage greater access and coverage of health care in conflict settings.

RESUMEN En el presente artículo de reflexión se establecen los criterios que deben ser tenidos en cuenta en la Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz (JEP) implementada a partir del Acuerdo Final para la Terminación del Conflicto y la Construcción de una Paz estable y Duradera (AFTCCPED) suscrito entre el Gobierno Nacional de Colombia y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia- Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP) en el año 2016, para dar aplicación a la amnistia y el indulto, «medidas del Sistema Integral de Verdad, Justicia, Reparación y No Repetición», a personas que están siendo investigadas en esta Jurisdicción con ocasión, por causa o en relación directa o indirecta con el conflicto armado. Tales criterios se identifican a partir de los estándares internacionales establecidos por la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (CIDH), la Corte Penal Internacional (CPI) y la Corte Constitucional de Colombia, a fin de contar con lineamientos unificados para que el Estado colombiano cumpla con la obligación de investigar, esclarecer, perseguir y sancionar las graves violaciones a los derechos humanos e infracciones al Derecho Internacional Humanitario. ABSTRACT This reflection paper establishes the criteria that should be taken into account in the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) implemented from the Final Agreement to End the Armed Conflict and Build a Stable and Lasting Peace, signed between the National Government of Colombia and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People's Army (Farc-Ep) in 2016, in order to give application to the amnesty and pardon as «measures of the Integral System of Truth, Justice, Reparation and Non-Repetition», to persons being investigated in this jurisdiction on occasion, for cause, or in direct or indirect relation to the armed conflict in Colombia. These criteria were identified based on international standards established by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACHR), the International Criminal Court and the Constitutional Court of Colombia, in order to have unified guidelines, this with the intention that the Colombian State meet the commitment to investigate, clarify, prosecute and punish serious violations against human rights and violations of International Humanitarian Law.

Peace operations are a highly resilient international institution for managing armed conflict. Their resilience derives from what constructivists in International Relations theory call collective i...

Armed conflict disproportionately affects the morbidity, mortality, and wellbeing of women, newborns, children, and adolescents. Our study presents insights from a collection of ten country case studies aiming to assess the provision of sexual, reproductive, maternal, newborn, child, and adolescent health and nutrition interventions in ten conflict-affected settings in Afghanistan, Colombia, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Mali, Nigeria, Pakistan, Somalia, South Sudan, Syria, and Yemen. We found that despite large variations in contexts and decision making processes, antenatal care, basic emergency obstetric and newborn care, comprehensive emergency obstetric and newborn care, immunisation, treatment of common childhood illnesses, infant and young child feeding, and malnutrition treatment and screening were prioritised in these ten conflict settings. Many lifesaving women's and children's health (WCH) services, including the majority of reproductive, newborn, and adolescent health services, are not reported as being delivered in the ten conflict settings, and interventions to address stillbirths are absent. International donors remain the primary drivers of influencing the what, where, and how of implementing WCH interventions. Interpretation of WCH outcomes in conflict settings are particularly context-dependent given the myriad of complex factors that constitute conflict and their interactions. Moreover, the comprehensiveness and quality of data remain limited in conflict settings. The dynamic nature of modern conflict and the expanding role of non-state armed groups in large geographic areas pose new challenges to delivering WCH services. However, the humanitarian system is creative and pluralistic and has developed some novel solutions to bring lifesaving WCH services closer to populations using new modes of delivery. These solutions, when rigorously evaluated, can represent concrete response to current implementation challenges to modern armed conflicts.

Sudden proliferation of contractors in armed conflict and post-conflict situations and severe incidents in the first decade of this century drove to securitization of their regulation. Accomplishments included establishment of international principles and national regulations that improved contracting processes of Western governments and the practices of these contractors. The appearance of Russian-affiliated mercenary-like entities and assertions of their moral equivalence to western private military and security companies (PMSCs) threaten the outcome of the securitization effort. Further, the Russian model of mercenary-like entities may proliferate, propping up totalitarian governments and destabilizing at-risk democracies. We argue that re-securitization is necessary to safeguard the current progress in limiting the internationally accepted governmental use of PMSCs in military operations. This re-securitization must include addressing vocabulary and reviewing existing legal obligations regarding combat provider companies to determine applicability of existing law and make recommendations for good practices to set ordinary regulatory processes back on track.

El presente estudio explora la representación histórica-personal a través de la línea de vida en 50 docentes de una Institución Educativa Municipal al sur occidente colombiano. Se desarrolló bajo los parámetros de la investigación etnográfica y se obtuvieron categorías emergentes positivas y negativas. Las primeras referidas a: la educación, fuentes de felicidad, convivencia familiar, tipo de hogar numeroso y de bajos recursos, reflexión y resiliencia. Las segundas referidas a: no resolución de problemas en la infancia y en la adolescencia, situaciones de conflicto armado colombiano, conflictos y dificultades familiares y personales. Dentro de los hallazgos encontrados se concluye que la Línea de Vida es una herramienta integral, al permitir ver en las personas su pasado y su influencia en el presente, favoreciendo, además, la elaboración de algunas dificultades personales inconclusas en su vida.

The investigative experience herein reported was developed in the municipality of Viota, (Cundinamarca, Colombia) among peasant women belonging to community organization Seeds of Peace and Hope for Women Victims of Armed Conflict (Asociacion Semillas de Esperanza y Paz de Mujeres Victimas del Conflicto Armado —Asepamuvic) in the village Altos de Ceylan. This investigation aimed to acknowledge, re-signify, and leverage local wisdoms in environmentally-friendly, agronomic production practices, as well as social organization aspects. Work was carried out in three stages: a productive project, teamwork, and instruction on biodiversity—how to know, conserve, restore, and use aromatic herbs. This was done through a dialogue of wisdom to further ongoing reflection and discussion with female participants, aiming to rescue their traditional cultural wisdom through daily practice. Thus, organized growing processes were strengthened. The results show the complexities when developing community sustainability-oriented projects in culturally diverse settings permeated by historical processes that have brought about structural inequalities in the countryside.

espanolLa provincia de Chiloe, ultimo bastion realista de Chiledurante la guerra de independencia, aparece entre 1864 y 1866 como escenario de un nuevo enfrentamiento entre su antigua y su nueva autoridad. En este marco, el objetivo de este estudio es analizar, a partir de fuentes documentales espanolas y chilenas, las caracteristicas de identidad y lealtadnacional de su poblacion durante este conflicto armado EnglishThe province of Chiloe,last royalist stronghold in Chileduring the independence war, appears between 1864 and 1866 as sceneryof a new armed conflict between its old and new authority. In this context, the objective of this study is to analyze, from documentary Spanish and Chilean sources, the characteristics of identity and national loyalty of its population during this episode

The theme of war worries everyone in the modern world, it is the most dangerous and large-scale socio-political conflict that has the prospect of developing to the level of a global catastrophe, characterized as the “third world war”, “nuclear war”, “war with weapons of mass destruction”, etc. Furthermore, the theme includes the whole complex of knowledge and events that affect all spheres of social life and the scientific knowledge. Owing to its pervasive and multidimensional nature, war is studied simultaneously within the framework of military history, economic and the managerial paradigms, political-legal and the psychological realms of research. At the same time, there is almost no serious and detailed study of this type of conflict within conflictology, aimed at presenting an integrated and an interdisciplinary approach to the most dangerous form of a large-scale conflict. The article is an attempt to understand the essence and nature of war, its types and the forms of its manifestation, the foundations of war, technology for the development of this violent social-political conflict and the goals and functions it performs. The methods of theoretical analysis of a specific conflict situation, war and armed conflict, abstraction, specification, analysis, classification, procedure of terms and data operationalization and interpretation are used. Applied research methods are also used (document analysis, observation, etc.). As a result, a socio-political model for analyzing the technology of war is proposed, which characterizes its base, structural elements (tools, methods, procedures, techniques, operations), and algorithm. In conclusion, derivative knowledge about the main socio-political methods and technologies for study, analysis of modern wars and armed conflicts, their peaceful regulation and peacekeeping is proposed.