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The 2019 regional government election in The Valencian Country led to a new panorama on the Right. For the first time, there were three political parties competing for votes. In addition, the notoriety gained by the Far Right created a new political scene, posing a challenge to other parties. This paper analyses how the Partido Popular, Ciudadanos and Vox managed a campaign in which they were both electoral opponents but also potentially future parliamentary allies. The research examines the performance and campaign discourse of these three parties based on content analysis of the coverage of two newspapers’ (Levante-EMV and Las Provincias). The study examines the preferred frames of reference, the main topics, the cultural resonances and the ideological frameworks chosen by these parties. The results showed that news on these parties stressed leadership style and strategy — issues that were highlighted in the parties’ discourses given that they resonate strongly with Conservative voters. The issues chosen by the Far Right had little impact on the messages put over by the majority parties. The presence of three rightwing parties meant each tried to differentiate itself from the others. Vox [the farthest on the right, reminiscent of France’s Front National] tried to distinguish itself from the more mainstream Partido Popular (PP), which in turn was forced to defend its position as the ‘institutional’ party of the right. Ciudadanos (Cs) was the right-wing party that spoke most often of potential co-operation among the three forces.

El modelo de pluralismo polarizado del sistema mediático español se caracteriza por un periodismo ideológicamente alineado con los principales partidos políticos. Ello se ha traducido en que, en los géneros de opinión, la interpretación sosegada haya sido sacrificada en favor de un discurso dirigido a enjuiciar la realidad y movilizar ideológicamente a las audiencias. Este trabajo aborda las posibles transformaciones en el sistema mediático español como consecuencia de la irrupción de nuevos partidos y de los medios digitales. Con ese objetivo, se han sometido a un análisis cualitativo las columnas de opinión publicadas en dos de los principales cibermedios españoles, Eldiario.es, donde firma Ignacio Escolar, y El Confidencial, donde publica José Antonio Zarzalejos, durante la campaña electoral de diciembre de 2015. Los resultados apuntan a que, si bien los columnistas favorecen la voluntad interpretativa, todavía perviven elementos centrales del pluralismo polarizado y se evidencian alineamientos partidistas. Polarized pluralism facing new politics and online columnism Abstract. The polarized pluralism of the Spanish media is characterized by a journalism clearly aligned with the main political parties. In this model, journalistic opinion has not historically provided a moderate interpretation of the social reality, but rather subjective articles aimed at judging reality and mobilizing ideologically the audiences. This research deals with the possible transformations of the Spanish media system as a consequence of the irruption of new political parties and the new digital media. With this aim, we qualitatively analyze the opinion columns published in two Spanish digital media, Eldiario.es, where Ignacio Escolar publishes his articles, and El Confidencial, where José Antonio Zarzalejos does the same, during the electoral campaign of December 2015. The results suggest that the columnists favor interpretive texts but they still show partisan alignments, only partially altered by the new parties recently appeared.

Mass media, and especially television, are powerful discursive instruments, responsible for the construction of social imagery through ideologically determined content. For this reason, the creation of a regulatory body with authority over the audiovisual sector in countries without one was urged by the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe in 2000. Spain is the only EU country without an audiovisual council with authority at the state level. Currently, only the Audiovisual Council of Catalonia (CAC), created in 2000, and the Audiovisual Council of Andalusia (CAA), which dates from 2004, operate in Spain. Within an environment increasingly marked by hate speech, this research analyzes the proceedings of the Andalusian and Catalan Audiovisual Councils between 2004 and 2019 as it pertains to discrimination against vulnerable groups. Every pronouncement made by both councils on potentially discriminatory discourses was retrieved (n=156). These were content analyzed by codifying, among others, the following variables: type of action, the source that motivated it, the disseminating media outlet, the evaluated content, the type of discrimination alleged, the decision taken, and the type of sanction imposed by the councils, as the case may be. The results indicate that most of the actions concerned involve discrimination against women, originate from third-party complaints and target content broadcast on public television.

There is empirical evidence of media influence on parliamentary agenda, especially when media coverage privileges conflict framing of reality and negativity. This article addresses the impact of me...

El movimiento neocon que impulsó la protesta contra Educación para la Ciudadanía se reactivó con el anuncio del Ejecutivo de Pedro Sánchez de introducir una nueva asignatura de valores cívicos y éticos en el currículo escolar. Esta investigación analiza los mensajes difundidos por las principales organizaciones conservadoras para determinar el protagonismo que este tema tuvo en su producción comunicativa y si responden a un marco de acción colectiva. Además, se contrasta dicho discurso con el que plantearon las mismas entidades entre 2004-2008 y se estudia su reproducción en la prensa ideológicamente afín. Se analizan los mensajes de estos grupos en Twitter (n = 131) y en sus webs (n = 11) así como las piezas publicadas por ABC y La Razón (n = 17) durante julio de 2018. Los resultados señalan que las organizaciones neocon articularon un discurso movilizador que integra la reacción contra Educación para la Ciudadanía como resonancia cultural y que logró cabida en los periódicos analizados gracias a la consonancia periodística. -- The neocon movement that promoted the protest against Education for Citizenship was reactivated with the announcement of Pedro Sánchez's Executive to introduce a new subject of civic and ethical values in the Spanish school curriculum. This research analyzes the messages disseminated by the main conservative organizations to determine the prominence that this topic had in their communicative production and whether they respond to a collective action frame. Moreover, this discourse is contrasted with the one raised by the same entities during 2004-2008, and its reproduction in the ideologically related press is also studied. The study analyses the messages published by these groups on Twitter (n = 131) and their websites (n = 11) as well as the pieces published by ABC and La Razón (n = 17) in July 2018. The results indicate that neocon organizations articulated a mobilizing discourse that integrated the reaction against Education for Citizenship as a cultural resonance which achieved a place in the analyzed newspapers, thanks to consonance as news value.

Los estudios sobre la cobertura periodística de las campañas electorales apuntan a una creciente mediatización. Este trabajo busca corroborar si la tendencia también se da en circunstancias excepcionales, como las de las elecciones autonómicas de Cataluña en 2017. La investigación compara los encuadres presentados por seis periódicos (El País, El Mundo, La Vanguardia, El Periódico de Catalunya, Punt Avui y Ara) con los adoptados por los siete partidos políticos representados en el parlamento autonómico (JuntsXCat, ERC, PSC, PP, Ciudadanos, En Comú-Podem y CUP). Los resultados indican que los encuadres simbólicos propios de la acción colectiva dominaron en el mensaje de los partidos, aunque la lógica mediática volvió a ser hegemónica en términos globales.

Humor is a universal human expression that occurs within the conventions and special features of each culture. Authors from diverse origins, times and disciplines have written treatises about laughter, comedy and the comical to establish a concept and describe humor as a distinctly human characteristic. The strength and importance of studies on humor translate into the analysis of highly significant events, such as those that occurred because of religious satire. This book will reflect on humor starting from approximations regarding its concept, its history or evolution in various contemporary expressions to offer evidence of its daily validity and “seriousness.” The introductory essay will address the effect of the humor-politics relationship, and then two sections will be presented: Graphic Humor, Politics and Religion and Social Repression and Humor. Finally, important conclusions about humor will be drawn and solutions will be proposed to different political and social problems.

As key institutions in Western democracies, parliaments have gained importance regarding foreign affairs issues in recent years. Their increasing role as moral tribunes and discussion forums on conflict prevention and resolution have led to the parliamentarization of international affairs. The examination of the parliamentary agenda and the actors who shape it constitutes a fundamental part of agenda-setting studies as applied to the media and political systems. Among these actors, mass media must be highlighted, taking into account the complex process of information gathering for members of Parliament, particularly in cases related to international violent conflicts. Moreover, in the specific situation of the Syrian Civil War, social media have become increasingly important due to the difficulties faced by traditional media in performing their job on the ground. In order to know the impact and roles played by social media in parliamentary debates, we applied a computer assisted quantitative content analysis to 3,249 minutes from the parliaments of United Kingdom, Germany, France, Spain and the EU, as well as a qualitative analysis. The results show that, during the first part of the conflict, social media were regarded by European parliaments as positive tools for the dissemination of information whereas, in the second phase, the diffusion of jihadist propaganda by such media completely altered the attitudes toward them.

Introduction. Spanish media have covered several cases of violence in same-sex couples in recent years. Reporting on this phenomenon raises questions about how to approach a reality that had remained hidden until recently. METHOD. The aim of this article is to analyse the content of the news stories about same-sex domestic violence published by various Spanish newspapers between 2010 and 2015. RESULTS. The results indicate that, while journalists have improved the treatment of gender-based violence, the news coverage of violence in gay couples exhibits similar features to those that characterised the news coverage of violence against women during the early years. CONCLUSIONS. The episodic and sensationalist coverage, as well as the categorisation of cases of violence in same-sex couples as crimes of passion show that intra-gender violence is not addressed, for the time being, as a social problem but rather as a private matter. Keywords News; press; same-sex domestic violence; homosexuality; social problems Language: en

Este trabajo examina el modo en que el discurso de opinión de la prensa conservadora española emplea frecuentemente símbolos de intenso componente emocional para generar alarma y la movilización de los ciudadanos ante situaciones consideradas injustas. El análisis se realiza sobre las columnas que dos destacados articulistas publicaron entre 2004 y 2008 para opinar sobre la introducción de la asignatura Educación para la Ciudadanía. Los resultados demuestran la presencia de recurrentes dispositivos retóricos con una notable evocación histórica. La potenciación de la amenaza impide el análisis racional y desapasionado que debería distinguir al periodismo de opinión comprometido con la convivencia democrática. This paper examines how the discourse of opinion of the Spanish conservative press frequently uses symbols of intense emotional component to generate alarm and mobilization of citizens faced with situations considered unjust. The analysis is done on two prominent authors' columns published between 2004 and 2008 to discuss the introduction of the subject Education for Citizenship. The results demonstrate the presence of recurrent rhetorical devices with remarkable historical resonance. Promoting the threat prevents rational and dispassionate analysis that should distinguish opinion journalism committed to democratic life.