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The variety of rules on shareholder voting in today's companies means that companies are distributing power among shareholders in various ways. However, our commercial law has regarded one share-one vote rule as mandatory provision. However, if you look at the history of shareholders voting from the beginning of the 19th century, you can see that this is not the case. In addition, In addition, despite the completely different concepts of shareholder equality and equity equality, many people have confused the two into the same concept, so far the theory of legislation and interpretation has been lost and confused. Common law in the United States and the United Kingdom has a tradition of one person-one vote rule, unless other voting rules are specified in the charter or other statutes. Behind the phenomenon lies the aversion to plutocratic voting rights, the philosophy that shareholders can have equal rights as members of corporate organizations rather than owners of part of capital, and the intention to limit voting rights to prevent power from being transferred to major shareholders. The current one share-one vote week rule rule allows companies that have lost their self-purification capabilities to corrupt and eventually collapse by expanding plutocracy and neglecting minority shareholders. Therefore, it should not discriminate against shareholders who are members of the general meeting of shareholders, the entity's best decision-making body, and who are the best monitors for protecting corporate interests. After all, shareholder equality has a social concept that prevents corruption and promotes growth by distributing power among shareholders through shareholder voting and protects shareholder as a window for corporate capital raising. And shareholder equality has an important meaning in modern society because it is closely related to corporate social responsibility. Therefore, I would suggest that Article 369 (1) of our Commercial Law should be changed to default rule and shareholder equality must be codified, and the system of prohibition of abuse of authority in Nordic countries should be introduced.

This article suggests that Trump’s presidency threatens the United States with a fascist future, and this threat persist even if he fails to be reelected. The article also considers other deficiencies of U.S. democracy including antiquated vote counting, voter suppression aimed at poor and minorities, rejections of reason and science, excessive influence of money, and political disempowerment of the citizenry. Only a transformative progressive movement outside the party system can fix U.S. democracy.

Vilfredo Pareto’s legacy is uncertain; while his reputation in economics is secure, references to Pareto in contemporary sociology are few and fleeting. Sociologists and members of the public who a...

Globalization has done more to improve the human condition over the past few decades than any other force in human history. Yet, many are predicting its imminent demise, especially in the West. This essay analyzes this paradox. The West has made three strategic mistakes in its management of globalization, the majority of which have been made by the US. These have been compounded by the failure of the second most powerful Western economic force, the European Union, to help and guide the US. The first mistake was made by the elites, the top 1% in the US. They reaped huge rewards from globalization, but they failed to help the bottom 50% in the US. The second mistake was to weaken governmental institutions. This mistake was made during the famous Reagan-Thatcher revolution. The third mistake was for the top 1% to create a functional plutocracy in America. The essential difference between a democracy and a plutocracy is that, in a democracy, you have a government of the people, by the people, and for the people, while in a plutocracy, you have a government of the 1%, by the 1%, and for the 1%. Most Americans react with disbelief to the claim that their society has functionally become a plutocracy.

Fair value of equal political liberties is a key precondition for the legitimacy of a regime in liberal thought. This liberal guarantee is breached whenever a group is permanently or semi-permanently locked out of power. Given the convertibility, subtlety, and resilience of power, gross material inequality – produced by neoliberal economic policies – effectively locks the relative poor out of political power. Such lockout breaches the legitimacy constraint on a liberal constitutional democracy. Neoliberal democracies, sooner or later, become plutocracies. This possibility should concern not only liberal political theory but also liberal constitutionalism. The usual objections to a constitutional concern with gross inequality and plutocracy – based on concerns relating to transparency, counter-majoritarianism and flexibility – are useful design instructions, but do not rule out the constitutionalisation of egalitarian and anti-plutocratic norms. A whole panoply of legal and political constitutional measures – already familiar to or incrementally developed from liberal constitutional thought and practice worldwide – could be marshalled to effectively promote material equality and resist plutocracy. These measures – documented to map the possibilities rather than as a manifesto – seek either to prevent material inequality from becoming excessive or to prevent its conversion into political inequality. Good constitutional design, depending on the context, is likely to deploy several tools from both these toolboxes.

This Practitioner’s Note considers the disruptive function of Little Phil, a mobile app that seeks to democratize philanthropic giving. Although many of the cultural aspects of philanthropy – such as increased control over donation, tracking the impact of one’s giving, and building interpersonal relationships with receivers – can be opened to any person with an app-hosting device and internet access, it cannot supplant the role of big philanthropy and solve Rob Reich’s problem: how to domesticate private wealth so that it serves democratic purposes? Little Phil’s disruption has in concept gotten us halfway to legitimizing philanthropy. Perhaps the uptake of citizens’ panels by large philanthropic foundations will cover the remaining distance.

Despite his significant influence, the work of James M. Buchanan has been largely absent from the field of intellectual history and from recent attempts by historians to establish the intellectual ...

Contemporary political science has fetishized a product of its own invention: the elite theory of democracy. American political science’s understanding of “democratic elitism” is founded on a funda...

[Democracy – better than the alternatives? A comment on Jason Brennan’s Against Democracy ] A comment on Jason Brennan’s book Against Democracy . Simultaneously published in Sven Engstrom & Sven Hort (eds.), Om Bo Rothstein – forskaren, debattoren, livsnjutaren (Arkiv forlag 2019). Citation: Molander, Per (2019) “Demokrati – battre an alternativen? En kommentar till Jason Brennans Against Democracy ”, in Arkiv. Tidskrift for samhallsanalys , issue 11, pp. 97–109. DOI: https://doi.org/10.13068/2000-6217.11.K1

This study highlights the effects of transformation of the inherited political system, with the reference to the way political parties and state institutions function as well as determine the negative impact of the transformation of the political system into the area of economy. In evaluating the causes of the crisis, those characteristics unique to Croatia must be seen in comparison to the majority of other post-communist countries. This is mainly related to the peculiarities of an inherited socialist system, and the circumstances in which the process of political and economic transformation of the Croatian society was begunThe process of multiple transformation of the socio-political system based on a peculiar paradigm of self-management of social ownership was carried out as the newly constituted state struggled to retain its independence and territorial integrity. According to the author, these factors are the key to understanding Croatia's current economic and social crisis, which is caused by the current value system. This system, built in the early 1990s, is a direct result of the war and a poorly managed transition. The applied value structure caused a gradual disintegration of civilization and became an impediment to further democratisation. Instead of advancing democracy toward the rule of law and justice, a “distorted” set of principles opened the way for the emergence of institutional corruption. According to the author, the inconsistencies that occurred during the period of political transition from a one-party regime to a democracy founded on democratic pluralism and the rule of law are the root of the issue. During the last decade of the twentieth century, the outcome of this democratic transition was the establishment of a political structure dominated by the dominance of one powerful political party and a weak opposition. Another issue raised by the author is the organisational model of the majority of newly formed political parties, which is characterised by a rigid hierarchical structure, with a powerful leader in charge of a small elitist circle of people who developed this political programme. It is concluded that implemented political transformation of the society was politocracy—an established model of the rule of political parties that functions in today’s conditions. Also,the phase of economic transformation has allowed the rise of plutocracy, which has paved the way for the practise of ruling in favour of the citizen, to the detriment of the common good, in near collaboration with politocracy. According to the author, the most important necessity for Croatia to emerge from its economic crisis is a shift in its system of values,, and the prerequisite for this is the implementation of structural reforms in all fields of society—above all, the reform of the political system.

This chapter discusses two key aspects of neoliberalism: rentierism and economic inequalities. The first part of the chapter provides some details of the different forms of rent in Central Asia, and the assets of the richest individuals in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan that facilitated rent extraction. Business elites often merged with political elites to create plutocracy. The second part examines the nature of income and wealth inequalities in the region. It also explores the hardship and misery associated with the commodification of basic goods and services.

This chapter examines how property owners and developers gained wealth and political power in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan. The unequal ownership and control of real estate properties enabled wealthy elites to extract income by mere virtue of having property rights. Business and political elites engaged in violent and criminal struggles to control lucrative real estate. Moreover, new retail development projects involved elite struggles over the specifics of value grabbing; i.e. who pays rent to whom. Wealthy rentiers sought to capture the state through lobbying, donations, the media and elected office. The blurring of state and corporate interests created criminogenic environments, in which the crimes of the powerful and their harmful effects became endemic features of neoliberalisation.

Financial Industry and the Invincibly of AI have created a kind of tyrannical situation in the human society with the emergence of the new kind of “dominion of plutonomy” and the situation of a never-ending greed for profits and gains by the plutocrats. The justification that the western capitalists held is the unique spiritual authority they hold on to the wealth everywhere. In the twenty-first century under plutonomy too, they continue it vehemently. In the world of globalization, their capital initiated a kind of worldwide spread of digital technology, with the mathematical function of algorithms using big data. Without any kind of moral foresightedness or apprehension, they invest money anywhere and everywhere, in order to circulate their unused bogus money into areas where exploitation of wealth has not happened yet. They narrated it as a revolution that gave an impetus for the educated working class to maximize their self-interest and assume prominence, especially in the world of technology using self-programming computer automation systems. Now we live in the tyranny of plutonomy, where the plutocrats now help to create what should be known as plutocracy replacing democracy. it is almost accepted by the social conscious that world wealth should be with the plutonomy and “the rest” must live on some kind of charity without having any economic independence.

Pareto’s wide-ranging and thought-provoking analysis of the post-war period started out from the idea that from the moment “the demagogic plutocracy had achieved a complete victory” in the recent war, “the battle between this force and out-and-out demagogy” had begun, with no means of foreseeing the outcome. This new confrontation was closely monitored by Pareto, with continuing reference to the conceptual tools developed in the Treatise on General Sociology, with the result, in his view, to be decided once again by “force”.

The principle of democracy is that the people govern through elected representatives. Therefore, a democracy is healthy as long as the elected politicians do represent the people. We have analyzed data from the Brazilian electoral court (Tribunal Superior Eleitoral, TSE) concerning money donations for the electoral campaigns and the election results. Our work points to two conclusions that combined may be in conflict with the democratic principle: money is the determining factor on whether a candidate is elected or not (opposed to representativeness); secondly, the use of Benford’s Law to analyze the declared donations received by the parties and electoral campaigns shows either possible manipulations in the declarations or a significant number of donations that might not have been spontaneous from the donors. The better term that describes Brazil’s government system is plutocracy (govern by the wealthy).

Today, people feel that democratic values are in danger and so is the nation under threat. Across nations we find different systems of government which fundamentally take care of what lies in their geographical boundaries and the human lives living within it. The question is not about what the common-man feels and how they survive, but it is about their liberty and representation. There are various forms of government such as Monarchy, Republic, Unitary State, Tribalism, Feudalism, Communism, Totalitarianism, Theocracy, Presidential, Socialism, Plutocracy, Oligarchy, Dictatorship, Meritocracy, Federal Republic, Republican Democracy, Despotism, Aristocracy and Democracy. The history of India is about ten thousand years and India is one of the oldest civilizations. The democratic system establishes the fundamental rights of human beings. Democracy also takes care of their representation and their voice. The rise of Buddhism in India paved the way for human liberty and their suppression from monarchs and monarchy. The teachings of Buddha directly and indirectly strengthen the democratic values in Indian subcontinent. The rise of Dr. Ambedkar on the socio-political stage of this nation ignited the suppressed minds and gave a new hope to them for equality and equity. India got independence in the year 1947 and became one of the democratic nations. The new value system gave equal opportunities to all Indians despite of their gender, caste or religion. The present paper discusses the rise of Buddhism and the democratic values present in Buddhism. It also discusses the efforts of Dr. Ambedkar in establishing democratic system in India. It also encompasses the result generated through religion of the Buddha and Dr. Ambedkar to restore the democratic structure again in India.

This article aims to address the relevance of current public and political movements in relationship to America's economic philosophical views and outcomes as reaction to President Obama's Economic Recovery Plan. The discussions take into account the views of varying segments of the population as expressed through the actions and opinions of the Occupy and Tea Party Movements. Connections between economic views and theories of Adam Smith, Alexander Hamilton, And John Keynes and economic principles of these two movements in relationship to the President's theoretical plan are presented. A look into the roles of liberalism, conservatism, and plutocracy are considered as part of the ideological discourse of various segments of the American populous. Views of the government bailout and other stimulus plans introduced by the Administration are explored in relationship to the views held by the two competing movements and the competing political ideologies. The outcome of which is that the President's plan is more closely aligned with the concerns of the occupy movement, Keynesian economic policy theory, and liberalism.

Trumpism poses a difficult challenge for counterpublic scholarship: should forms of right-nationalism dissenting against dominant publicity be analysed using the same concepts as other types of dissent? This article argues that Trumpism demonstrated counterpublic dissent against dominant campaign finance publicity by criticising the influence of wealthy donors in both political parties. Trumpism also offered an alternative to the dominant logic of necessary ethical compromise shaping publicity about campaign finance in the wake of the 2010 Citizens United US Supreme Court decision. However, Trumpism failed to foster greater democracy because of the way it posed Trump himself as the only necessary solution to the problems of plutocracy. Counterpublic theory should revisit the way it balances its normative and empirical dimensions to account for the rise of radical-right nationalisms and their publicity outlets.

An entanglement between economic and political thought stands as a causal factor behind Trump's 2016 victory. Enshrined as constitutional law, this way of thinking allows wealth, whether a...

This article examines the relationship between income concentration and policy outputs that determine the generosity of two major state-level safety net programs: unemployment insurance and cash social assistance. Using a difference in differences framework, it tests the degree to which the top 1 percent share is associated with benefit replacement rates for these programs during the period 1978–2010. The results suggest that higher state income inequality lowers those states’ welfare benefits significantly in ways consistent with a “plutocracy” hypothesis that has been suggested in work by scholars such as Bartels, Bonica, Gilens, and Page. The results are robust to controls for several alternative explanations for benefit generosity, including citizen ideology, party control of government, fiscal pressure on programs, state racial heterogeneity, and public opinion liberalism. The results thus support the notion that growing income concentration at the very top undermines social protection policies.

En el presente ensayo, reflexionamos sobre la vida y existencia social de los negros esclavos africanos en el Perú y América colonial y republicana, su contribución al fortalecimiento de la economía y la configuración de la cultura en la sociedad contemporánea. Por otra parte, queremos abonar a la discusión crítica sobre la esclavitud de los negros africanos, para entender este fenómeno social, como parte de una dinámica que se inició y desarrolló en América/Nuevo Mundo, en los siglos XV, XVI y en adelante, en el marco de la globalización occidental, bajo sus formas más crueles y despiadadas de opresión y explotación, por acción de la aristocracia colonial y la plutocracia oligárquica republicana. Asimismo, valoramos la acción social que desarrollaron los esclavos negros africanos, para vencer las condiciones inhumanas y adversas de discriminación y segregación a la que fueron sometidos; y por ende, su épica lucha por conquistar su libertad y emancipación, en un contexto de globocolonización., In this essay, we reflect on the life and social existence of black African slaves in Peru, and colonial and republican America, and its contribution to strengthening the economy, and the configuration of culture in contemporary society. Moreover, we accredit the critical discussion about the enslavement of black Africans to understand this social phenomenon, as part of a dynamic that began and developed in America / New World in the fifteenth, sixteenth and onwards, within the framework of Western globalization in its most cruel and ruthless oppression and exploitation forms by the action of the colonial aristocracy and the Republican oligarchic plutocracy. We also appreciate the social action developed by the African slaves, to overcome the inhuman and adverse conditions of discrimination and segregation to which they were subjected; and therefore their epic struggle for their freedom and emancipation, in a context of global colonization.

Critical management authors are constantly searching for alternative models. We could learn from the study of the functioning of pirate communities, for example. It would have been important for the critical authors to have an example of a real pirate city organized under libertarian principles, such as the Republic of Sale (1627–1641/1666). Unfortunately, the study of this case, based on historical sources, shows that it was not an ideal pirate city, but rather a maritime city state, a plutocracy, inserted in national and international trade networks. Even when demythologized, the pirate utopia remains a fascinating part of our collective imaginary and thus could provide us with solutions to the limitations of existing models. One could, however, say that fully assumed fiction would have more impact than this false reality to which is attributed things that did not even exist.

This article aims to promote the debate around the plutocratic strategies of commercialization of one of the fundamental public goods for the autonomous constitution of citizens and cultures, peoples and countries, education. But the logic of precariousness of education, if not of the commodification of education, characteristics of despotic, authoritarian governments at the service of the global financialized plutocracy implies the strategy of annihilation of the power of constitutive thinking of singularities committed to human rights, to the dignity of life. in its entirety and, especially with the defense of the public space, the common good, primordial conditions in the shaping of societies, and of a sufficiently humane and responsible world with future generations. The article suggests that it is an untransferable condition in a context of financial capital accumulation, controlled by the national and global plutocracy, promoter of the crisis as a determining technique of the forms of government, under the prerogative of a rule of law, operationalized by the permanent state of exception. the power of thought that historically found itself accepted and developed within the universities. Particularly in the circumstances of Brazilian society constituted under the ethos of slavery, public universities are constituted as locus par excellence of constitution of reflections, analyzes and questions that enable us to take ourselves as an object, understanding the limits, but especially the civilizing potentialities at our disposal., O presente artigo tem como objetivo promover o debate em torno das estratégias plutocráticas de mercantilização de um dos bens públicos fundamentais para a constituição autônoma de cidadãos e de culturas, povos e países, a educação. Mas, a lógica de precarização da educação, senão da mercantilização da educação, características de governos despóticos, autoritários a serviço da plutocracia financeirizada global implica na estratégia de aniquilação da potência do pensamento constitutiva de singularidades comprometidas com os direitos humanos, com a dignidade da vida em sua totalidade e, sobretudo com a defesa do espaço público, do bem comum, condições primordiais na conformação de sociedades e, de um mundo suficientemente humano e responsável com as futuras gerações. O artigo sugere que é condição intransferível num contexto de acumulação do capital financeiro, controlado pela plutocracia nacional e global, promotor da crise como técnica determinante das formas de governo, sob a prerrogativa de um estado de direito, operacionalizado pelo permanente estado de exceção, manter atuante a potência do pensamento que historicamente encontrou acolhida e se desenvolveu no seio das universidades. Sobretudo nas circunstâncias da sociedade brasileira constituída sob o ethos da escravidão, as universidades públicas constituem-se como lócus par excellence de constituição de reflexões, análises e questionamentos que viabilizem nos tomarmos como objeto, compreendendo os limites, mas sobretudo as potencialidades civilizatórias a nossa disposição.

Distinguished by extreme, systematized rationalism, Weber argued, bourgeois culture makes the social world in some ways more predictable and more comfortable but precludes a widely shared good life and social justice. He stressed emphatically that free-market capitalism, by maximizing formal rationality oriented to capital accounting and profitability, produces substantively “irrational” consequences that undermine the sociocultural and material fabric needed to sustain it. More than forty years of neoliberal restructuring, designed to accelerate capital accumulation at almost any cost, has generated massive corporate scandals, extreme economic inequalities, and global environmental problems that threaten its political legitimacy and social and ecological foundations. This chapter explores how Weber anticipated the types of substantive irrationalities suffered by today’s neoliberal regimes.

As if palpable tendencies toward mendocracy in the United States and the United Kingdom were not enough, a World Bank inequality specialist attested to the former country that it was sliding from democracy toward “plutocracy”, for it “empower[s] the rich politically to a much greater extent than the middle class or the poor” (Milanovic 2016: 194, 199). Nota bene, this was written before Donald Trump’s cabinet assumed office.

This paper investigates the history of the concept of bourgeoisie in Poland, emphasising troubles with its assimilation into the Polish language, and its special entanglement with the socialist and modernist discourse. The concept, it is argued, was borrowed in the late nineteenth century from France, where it concerned the urban upper-middle class; it arrived in Poland as part of the socialist discourse of the time, which gave it strong negative and derogatory connotations. The ambiguity that arose was further complicated by a number of other factors as well. First, the understanding of the term ‘bourgeoisie’ within the leftist discourse was itself ambivalent, combining the strictly theoretical definition encompassing the class of capitalist owners of the means of production, and the practical and emotional label attached to the urban classes. Second, also for the reasons indicated above, the concept of bourgeoisie was not able to replace the older Polish concepts regarding the urban population [mieszczanstwo], and the differences between them remained vague, and occasionally disputable. Third, not only did the term ‘bourgeoisie’ never fully emancipate itself from the domination of the indigenous concepts, but it also suffered from its translation into Polish, where it was regularly omitted when regarding Western European realities, but where it was a permanent fixture in the case of Russian and Soviet literature. Finally, the paper searches for the reasons behind the relative elimination of the concept from the Polish discourse, or at least large segments thereof, in the last half-century.

Confronting extreme inequality requires disrupting the ways that cultures legitimate concentrations of wealth and curtailing the political advantages that wealth confers. Can theology do that? Belief-centered critiques of capitalism as sinful largely fail; however, certain forms of practical economic dissent, when undertaken as spiritual practices, can corrode the interior disciplines of plutocratic culture.

The conventional understanding of the contemporary US as a polyarchy, considered as rule by multiple minorities, is not now supportable. It relies upon the salience of pluralism over political inequality, but these conditions are now inverted. The current salience of political inequality is the chief characteristic of unequalocracy, a political system type intermediate between polyarchy and plutocracy. Contrary to Gilens and Bartels, the US has not been demonstrated to have enough representational inequality to be a plutocracy. Using an alternative conception of what constitutes preference differences between high- and low-income groups, and applying it to Gilens’ own data, I find too few preference differences to show plutocracy exits in the US.

RESUMEN. El propósito de la presente investigación consiste en presentar, dentro del eje temático de la teoría política, una nueva forma de organización social de gobierno que otorgué herramientas para garantizar el deber ser de la democracia en el marco de los derechos humanos y políticos. La democracia es constantemente vulnerada por causa de influencias desequilibradas en la toma de decisiones, deformándose en plutocracia y/u oclocracia, lo anterior acontece bajo el disfraz de legitimación que ostenta la autoridad elegida para gobernar. La metodología empleada es la revisión documental, bibliográfica y el análisis crítico, mediante la cual se diserta sobre la construcción del concepto de la Aretedemocracia a partir de antecedentes históricos y filosóficos, y examina la calificación y cualificación previa a la que debe ser sometido el aspirante para poder representar al pueblo con idoneidad. La Aretedemocracia (Aretecracia) o Virtudemocracia (Virtudcracia) es una forma de organización social que atribuye la titularidad calificada, idónea y capacitada del poder al conjunto de la ciudadanía. En sentido estricto es una forma de organización de gobierno en la cual las decisiones colectivas son adoptadas por el pueblo mediante la concurrencia de dos escenarios consecuentes, el primero de estos escenarios está encaminado a la consecución de la calificación previa de los pretendientes a ser representantes del pueblo y el segundo escenario comprende, después de la obtención de la calificación, los mecanismos de participación directa o indirecta. ABSTRACT. The purpose of this research is to present, within the thematic axis of political theory, a new form of social organization of government that can help to guarantee the must be of democracy within the framework of human and political rights. Democracy is constantly violated because of the unbalanced influences in decision-making, which deforms it in the plutocracy and ochlocracy, the above happens under the disguise of legitimation that holds the elected authority to govern. The methodology used documentary, bibliographic review and critical analysis, which explains the construction of the concept, based on historical and philosophical antecedents, and describes the qualification and qualification before which the applicant must be submitted to represent the people with suitability. Aretedemocracy (Aretecracy) or Virtuedemocracy (Virtuecracy) is a form of social organization that attributes qualified, skilled and qualified ownership of power to the whole of the citizenry, strictly speaking, Aretedemocracy or virtuedemocracy is a form of government in which the people adopt collective decisions through the concurrence of two scenarios, the first of these is aimed at achieving the prior qualification of the pretenders to be representatives of the people, the second scenario comprises, after obtaining the qualification, direct or indirect citizenship participation mechanisms.

Political economy was original reference of ancient economic activities which has been now separated into law, politics and economics in separate discipline. Further, implementations of those machinery are possible by converging these instruments together for the betterment of society. In liberal society, market economy is key principles which leaves open room to private sector with healthy competition whereas in authoritarian regime this instrument are operated by state machinery. Plato argues that aristocracy is the best system to govern the country whereas timocracy, plutocracy, despotism and democracy are gradually degenerated form of state system. Money plays important roles afterwards the plutocracy. Further, Aristotle is in the favour of aristocracy, monarchy and polity but oligarchy, tyranny and democracy are degenerated form of those counterpart origin. However, liberal democracy is adopted in major countries in modern day political system. Yet, Karl Marx supports communism concept rejecting market economy system which is followed by few countries of the world. In fact, these political systems have economic origin. Jurisprudence cannot be aloof from political economy of the country. Liberal society grants market power to private sector whereas socialist country grants market power to the government authority. As Nepal is following mixed economic policy, it adopts private sector, cooperative sectors and public sectors as pillars of economy. Constitutionally, Nepal is adopting democratic socialism to restructure the economy and the political system. Political economy can be categorized both into liberal and socialist traditions in the practice of the world.

This chapter examines the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation project, Measures of Effective Teaching [MET]. The chapter synthesizes current research on philanthrocapitalism to highlight some implications of current trends in funding for educational research. The MET project was a massive Three-year, $45 million undertaking. It studied six school districts and 3000 teachers in the United States, collected digital video of 13,000 classroom lessons, administered surveys to students, and tracked student scores on two separate tests in efforts to stipulate the parameters of effective teaching. Reports from the MET project publicized research results about how effective teaching might be defined and measured. MET project analyses and conclusions were published in scholarly academic venues, policy briefs, and popular media from 2010 through 2013. Issues of philanthrocapitalism in educational research include the establishment of an incestuous plutocracy, the conduct of educational research in a shadow economy, the promotion of the special interests of private wealthy donors, and shifts in the terms of debate about educational issues for research in the public interest.

Fair value of equal political liberties is a key precondition for the legitimacy of a regime in liberal thought. Preventing a semi-permanent lockout of a social group from all political power is a threat to the stability of liberal constitutional regimes. Given the convertibility, subtlety and resilience of power, gross material inequality — produced by neoliberal economic policies — effectively locks the relative poor (roughly, the bottom 20% of a class hierarchy) out of political power. Such lockout breaches both the legitimacy and the stability constraints of a liberal constitutional democracy. Neoliberal democracies, sooner or later, become plutocracies. This possibility should be of concern not only for liberal political theory but also for liberal constitutionalism. The usual objections to a constitutional concern with gross inequality and plutocracy — based on transparency, countermajoritarianism and flexibility — are useful design instructions, but do not rule out the constitutionalisation of egalitarian and anti-plutocratic norms. A whole panoply of legal and political constitutional measures — already familiar to or incrementally developed from liberal constitutional thought and practice — could be marshalled to promote material equality and prevent plutocracy.

The immaculate nature and scope of leadership transcend far beyond the accepted-applied principles and theories of leadership which has been fluid and elusive overtime in history. Leadership has more often than not been defined empirically based on experiential knowledge, hypothesis, and facts which truly and completely never resonates with the in-depth profundity of leadership intellectually. For centuries after centuries, decades after decades, and years after years and since time immemorial, in records, identified traditions, labeled cultures, and bordered sovereignties or nations, the trust and belief on leadership have always been repeated and reaffirmed from generations to generations. Leadership had in the past and has continued to the present and will always through the future direct the course of humanity both internally and externally. This further explains the vital importance of leadership as more than just an art that ought to be discussed, examined, and taught over time through cultural formations, educational developments, and fundamentally the actions or plans of governance and policies. Leadership has not always been an office, a title, a gender, an age, a race, nor a stationed post. Leadership transcends far beyond physical locations and presence. It has phenomenally been a conscience that has been found rooted everywhere around and beyond humanity and civilization. This strikingly personified nature of leadership has been discussed through the pages of this chapter. The descriptive studies on leadership are more than just an art or a lifestyle and hence should be discussed extensively through a holistic approach. This chapter was aimed to analyze the characteristics of leadership beyond conventional means, the typologies of leadership, the rare types of leadership, and ultimately the pragmatic assertions of leadership. With the envisioned stand on knowledge through this chapter on leadership, questions ought to be answered as to what exactly the definition of leadership truly is could be and should continue to be while moving forward futuristically.

Sumner distinguishes between capital which is acquired and used “industrially” and capital which is used “politically.” By politically, Sumner means the purchase of political privileges by plutocrats (owners of capital) though such things as lobbying politicians; funding party organizations, primaries, and conventions to get one’s own way; and bribing legislatures to grant artificial monopolies and other privileges. He concludes that the system of plutocracy is “the most sordid and debasing form of political energy known to us.”

Did the entry by the International Criminal Court (ICC) into the 2007-2008 postelection dispute ruffle feathers among Kenya’s politicians and influence the results of the 2013 elections? This article argues that the indictment of prominent Kenyans by the ICC for atrocities committed during the postelection violence was the first attempt to break a vicious cycle of impunity deeply entrenched in the country’s body politic. However, the indictees exploited cases against them to exacerbate ethnic fault lines, polarise the country and ensure the controversial victory by Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto during the 2013 elections despite facing egregious charges before the ICC. Crucially, the ICC precipitated uncertainty and trepidation among Kenya’s kleptocrats in power since 1963, the year of Kenya’s independence. Kenyatta’s controversial presidential victory in 2013 was both personal and oligarchic as it ensured continued stranglehold on Kenya’s political and economic spheres by a self-reporuding plutocracy. With control of state apparatus, Kenyatta and Ruto successfully fought back against the threat posed by the ICC. The article analyses ICC politics impunity, and ethnic politics through the prism of Kenya’s cases before the ICC., A entrada pelo Tribunal Penal Internacional (TPI) nas disputas pós-eleitorais de 2007-2008 causou preocupação entre os políticos do Quênia e influenciou os resultados das eleições de 2013? Este artigo argumenta que o indiciamento de quenianos proeminentes pelo TPI por atrocidades cometidas durante a violência pós-eleitoral foi a primeira tentativa de quebrar um ciclo vicioso de impunidade profundamente entrincheirado no corpo político do país. Entretanto, os indiciados exploraram os casos contra eles para exacerbar descontinuidades étnicas, polarizar o país e garantir uma controversa vitória por Uhuru Kenyatta e William Ruto durante as eleições de 2013, apesar de enfrentarem acusações abomináveis perante o TPI. Crucialmente, o Tribunal precipitou incerteza e trepidação entre os cleptocratas que estavam no poder no Quênia desde 1963, o ano da independência do país. A vitória presidencial controversa de Kenyatta em 2013 foi tanto pessoal quanto oligárquica, já que garantiu a continuidade do controle das esferas políticas e econômicas do Quênia por uma plutocracia autorreplicante. Com o controle do aparato estatal, Kenyatta e Ruto conseguiram com sucesso combater a ameaça representada pelo TPI. O artigo analisa a impunidade política no TPI, e a política étnica, através do prisma dos casos do Quênia perante o TPI.

The system of capitalism generates the grossest of contradictions. The confiscation of wealth and the exercise of power impel poverty and powerlessness. Elite supremacy necessarily involves mass anomie, alienation among the citizenry, and individual estrangement from the self. There is conspicuous consumption for the privileged few while the many suffer hunger and homelessness. War criminals and bankster fraud enjoy immunity, while the full weight of the injustice system falls on those forced by destitution to try to make a living on the street. The contradictions play out at multiple levels, bosses and workers, rich and poor, privileged and underprivileged, white and black, Anglos and Latinos, Christians and Muslims, men and women, police and citizens, rulers and ruled, and, at broader levels of polarization, Western good and Eastern evil, ersatz civilization and Islamic barbarism, war and peace, plutocracy and democracy, north and south, west and east—all is upsidedownness.1

Quan presents a structural analysis of governance in this chapter. As the major part of the book, it covers the analytical details of the Chinese version of governance. Adopting the ideal-type method, Quan examines the depth and breadth of the architectural structure of governance discourse. Three distinct dimensions—normative principles, narrative of reality and technical skills—are used to classify various propositions and suggestions from a sample of governance texts. These statements are then integrated into a coherent system to illuminate three interlocking aspects of the potential ideal-type conception. As Quan makes clear, the ideological scheme of governance is not a simple response to any particular policy at present. It rather provides a coherent picture in which the neoliberal turn of state policy can be rationalized and further refined, based on a logical move from normative principles to a practical agenda. The chapter concludes with the strength of governance (compared with its left- and right-wing counterparts) as the discursive form of Chinese neoliberal plutocracy.

The current economic situation in the United States and the even worse disaster in Southern Europe is a result of the exhaustion or lack of efficacy of the historical sources for the accumulation of capital combined with the political power of plutocracy that cannot, or will not, do anything but exacerbate crisis and stagnation. Accumulation is the dynamic of capitalism, the wherewithal to invest and make more profits in new avenues of business development—when accumulation reaches limits, crises come about. Crisis can take different expressions—drastic falls in asset values, sharp decline in economic activity, steep rise in unemployment…as in the Great Depression of the 1930s and, again, in 2008–2009. More common is recession of several years’ duration, as in periods in the 1980s, the 1990s, and the first years of the 2000s. Notably, these recessions have increased in frequency, length, and depth since the 1970s, reflecting a deepening stagnation of the economy. Rates of economic growth have steadily declined in the last decades, with GDP growth of over 4% in the 1950s and 1960s, to an average of 3% in the following three decades, falling to 2% from 2000 to the crisis of 2008. The mode of economic recovery in America and Europe since the latest crash has nothing to do with the opening of new avenues of economic development and everything to do with resurgence of speculative activity (financed at near zero interest by the Federal Reserve) that was the immediate root of the 2007–2009 debacle, but with the backdrop of vast expenditures for war abroad, and “security” and repression at home, and, most of all, with the heightened exploitation of labor resulting in declining income and short-falls in effective demand.

One of the great myths of our time is that capitalism and democracy go together like bread and butter, bratwurst und sauerkraut, arroz y frijoles. From one historical situation to another, the norm of political rule in capitalist society is an authoritarian form of the state, most often posed as the ultimate in democracy, too often taking the form of military dictatorship. America is a plutocracy, not an absolute authoritarianism, but a state of formal democracy with withering substance, moving now to what I term an authoritarian State of National Insecurity. This is so because the system of capitalism requires a political institution that manages its structural prerequisites and ensures its reproduction (more on this in analysis of the interrelationship of class, patriarchy, and sexism in Chap. 7). The repressive apparatus of the state is central to governance of the whole. This derives from the social relation of capital’s appropriation of value in the form of profit which, in turn, is transferred for enforcement from the purely economic sphere to the relations of force embodied in the state. The system of law codifies the norms of property and commodity relations of society. The centrality of the agencies of intelligence, police, and military forces can vary in their specific historical expression. The Spanish Republicans lost the civil water to the Franco fascists. The German socialists, communists, and unionists were annilated by Hitler’s fascist forces. Stalin’s dictatorship created a highly privileged elite of party bureaucrats and the enterprise managerial class that eventually decided that their wealth and privileges would be even more enhanced by a reversion to capitalism. This newly formed capitalist class in Russia and the various former socialist Republics today are only mildly less authoritarian than the Soviet regime that collapsed 25 years ago in 1991. In the 1960s to the 1980s, various Latin American countries responded to the class forces demanding fundamental changes with fierce military dictatorship. The regimes in Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile were the worst since European fascisms. In Central America, the death squads and U.S. interventions prevailed in upholding oligarchic rule, finally giving way to less repression and more formal democracy in the 2000s. Later, I explore to what extent the United States today approximates a fascist state.

Even President Trump's inaugural identified as his central issue "whether our government is controlled by the people.” Polls show this to be a leading public concern that is ignored by the bipartisan political establishment which controls government for the plutocrats who pay to play instead of for the people who vote. (Ch. 1) This issue of failed democracy likely accounts for Trump's victory over the Clintons' plutocratic political machine which offered more diversionary identity politics but no plausible solution to the systemic political corruption Trump described. See also this author's "The Amendment Diversion," http://ssrn.com/abstract=2722336. That plutocratic rule generates extreme inequality while threatening catastrophe on several other vectors is focusing attention on its cause. (Ch. 2). While some recognize the cause of political corruption, no one, much less Trump, has offered an effective strategy to solve the deepening problem that democracy has been replaced by plutocracy. (Ch. 3) Bernie Sanders who made this issue a cornerstone of his campaign against Clinton had no better strategy to offer than the futility of advocating a constitutional amendment. This is the standard diversion from effective anti-corruption strategy that is offered by the corrupt Democratic Party and its professional activist allies. Citizens United has been the diversionary target of such advocacy, though it is of minor importance to the problem. Even worse is the professional activists' sloganeering about corporate personhood which is rooted in a fiction about what the infamous Citizens United decision in fact held. (Ch. 4)The immediate cause of the current crisis of democracy is not the lack of constitutional amendments but a judicial supremacist Supreme Court (Ch. 5) Plutocracy precludes progressive amendments in any event. (Ch. 6) Judicial supremacists, in any event, distort the meaning of amendments as they have the First Amendment, which does not require toleration of influence peddling and paid plutocratic propaganda in elections. The supremacist Court's 1976 ruling that it does, based on shell-game logic, has ushered in this second Gilded Age, our era of systemic political corruption. (Intro, Ch. 7) Professional activists who market the amendment diversion as if it were a cure for this problem have objectives other than restoring democracy. (Ch. 8) The history of constitutional amendments teaches that this commonly touted, but seldom analyzed amendment “solution” is a counterproductive waste of political energy to counter an act of judicial supremacy. (Ch. 9) This book decries the general void in strategic thinking on the key progressive objective of fighting plutocracy. It suggests effective strategies to solve the contemporary crisis of democracy within the provisions of the original Constitution. (Ch. 10,11). It proposes a fully realized draft of a federal statute that would be a useful initial demand for effective national reform and a starting point for further strategic discussion. (Ch.12)

Capital dominates and plutocracy prevails in good part through promulgation of ideas, vulgar notions that flow from its privileged class interests, but repeated often enough that they seem to become common sense and widely adopted. The media wing of the 1% creates an “information age” in which we are all machine-gunned by soft bullets of doctored news and TV serials with the end of obliterating consciousness. The media, what passes for political discourse, popular culture, in some ways the internet, in general every means of communicating ideas, is directed to indoctrination of citizens in the ruling ideology. Perhaps the most central element is social Darwinism, the “survival of the fittest” means a “war of all against all.” This creates a society of viciousness that staggers along held together by doctrines that grossly contradict experienced reality, a smashed sociality of lived contradiction, a failed state that poses plutocracy as democracy and practices austerity as promoting the social good, a state in which war and repression with their ideological justifications are central. A frightened citizenry is overwhelmed by oppressive circumstances that create all sorts of social problems—high crime rates, violent behavior, alcohol and drug abuse, mental illness, suicide, early death rates, susceptibility to scapegoating, and political support for demagogues. The ideology fashions policy—“neo-liberalism” promotes free market fundamentalism, financial deregulation and monetary orthodoxy guarded by the oligarchs of high finance, and labor “flexiblization.” The twin of neo-liberalism, “globalization,” is facilitated by “free trade” agreements that spread the doctrines worldwide while fostering imperial interventions and war everywhere.

A substantial part of the analysis so far has been devoted to examination of the structural forces that create worldwide conditions of gross inequality and injustice that force a path of degenerative development with adverse consequences for people and the environment. These forces work to shrink wrap minds with the ideology invented by the privileged. They shift democracy to plutocracy and create perpetual war. No plutocracy can be enduring; no structural force is exempt from meeting resistance. Victims are also subjects, potentially agents of change.

Economic inequality, particularly in the areas of income and wealth, has been steadily expanding in the United States. This reality is an issue for other nations as well. This article examines reasons why economic inequality deserves more attention from moral theologians. It also reviews recent literature on the topic and the need to restore equality of opportunity as a genuine aspect of American life.

This essay addresses the issue of neoliberalism and knowledge from two distinct yet related perspectives. The first part argues that the continuation of neoliberal policies after the crash of 2008 is not an epistemological problem or a matter of false consciousness but an ontological problem. Using the work of Martin Heidegger the essay proposes the reason we might continue with a system shown to be fatally flawed is because awareness of the flaw produces an experience of such anxiety that rather than face the issue head on and create an alternate world we find greater 'security' in the attempt to rebuild the one that is broken. Secondly, neoliberalism has become increasingly dogmatic and is currently the only theory permissible. To this end the institution most closely tied to the production and distribution of knowledge, the university, has to be brought into the group-think that supports both plutocracy and oligarchy at the expense of democracy. Currently the only social institution questioning the truth of neoliberalism the university is increasingly being disciplined by customer service, internal competition and privatization in order to ensure conformity to market credo. The essay then closes by readdressing the importance of the university as a democratic counter to such dogma. It argues that the humanities in particular has always been a site for the contest of worldviews and theories of the human condition and facilitates an exposure to different ways of being-in-the-world that is essential if we are to challenge the systemic closure currently taking place.Keywords neoliberalism, knowledge, capitalism, idiotism, Heidegger, hermeneutics, university, dogmaOn 22 July 2009 economists Tim Besley and Peter Hennessy wrote a letter on behalf of the British Academy to the British monarch, Queen Elizabeth II, attempting to answer her question as to why no one saw the 2008 financial crisis coming. Their conclusion that this failure was the result of a systemic lack of oversight 'combined with the psychology of herding and the mantra of financial and policy gurus' is highly revealing, as it counters many of the key tenets of the dogma that brought about the crash. Their conclusions are interesting because the reference to psychology raises the spectre of the 'animal spirits' that Keynes1 gave as a reason why markets could not be considered rational and ought not be left to regulate themselves. At the time Keynes was writing, because such an understanding of the human condition merited state intervention and a central role for public works, free-marketeers were required to strenuously and vigorously re-state their case by arguing that such spirits were merely the effect of a market that was not yet free enough.A similar refrain can be heard today. In keeping with all fundamentalisms neoliberals today insist that there was nothing wrong with what free-marketeers believed in; what were perceived to be problems with unregulated markets were in fact caused by the non-believers whose lack of faith prevented the full flowering of freedom and this alone explained the failure. Such advocates are often in thrall to the dystopian stories of Friedrich Hayek or the pseudo-science of Milton Friedman, if not the corporate porn of Ayn Rand, and believe it their duty to reach out to the invisible hand offered them by the prophet Adam Smith. Only this will guarantee the deliverance of humankind to the paradise which Friedman called the 'free private enterprise exchange economy'.2 Thus when the letter refers to 'gurus' we may infer that Besley and Hennessy were speaking about the financial priesthood that turned the entire global economy into a delusional cult that even in crisis continues to maintain its claims to truth. It should also be noted that the persistence of this particular brand of dogmatic thinking - the infallibility of markets and their extension through deregulation and privatisation - suggests that nothing has been learnt from the revelation that what economists believed they knew about the functioning of markets was entirely spurious. …

This paper explores an array of higher education issues that require careful consideration by traditional universities, distance education colleges and universities, academics and indeed government and its bureaucracy in terms of how higher education is approached generally in respect of the formulation of some education policy imperatives within higher education in South Africa. In reality the paper explores or takes the approach of delineating a compact of issues that will require serious understanding and discussion in respect of the issues being raised. In approaching this paper, the writer will for all intents and purposes summarize some of the articles and issues discussed in the supplement of the Mail and Guardian Getting Ahead, August 3 to 9: 2012. Where applicable other issues will be raised that go beyond the issues raised in the series of articles discussed in the supplement. In addition, the writer will also project on the issues discussed by generating some of his own opinions within the narrative. In so doing the following issues will be nuanced and discussed:  Matching policy with reality for young people in South Africa.  The free market for students.  Research at the cost of teaching.  Research is at the mercy of plutocracy.  Former Technikons have an identity crisis.  Social cohesion by promoting the teaching of African languages.  The need for multifaceted leaders to meet the challenges of globalized higher education and for purposes of development.  Postgraduates need a better deal It is hoped that the discussion of the above issues will stimulate reasoned debate and that both traditional and distance higher education institutions and South African Business Schools, and higher education policy makers will incorporate some of these issues within the ambit of their policy formulation, and the vision and mission of their institutions. Kuwait Chapter of Arabian Journal of Business and Management Review Vol. 3, No.2; Oct. 2013 113 The paper in no way pretends to capture the issues discussed, in terms of any finality, nor does it pretend to have captured or for that matter exhausted the issues to any degree of finality.