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Copyright of Esferas is the property of Esferas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On April 28, 2021, a social outbreak occurred in Colombia, a demonstration in which the main protagonists were the excluded, racialized and marginalized youth of the country's cities. In this context, the city of Cali was consolidated as the epicenter and referent of social mobilizations at national level, due to the high number of resistance points, the permanence in the streets of the demonstrators, and the embryonic bet of social organization of the Union of Resistance Cali (URC). This paper seeks to reconstruct the process of consolidation of the URC, delving into the difficulties it faced and exalting the organizational forms that emerged in the context of the social outbreak in the city of Cali. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade, there has been a revival of social protest and labor union activity in Chile. In this article, we examine the effects of this phenomenon to analyze its influence on working-class identity. Using International Social Survey Programme surveys from 2009 and 2019, we investigate whether class location and union membership affect people's subjective identification with the working class and how that effect may have changed over the decade. Our findings suggest that subjects who are situated in a 'subordinated' class position (unskilled workers or informal self-employed workers) are more likely to identify with the working class compared to subjects located in a privileged class position (employers, experts, or managers). However, surprisingly, our analysis does not indicate that working-class identity is reinforced by union membership. In addition, our results do not demonstrate that the effect of class or union membership has strengthened over the past decade. At the end of this article, we offer some possible explanations for these findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research aimed to critically examine the technological risks and social mobilization that resulted from the installation of 4.5G mobile phone antenna technologies in Comuna 6, northeast Colombia, during the covid-19 health emergency. The citizens' views on the dangers of the technology to their health were taken into consideration. The findings, which were based on a qualitative technique, showed that the citizens linked the antennas with the generation of negative external forces, as inevitable evils, and with only benefit generators from a more technical determinism standpoint. The debate on technological coupling in society took the form of a reflective discourse that laid the foundation for absorbing uncertainty that resulted from misinformation and post-truth views regarding the relationship between covid-19 and the new 5G cell phone network. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Polis (07176554) is the property of Polis - Revista Academica Universidad Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes the emergence of new political agendas as a result of the social mobilization that took place in Panama during the pandemic and how these were finally translated into a new institution for the negotiation of public policies –The Single Roundtable for Dialogue (Mesa Única de Diálogo). Analytical narratives are used based on secondary sources. To this end, the literature and various indicators were examined and a newspaper search was conducted on the phenomenon studied. The hypothesis is that, although there have been previous protests in the Panamanian nation, there is a before and an after in relation to the one that occurred in July, 2022, in terms of the meaning and scope of the demands of mobilized actors. It was a moment of political irruption, in which those who do not usually have a voice demonstrated that they have one. This text characterizes the conditions of public policies in the Panamanian political system; describes the social and economic effects of COVID-19; and describes the process of political irruption and emergence of new agendas during the mobilization. The conclusions illustrate how the aforementioned protests constituted an interruption of the previous equilibrium of the country, where the notion of the public had been distorted and needed to be reformulated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Sociológicos is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dearq is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bitácora Urbano/Territorial is the property of Bitacora Urbano/Territorial and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Reflexión Politica is the property of Universidad Autonoma de Bucaramanga, UNAB and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although in the last few years Colombia has faced significant civil society mobilization, 2021 represented critical juncture in social mobilization that was the result of three converging crises. The COVID-19 pandemic, a health crisis, triggered an economic crisis that exacerbated existing social and economic inequalities. Together they aggravated a pre-existing governability crisis. Unions and other actors convened a national strike on April 28 and the violent police response ignited the protest. The strike lasted almost two months and framed the legislative and presidential elections in 2022. This paper analyzes these events, their effects, and the perspectives for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reflects on the border between Mexico and the United States and the need to rethink the transit migrations that happen there. The situation on this border has been changing since 2018. That year saw the first migrant caravans with thousands of people moving massively from Central America to the United States. Subsequently, this situation was impacted by the declaration of a global pandemic by COVID-19 and since the beginning of the year 2021 by the change in the presidency of the United States. These events resulted in new governmental containment measures and social activism on the part of different social organizations. Based on a qualitative methodology and supported by studies on forced migration from below and critical security studies; the text warns about the tension between two points of view: the perspective of securitization and, in contrast, the perspective of social mobilization, demonstrating that in order to advance in a more inclusive understanding of migrations in transit on this border, it is necessary to assume approaches that affect the possibilities of participation and agency of the migrant population in transit, as necessary conditions to guarantee their human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Educación y Ciudad is the property of Instituto para la Investigacion Educativa y Desarrollo Pedagogico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Educación y Ciudad is the property of Instituto para la Investigacion Educativa y Desarrollo Pedagogico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Psocial is the property of Revista de Investigacion en Psicologia Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Anuari del Conflicte Social is the property of Universitat de Barcelona - Facultat d'Economia i Empresa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In recent years, digital networks have given rise to new spaces for socialization, action and protest, favouring the emergence of new forms of social participation that generate their own languages and new symbolic strategies. In order to analyze online mobilization within the Spanish context and in order to explore these realities in more depth, a systematic review of empirical articles with their own methodology was carried out. It includes those manuscripts published over the last decade by Spanish Sociology journals with the highest impact factor. After identifying 101 general studies that met the initial inclusion criteria, 34 were chosen whose subject of study included online social mobilization and/or used virtual ethnography as a research technique. The final sample for analysis was drawn from these, comprising the 16 publications that addressed this issue as the central topic. Among the main results obtained we have the scarcity of publications on the virtual dimension of social mobilization, as well as the growing use and adaptation of virtual ethnography as a research methodology for studying this field of knowledge. Likewise, the potential of the Internet to amplify the impact of demands, the need to break the onlineoffline dichotomy, the creation of new narratives and the transformation of the symbolic production of contemporary social movements are noteworthy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ciência & Trópico (03042685) is the property of Fundacao Joaquim Nabuco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Trabajo Social is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In order to begin to study the field of relations between the left and the Agrarian Leagues in the 1970s in Argentina, in this article we propose to review the existing literature and a work agenda that aims to outline future lines of research. We took three directions to select the bibliography. On the one hand, we reconstruct the historiographical contributions of the researchers who sought to delve into the treatment that the Argentine left made of the national agrarian question. These studies, however, do not cover the years of our study, although they show that throughout their history, revolutionary organizations contemplated the problem. On the other hand, we observe the reflections on the political practices of the left, where we review the different lines of work and approach. We will see there that the studies of the 1970s did not contemplate in depth the agrarian problem. Finally, we revisit the existing studies on the Agrarian Leagues. We conclude with a series of objectives and hypotheses that can be explored to begin to fill the gap in current knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media have favored the production and consumption of content on matters of citizen interest, such as those of social claim to authorities. Within these, there is a typology of videos broadcasted on YouTube and other social media networks, in which political personalities are rebuked in public space by casual pedestrians. These spontaneous encounters, recorded on mobile devices and posted on the World Wide Web, potentially serve as an alternative form of social protest and, consequently, could incite citizen mobilization and participation. This article examines this phenomenon from the analysis of the amplification properties and the social mobilization effects of a selection of repudiation acts against political personalities from Colombia and Venezuela. Based on the literature on social movements on the Web, and through the application of a mixed methodology, this study examines the variables of diffusion and virality, participation, influence, continuity, unity and mobilization in four distinctive cases. The results allow us to conclude that, despite the rise and qualities attributed to social platforms, these contents do not reach concrete effects on audiences that are translated into actions beyond online participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of IC: Revista Científica de Información y Comunicación is the property of Universidad de Sevilla, Departamento de Periodismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Argentina de Estudios de Juventud is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Reflexión Politica is the property of Universidad Autonoma de Bucaramanga, UNAB and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The United Forces for Our Disappeared in Nuevo Leon (FUNDENL) is a group of mothers and wives of people who disappeared. FUNDENL organizes autonomously to find their family members. This group is maintaining the legacy of women who have historically mobilized against disappearances, such as the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo during the dictatorship in Argentina or the mothers of the Eureka Committee during the "dirty war" in Mexico. Why are women the ones who, in most cases, decide to search for their loved ones? The goal of this text is to analyze the gender dimension in the representations of collective identity and activism of the members of FUNDENL by observing their processes of resistance and empowerment through a feminist lens. The article argues the practices in their struggle, such as the embroidery for peace, are linked to their own experiences as women and mothers. Life histories and qualitative field work are used to understand this issue. With traditionally feminine practices, such as embroidery, the mothers and wives of FUNDENL resignify motherhood and love in the struggle for the disappeared, constructing new references about the role of women in social mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the process of generating dialogue, debate, and reflection on Gender-Based Violence (GBV) in adolescents in the municipality of San Juan Nepomuceno (Bolívar), within the framework of the realization of an edutainment and social mobilization pilot strategy named "Revealed from all positions," implemented in several municipalities in Colombia. Focus groups, interviews, and the Most Significant Change technique were used in this study to identify the different ways in which GBV is being expressed among the adolescent and young population. Among other findings, the study identified the importance of articulating workshops to deepen knowledge by using theater as a catalyst for emotions and television production as a setting to promote participation to work around GBV. These findings enrich the previous evidence regarding how Communication for Social and Behavioral Change, particularly education, entertainment, and social mobilization, can contribute through dialogue, debate, and reflection to prevent and reduce GBV in adolescents and the young population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the results of my master's research with actors of the mobilization for the creation of the Tapajós State, in this article I will describe a few actions/justifications mobilized by my interlocutors to demonstrate/produce/agency affections around the "cause" in the city of Santarém, the location that most supported the project in the context of the plebiscite held in 2011. My intentions are to demonstrate how the "cause" could grow from a successful capture of a series of diffuse affects related to the term "Tapajós" was crucial for the growing of the "cause" and to present some considerations about how the language of the affects actuate in the process of producing adhesion to controversial political projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the first anniversary of the disappearance of 43 students in Ayotzinapa, several popular associations called for a series of activities that would culminate with a great protest march in Mexico City on September 26, 2015. This paper presents a comparative analysis of the way in which this event was reported in headlines and main images of nine newspapers with a long history as political actors in their respective countries: Mexico, Argentina, Brazil, Spain, United States, France and Great Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Este artículo analiza algunos aspectos del surgimiento, de las formas de manifestación y de las implicaciones que el movimiento anticomunista tuvo en la vida política y social del estado de Jalisco en los años setenta. La trascendencia de este movimiento radica entre otras cosas en que su sede constituida en Guadalajara, capital del estado, se convirtió en el centro de operación más importante para América Latina. El presente artículo tiene como objetivo mostrar que el anticomunismo se solventó con la justificación de "proteger" a la sociedad de la "amenaza comunista" llamada "ola roja" ante la posibilidad latente de que se llevara a la práctica sociopolítica la ideología comunista en México y en América Latina, ya que el triunfo de la Revolución cubana era relativamente reciente. Por otra parte, se demuestra que puede considerarse el anticomunismo como un antimovimiento social, idea que se logró posicionar en el imaginario de la sociedad jalisciense y mexicana. Para la elaboración de este trabajo se utilizó la técnica de revisión documental en fuentes primarias del periodo. This article analyzes some aspects of the rise, manifestations and implications that the anti-communist movement had in the politic and social life of the Jalisco state in the seventies. The significance of this movement lies among other things to its headquarters established on Guadalajara, capital city of the state, became the most important center of operations of Latin America. The objective is to show that the anti-communism was solved with the justification of "protecting" society from the "communist menace" called "red wave" given the latent possibility of translated into sociopolitical practice the communist ideology in Mexico and Latin America, since the triumph of the Cuban revolution was relatively recent. Moreover, it's demonstrated that anti-communism can be taken as a social anti-movement, which was achieved in the imaginary position of the Jalisco and Mexico society. For the preparation of this work documentary review of primary sources of the period was realized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1991, the Colombian feminist movement started to mobilize to promote a Quota Act that was finally established in 2001. By drawing on a case study of such campaign, this article intervenes in socio-legal scholarship on legal mobilization suggesting that the relationship between law and social movements can be theorized in many ways. Particularly, it suggests political and legal opportunities, mobilizing structures, and collective action frames as useful concepts for such task. By doing so, this article suggests that the Law and Society literature on legal mobilization, and particularly the Colombian literature on the relationship between post-1991 constitutional law and social movements, should set aside the emphasis on the usefulness of the law to bring about social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article synthesizes the main economic, social and political events that took place in Paraguay during the year 2015. Framed within the context of an economic slowdown, non-conventional political participation gained strength through social mobilizations that showed the Paraguayan citizen's greater capacity to articulate their demands and achieve their collective goals. On the other hand, the elections at the municipal level displayed an electoral realignment; they showed the widespread historical control of the incumbent party throughout the territory but also highlighted the potential of electoral alliances among opposition parties. The democratic responsiveness of Paraguay's political system remains in question, facing growing challenges due to its historical shortcomings and the increasing demands of the citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this paper is to deepen our understanding of the growing phenomenon of politicization of international organizations (IOs) and to contribute to its conceptualization. This issue is important in a context of increasing social scrutiny and contention about the authority and legitimacy of these organizations, particularly in public policies decision making that directly affect citizens' daily life. In this article we contribute to the comprehension of politicization in the international arena, specifically of IOs, by conceptualizing politicization as a process defined by three different dynamics: 1) the functioning of the World Political System and the internal rules of IOs; 2) the social mobilization; and 3) the expansion of conflict or increasing attention devoted to a relatively closed issued that opens to public debate and enter different agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article describes the process and results of educational work in rural community, based on the popular education, as a strategy for achieving the social mobilization and influence on the social determinants of context. Consisted of four stages: 1. Knowledge of the community, 2. Formation of Primary Group, 3. Social mobilization with integration of working commissions, 4. Growth process with different modalities of participation. The educational model, to three years of work, offers the possibility of achieving social mobilization by way of public demand toward organized agencies and institutions of health, education, and social development with the community empowerment and strengthening the social fabric to make an impact on the social determinants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research into risk perception has been typically focused on the study of social conflicts motivated by potentially dangerous technologies and events. However, in this article an attempt is made to understand why, in certain cases, the population exposed to an obvious risk are not actively mobilised and do not protest against it. Based on a case study in the petrochemical area of Tarragona, the population's perception and practices in connection with risk are analysed by using data from a series of focus groups (8) and a questionnaire survey (N = 400). The results allow us to disregard unawareness of risk as a reason, and to assess the importance of the perceived benefits from exposure to risk, as well as to understand the fundamental role of trust and dependency that are embedded in a social and institutional context characterised by a marked asymmetry in power relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Analisis Politico is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper reconstructs the main theoretical discussions around human rights mobilization and the analytical dimensions that prevail in contemporary studies. The main thesis argues that given the dichotomy between endogenous and exogenous dimensions, while between institutional and non-institutional mobilization frameworks, their convergence is necessary to understand the complexity of the historical institutionalization of human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first part of the article provides an introduction and a supporting analytical perspective about the epistemological status of social mediation from authors such Hegel, Jesús Martín Barbero and Manuel Martín Serrano . In a second stage, we undertake our task of founding a public communication as a prospective within the field of communication, as well as a mediating process for social mobilization and from the knowledge of interface features. Finally, we conclude with a proposal submission for citizens participation and social mobilization, presenting a way to contribute to the quality of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Argentina's socio-economic crisis (2001-2002), the phenomenon of workers taking over, or recovering, bankrupt companies has spread across the country. In this article, we present findings related to strategies of collective action that favor self-management. To do so, first we develop a typology of the incentives to recover companies through collective action. Next we describe how the social movement's organization has evolved. Third, we discuss the initial strategies of economic articulation between these companies. Our hypothesis is that, so long as the social movement is politically and socially week, the predominant strategies will be market insertion by companies on an individual basis. By contrast, a greater degree of mobilization would create more favorable conditions for strategies of productive integration and of strengthening the social economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this work is to offer a theoretical and explanatory framework for the analysis of the events happened in Santa Rosa city in the summer of the 2008, which finished with mayor Juan Carlos Tierno's dismissal. The paper tries to put in the foreground the relationships between the politics's domains and art. That's why we work with the concepts already developed by a series of classical authors of the aesthetic studies. In the same way, we try to confront those conceptual and methodological determinations with the social mobilization and the aesthetic actions developed at the same time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the state actions and the practices of social mobilization around the problem of unemployment in contemporary Argentina, putting emphasis in the interactions between both. From an ethnographic approach, we focus in the organizations of unemployed people and recovered companies to approach those categories that will result more relevant in the field, and those which stand out are worthy and genuine work. These categories are central as much in the configuration of the processes of constructing identity as in the formation of demands, showing the complexity that the problem of unemployment assumes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the last decades the social movements in Latin America have become very important political actors. They look for the change far from the traditional political actors, maintaining his autonomy and prioritizing the strategy of collective action by massive mobilization; or they decide to approach some actors (such as the political parties), participating within the political system by the institucional/electoral route. The objective of this work is indeed to make a reflection on the relation between the social movements and the political parties in Latin America. For such effect we make first a theorical revision and later we took several examples of social movements in order to ejemplify the types of strategies and relations that can occur between these and the political parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reports on public opinions in relation to a legal reform of the electricity and telecommunication state-owned compan, as well as the sector in general. The opposition to this legal reform generated a widespread protest movement, the largest in the last fifty years. The survey took place at the height of the mobilization. It touches on positions, motivations, information and behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]