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Translators might face difficulties when working on legal texts due to their intricate features, such as nominalisation. The abstract nature of such structures could have a negative effect on text comprehension, as nominalisations are usually harder to process than verbs. In pursuit of making European Union (EU) documents more translator-friendly, the European Commission invites authors to communicate clearly, advising against the use of nominalisations. For this reason, a closer look at the current nominalisation patterns in English and Lithuanian EU legal documents is taken. The aim of the paper is to determine and compare the verb-based action and process nominalisations and their equivalent structures in English and Lithuanian EU legal documents, considering the impact of equivalent choices on the text. The focus is placed on verb-based action and process nominalisations derived by suffixation. Considering English and Lithuanian nominalisations, their equivalent structures are commonly expressed as nominalisations. The expression of nominalisations as nouns, as well as adjective-based nominalisations, is characteristic only to the Lithuanian language. The expression as an adverb, a prepositional structure or a pronoun is characteristic only to the English language. The analysis reveals that the verb-based action and process nominalisations might help follow the flow of information and emphasise key concepts. However, if the morphological properties were changed, repetition could be avoided, the dynamic properties of the text could be strengthened, or comprehen- sion could be facilitated, which is essential for an effective translation process., Vertėjai gali susidurti su sunkumais versdami teisinius tekstus dėl jų kompleksiškų ypatybių. Veiksmažodinių daiktavardžių abstraktumas gali turėti neigiamos įtakos teksto supratimui, nes veiksmažodini- us daiktavardžius paprastai sunkiau suvokti nei veiksmažodžius. Siekdama, kad ES dokumentai būtų lengviau įveikiami vertėjams, EK kviečia autorius rašyti aiškiai ir pataria vengti veiksmažodinių daiktavardžių vartojimo. Dėl šios priežasties reikia atidžiau pažvelgti į dabartines veiksmažodinių daiktavardžių struktūras anglų ir lietu- vių kalbų ES teisiniuose dokumentuose. Straipsnyje gilinamasi į dabartines veiksmą ir procesą žyminčių veiks- mažodinių daiktavardžių struktūras ir jų atitikmenis ES teisiniuose dokumentuose anglų ir lietuvių kalba bei lyginamos jų ekvivalenčios struktūros, atsižvelgiant į atitikmenų pasirinkimo poveikį tekstui. Dažniausiai veiksmą ar procesą žymintys veiksmažodiniai daiktavardžiai kitoje kalboje buvo išreiškiami išlaikant tokią pačią struktūrą. Palyginus lietuvių ir anglų kalbas, nustatyta, kad tik lietuvių kalboje angliški veiksmažodiniai daiktavardžiai gali būti išreikšti būdvardiniu daiktavardžiu ar daiktavardžiu, taip pat nustatyta, jog tik anglų kalbai yra būdinga lietu- viškus veiksmažodinius daiktavardžius išreikšti prielinksnine konstrukcija, įvardžiu ar prieveiksmiu. Atlikus tyrimą paaiškėjo, kad veiksmažodiniai daiktavardžiai gali padėti nepasiklysti informacijos sraute, pabrėžti pagrindines idėjas. Jei veiksmažodiniai daiktavardžiai kitoje kalboje išreiškiami dinamiškesnėmis struktūromis, išvengiama pasikartojimų, lengviau suvokti tekstą ir jį versti.

Noun phrase conjunction in Akan (Niger-Congo, Kwa) is performed by placing a connective between two noun phrases, but there is some variation in the forms used in the major dialects. In the Twi dialects the connective is ne, but Fante speakers may use nye or na depending on whether a comitative or a coordinative interpretation is intended. This paper focuses on the historical origins of the noun phrase connective n(y)e in Akan. It suggests that Akan patterns with other sub-saharan African languages such as Ewe, Ga, Yoruba and Hausa, which have noun phrase connectives originating from comitative verbs. This suggestion is based on the morpho-semantics of these connectives. In addition, the paper demonstrates that the origin of the connective n(y)e could be further traced to an equative copula in the language. This conclusion is based on syntactic and semantic evidence available in the language and strengthened by the cross-linguistic tendency for copula verbs to develop into noun phrase connectives in a number of unrelated languages.

The Final-over-Final Condition has emerged as a robust and explanatory generalization for a wide range of phenomena (Biberauer, Holmberg, and Roberts 2014, Sheehan et al. 2017). In this article, we argue that it also holds in another domain, nominalization. In languages that show overt nominalization of VPs, one word order is routinely unattested, namely, a head-initial VP with a suffixal nominalizer. This typological gap can be accounted for by the Final-over-Final Condition, if we allow it to hold within mixed extended projections. This view also makes correct predictions about agentive nominalizations and nominalized serial verb constructions.

In this paper, we analyze the clitic YUM (< ‘thing’) in Khalkha Mongolian which, in different syntactic contexts, reinforces assertiveness or expresses different shades of presumption or presupposition. The former holds for declaratives where the presence of YUM conveys the speaker’s strong subjective commitment. In question clauses, YUM is used to indicate the speaker’s subjective and often strong guess, sometimes to the point that the speaker presupposes that the proposition actually obtains. In subordinate clauses, YUM may fulfill the same function or serve as a structurally necessary nominalizer for adjectival predicates without introducing any semantic opposition. In declaratives marked as immediately perceived, YUM conveys inference via assumptive reasoning. We thus analyze YUM as a marker of subjective speaker conviction that within the Khalkha Mongolian declarative system is opposed to both simple factuality and overt evidential marking.

The paper deals with the internal syntactic structure of deverbal -nje nominals in Serbian. The tests from the licensing of event-related modifiers (by-phrases and instrumental DPs) support the hypothesis that -nje nominals are derived from passive participles by adding the suffix -je (Marvin 2002; Simonović & Arsenijević 2014). Building on Simonović & Arsenijević (2014), I further observe that the licensing of referential and non-referential event modifiers exhibits a complex set of correlations with the aspectual properties of the base, phonological faithfulness to the base, and semantic compositionality. Semantic opacity and phonological unfaithfulness do not always go hand in hand, and I treat them as two separate components of a process of lexicalization, which is syntactically constrained (Marantz 1997). I argue that the presence of full VoiceP structure including a v 0 referring to an event diagnosed by the licensing of referential event modifiers (Alexiadou et al. 2014) constitutes a phase, which blocks lexicalization. This structure is present in -nje nominals derived from secondary imperfectives, which always license referential event modifiers and exhibit semantic compositionality and phonological unfaithfulness. Smaller structures derived from perfectives or primary imperfectives do not license referential event modifiers (hence, they do not constitute a full phase), which is what makes them susceptible to lexicalization.

Balkan varieties of Turkic, particularly those on the periphery of the Turkic spread area in the region, such as Gagauz and West Rumelian Turkish, are commonly observed to have head-initial verb phrases. Based on a wide survey, this paper attempts a more precise description of the pattern of VP directionality across Balkan Turkic and shows that there is considerable variation in how prevalent VX order is, a pattern that turns out to be more complex than the previous descriptions suggest: Two spectrums of directionality can be discerned between XV and VX orders, contingent upon type of the dependent of the verb and dialect locale. The paper also explores the grammatical causes underlying this shift in constituent order. First, VX order seems to be dependent upon whether a clause is nominal or not. Nonfinite clauses of the nominal type have XV order across Balkan Turkic, while finite clauses and nonfinite clauses of the converbial type show differing degrees of VX order depending on type of dependent and geographical location. Second, VX order appears to be an outcome of verb movement to the left of the dependent in finite clauses and nonfinite clauses of the converbial type, rather than head parameter shift., Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Philosophische Reihe; 184

Two 2nd person verbal indexation forms are reconstructed back to Proto-Trans-Himalayan (PTH): a suffix #-n(a) (Bauman 1975; DeLancey 1989, 2014; H. Sun 1983, 1995; van Driem 1993; Watters 2002), and a prefix #tV- (Watters 2002; Jacques 2012; DeLancey 2011a, 2014). While #-n(a) is in paradigmatic distribution with other suffixal forms, the prefixal position of #tV-raises the question of its functional origin. DeLancey (2011a, 2014: 23) suggests hypothetically that #tV- finds its origin either in a non-finite nominalization or in an irrealis nominalization, “ideal for an impersonal 2nd person use: ‘One might [speak]’ rather than ‘You will [speak].’” Through the comparison of cognate tV- possessive and tV- nominalizer prefixes found in rGyalrongic, Kuki-Naga (Ao), and Sinitic, I propose that 2nd person #tV- can be traced back to a nominal possessive modifier such as one’s or someone’s: a man-type of R-impersonals (Malchukov & Siewierska 2011). Spreading to verbs, #tV- was used as a nominalizer indexing the notional S or A argument. With nouns and verbs alike, the referent of the possessor, whether 1st, 2nd, or 3rd person, was specific (Siewierska 2011: 62), accessible in discourse, anaphorically or deictically, regardless of the presence of a coreferential overt noun-phrase. The prefix #tV- started to be used in particular to address 2nd person indirectly, a development likely triggered by pragmatic motivations, i.e. politeness, before being reanalyzed as a 2nd person indexation marker.

This paper considers the encoding of processes in five physical sciences research articles. Processes may be encoded as finite verbs, non-finite verb forms or as nominalizations. Relational process is the most common process type for finite verbs, followed by mental process as the second most common type, with mathematical processes forming an important subgroup within this type. Mental process is the most common type for non-finite verb forms, and material process the most common type for nominalizations. Viewing this from the point of view of the processes themselves, material processes have a strong chance of being encoded as nominalizations, and relational processes of being encoded as finite verbs. For mental cognitive processes, there is a reasonably strong chance of them being encoded as finite verbs, with non-finite forms being a second preference. For mental mathematical processes, non-finite forms would provide the first preference with finite verbs being a second choice. These findings are important for non-anglophone researchers and students hoping to publish their results in English.

We investigate optional predicate agreement in Santiago Tz’utujil (Mayan). Several generalizations emerge: (i) inanimate arguments base-generated as complements control agreement optionally; (ii) some animate arguments base-generated as complements control agreement optionally; (iii) all arguments base-generated as specifiers control full agreement obligatorily. We propose that two conditions must be met for the operation Agree to succeed, resulting in the exponence of all the features of the agreement controller. First, a goal must be visible (bear the right feature). Second, a goal must be accessible (be in the right structural position). If one or both conditions are not met, Agree fails, but the derivation converges and 3sg agreement is exponed. While Agree is deterministic, surface optionality arises when the operation fails. We use optional agreement to diagnose the syntactic structure of understudied constructions in Mayan (nominalizations, Agent Focus). We discuss microvariation, highlighting methodological considerations that arise when assuming an I-language approach.

This paper addresses a fundamental problem of derivational morphology: which meanings are possible for the words of a given morphological category, which forms can be chosen to express a given meaning, and what is the role of the base in these mappings of form and meaning? In a broad empirical study we examine the extent to which two types of nominalizations in English – conversion nouns and -ing nominalizations – can express either eventive or referential readings, can be quantified as either count or mass, and can be based on verbs of particular aspectual classes (state, activity, accomplishment, achievement, semelfactive). Past literature (for example, Grimshaw 1990 Brinton 1995, 1998 Borer 2013) has suggested an association between conversion nominalization, count quantification, and referential reading on the one hand, and between -ing nominalization, mass quantification and eventive reading on the other. Using a subset of the data reported in Andreou & Lieber (2020), we give statistical evidence that the relationship between morphological form, type of quantification, and aspectual class of base verb is neither categorical, as the literature suggests, nor completely free, but rather is probabilistic. We provide both a univariate analysis and a multivariate analysis (using conditional inference trees) that show that the relationship among the variables of morphological form, eventivity, quantification and aspectual class of base is complex. Tendencies sometimes go in the direction suggested by past literature (e.g. -ing forms tend to be eventive), but sometimes contradict past predictions (conversion also tends to be eventive). We also document that an important role is played by the specific verb underlying the nominalization rather than the aspectual class of verb. Finally, we consider what the pattern of polysemy that we uncover suggests with respect to theoretical modeling, looking at syntactic models (Distributed Morphology), lexical semantic models (the Lexical Semantic Framework), Analogical Models, and Distributional Semantics.

Language and politics go hand in hand and learning and comprehending political genre is to learn a language created for codifying, extending and transmitting political discourse in any text/talk. Drawing upon the theoretical framework of Fairclough’s CDA and Rhetoric, the current study aims at investigating Donald Trump’s First Speech, from the point of frequency and functions of some rhetorical strategies (Parallelism, Anaphora and the Power of Three, Antithesis and Expletive, etc.), Nominalization, Passivization, We-groups and Modality as well as Lexical and Textual Analysis, presented to the UN delivered on Sep. 19, 2017. Specifically, the study seeks to determine: (1) how President Trump succeeded in conveying his notions and assumptions to his intended audience, and in convincing and negotiating, (2) how he attempted to explicitly and implicitly pass his attitudes on his targets, and (3) how those orientations, intended notions and assumptions were seamlessly presented to his addressees in discoursal and lexico-grammatical levels; (4) and finally in this underlying trend how he achieved his own ends. The results of the study hope to enhance reading comprehension and writing in academic registers for EFL/ESL students.

Although SAY-complementizers have been extensively documented, the question of the forms used in this function and their specific properties has received less attention. The paper focuses on the complementizer tenine (an action nominalization of SAY), which is used with communicative reception verbs (‘hear’, ‘read’, etc.), in a dialect of Chuvash (Turkic). The main puzzle concerns the difference between tenine and the more general complementizer teze (the same-subject converb of SAY) with respect to the controller of shifted first person (namely, teze, but not tenine, disallows non-subject controllers). An account of this restriction based on three independent language-specific constraints is offered. An alternative account is discussed whereby tenine (and teze) are synchronically non-finite forms of SAY. The findings highlight the importance of the form of the complementizer as well as of the choice of controller for shifted 1st person in SAY-based complementation and extend the typological parameters of indexical shift.

IGM (ideational grammatical metaphor) is frequently used in English textbooks, the application of which may influence learners’ proper understanding. The present paper conducts an empirical research on the application of IGM in three English textbooks for English learners of different levels in China including junior high school, senior high school and college with a view to exploring the rate and tendency of IGM application at different levels. It is found that IGM is favored in all the textbooks and nominalization ranks the first among other types of IGM. Besides, the higher the learning level is, the more frequently IGM is used. These findings suggest that the use of IGM in the investigated textbooks turned to be appropriate for EFL learners across three different levels.

In this study, I revisit the claim that nominals denoting complex events must derive from discernible verbal stems and must be headed by an overt nominalizer. I show that Turkish has a set of nominals, crucially of foreign origin, which provides counter-evidence to both claims. From the perspective of Turkish grammar, they are morphologically noncompositional, manifesting neither a detectable verbal basis nor an overt nominalizer although they are categorically complex event nominals. Since (zero-)derived nominals of Turkic origin do not allow argument structure, the puzzling makeup of underived complex event nominals in question boils down to their loan word nature. I show that their behavior is different from both derived nominals as well as gerundive nominals in important ways. I claim that they are defective nominalizations lacking an nP representation. After reviewing previous accounts of these nominals, I consider three syntactic approaches to word derivation, which differ in their theoretical assumptions only in granularity, and conclude that the Spanning approach of Bye and Svenonius provides us with a conceptually superior account.

This contribution addresses the general theme of Multifunctionality and syncretism in non-finite forms. When we see a particular form in a number of different environments yielding different effects, what does it mean to say that this reflects multifunctionality rather than syncretism? As a refinement of multifunctionality the notion of ‘multi-effectuality’ is introduced: one element participates in different derivations, performing one and the same operation, but yields different interpretive effects depending on the environment. The analysis takes as a starting point the role of the affix -en in Dutch. The canonical view is that when attached to a verb stem, -en functions either as an infinitival marker or as a nominalizing affix. It is shown that this view cannot be maintained. The “functions” of -en are unified by analyzing it as projecting an ‘eventuality expression’, with different effects depending on the syntactic environment. The analysis is extended to English, focusing on the contrasts between Dutch and English infinitives and on the role of the English -ing affix in gerunds and participles. The discussion proceeds with an analysis of Frisian with its two forms of the infinitive and concludes with some reflections on the relation between syntactic and semantic categories.

Resumen Si bien existen estudios sobre recursos discursivos y léxico-gramaticales utilizados en explicaciones producidas por escolares, menos investigación se ha desarrollado en español sobre estos en géneros disciplinares escritos por estudiantes de educación primaria. En el presente artículo, se describen, comparan y relacionan la organización discursiva, los recursos asociados a la escritura (longitud medida en cantidad de palabras y cláusulas, diversidad léxica y complejidad sintáctica( y aquellos recursos específicos del lenguaje académico (vocabulario académico, vocabulario científico, nominalizaciones y nexos causales( presentes en explicaciones científicas producidas por estudiantes chilenos de 4( básico de tres colegios pertenecientes a distintos grupos socioeconómicos. Se transcribieron y analizaron 326 explicaciones usando CLAN (Computerized Language Analysis) para las medidas automáticas y semiautomáticas. Las explicaciones se compararon de acuerdo a las siguientes variables: sexo, grupo socioeconómico y tema de la explicación. Para el análisis de datos se aplicaron pruebas t y ANOVA multifactorial. Los hallazgos de esta investigación dan cuenta de diferencias significativas en el uso de distintos recursos lexicogramaticales al ser comparados según las variables mencionadas. Respecto a la organización discursiva, las explicaciones producidas por los estudiantes integran afirmaciones, pero no evidencias, siendo esta última la fase discursiva que distingue este género disciplinar. En consecuencia, la presente investigación releva la necesidad de diseñar propuestas de enseñanza que promuevan el desarrollo de habilidades de escritura epistémica en el contexto escolar para así fomentar el aprendizaje del lenguaje académico y de la literacidad disciplinar.

This paper investigates two instances of alignment change, both of which resulted from reanalysis of a nominalized embedded clause type, in which the external argument was marked with genitive case and the internal argument was focused. We show that a subject marked with genitive case in the early development of Austronesian languages became ergative-marked when object relative clauses in cleft constructions were reanalyzed as transitive root clauses. In contrast to this, the genitive case in Old Japanese nominalized clauses, marking an external argument, was extended to mark all subjects. This occurred after adnominal clauses were reanalyzed as root clauses. Japanese underwent one more step in order for genitive to be reanalyzed as nominative: the reanalysis of impersonal psych transitive constructions as intransitives. With these two case studies of Austronesian and Japanese, we show that reanalysis of nominalization goes in either direction, ergative or accusative, depending on the syntactic conditions involved in the reanalysis.

In most Arawak languages, obligatorily possessed nouns are bound forms. They have to be accompanied by a possessor. If the possessor is unknown or irrelevant, the noun will take the non-specified possessor suffix. A suffix of the same segmental form occurs in deverbal nominalizations with unspecified arguments, or as a nominalizer on verbs. We hypothesise that the non-specified possessor suffix was originally a feature of obligatorily possessed nouns denoting body parts and a selection of culturally important items (including ‘house’) but not kinship terms. The common Arawak polysemy of a non-specified possessor marker and a nominalizer, reconstructible for the proto-language, appears to be cross-linguistically rare.

Nivacle, a Mataco-Mataguayan language of the South American Chaco, exhibits right branching syntax often involving determiners. The determiners express visibility, proximity, existence, have temporal implications, and mark abstract referents and nominalized clauses. This paper proposes that headless relative clauses arose by using determiners in grammatical nominalization via an amalgam source construction, while a certain complement clause structure may have arisen by using a determiner as a cataphoric pronoun before a co-referent clause. As background for the historical argument, we first introduce the determiners and predicating versus referring expressions. We then discuss the role of the determiners in grammatical nominalization to create headless relatives, and then the complement clause structure headed by ka=. Employing comparative Mataguayan data, we propose historical scenarios that may have yielded the two constructions.

This autosegmental analysis of Kabiye verbal derivations and inflections demonstrates that tone patterns on adjectives and locative nominalizations are not the underlying forms of verb roots, as claimed by previous researchers, because they are in complementary distribution. Rather, verb roots are analyzed as being underlyingly /H, L/, and two additional morphological elements – verbal extensions and TAM prefixes – both reveal a ternary /H, -L, -∅/ contrast. In toneless extensions, this resolves an adjacency issue with regard to polarity of the TAM suffix, while the three floating tonal TAM prefixes either block, pre-empt or permit L tone spread from the subject pronoun onto the stem. The result is an integrated analysis of derivational and inflectional forms that dovetails with a previous analysis of the associative noun phrase.

This paper focuses on two corpora of headlines and subheadings from news articles about the coronavirus, published in China Daily (CD) and in The Wall Street Journal (WSJ) between January 7 and February 8, 2020. Applying Conceptual Metaphor Theory (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980) and Systemic Functional Linguistics, particularly the nominalization framework (Halliday, 1997/2004) and Appraisal (Martin & White, 2005), the paper explores how the virus and actions taken against it are framed in the corpora through the use of metaphors, nominalizations, and evaluative language in general. Results highlight similarities in the metaphorical conceptualization of the virus/disease in the corpora, but also key differences in terms of framing. In China Daily , metaphor and nominalization function to frame the situation and the actions taken in mainly positive terms; conversely, in WSJ , the emerging outlook is predominantly pessimistic. The conclusive section takes stock of such differences, also in the light of the socio-cultural contexts in which they are embedded. Finally, remarks are made about the usefulness of the proposed theoretical and methodological approach, the main advantages being the holistic perspective on textual data emerging from the combination of metaphor and nominalization analysis – as the two phenomena often work synergistically – and systematicity brought about by integrating the appraisal framework into metaphor studies. At the textual and contextual level, the relevance of the findings lies in their contribution to a deeper understanding of different national responses, and their media representation, at the onset of the coronavirus crisis.

In A Corpus-Based Study of Nominalizations Predicated by English Deverbal Nouns in -tion, Michal Szawerna presents the results of his PhD research on -tion nominalizations. Szawerna’s approach is couched in the Cognitive Grammar framework as developed primarily by Langacker (1987 and 1991) and fits in with the traditional approach to nominalization in that it is essentially word-based (i.e. it focuses on the word level rather than on the nominalized NP as a whole or the discourse context in which it functions). As in most traditional analyses of nominalization, Szawerna takes the lexical-descriptive and aspectual properties of the base verb as starting point (described in cognitive terms) and then attempts to capture the distinct ‘profiles’ of the derivations in -tion in a schematic network of interrelated meanings. Since there are relatively few publications that have nominalizations as their sole focus (other monographs on nominalization are Marchand 1969; Heyvaert 2003; Nordrum 2007) and even fewer that consider derived nouns in -ion, Szawerna’s book is a welcome addition to the literature. Unfortunately, the carefulness with which the author tackles the issue is obscured by the book’s heavy-going style, long-winded explanations, repetitions and extensive use of abbreviations and cognitive terminology. The overall structure of the book, with only three chapters, two of which take up more than 100 pages, moreover makes for hard reading. Those willing to work their way through it, however, will find a rich overview of subtypes of -ion nominalizations and a serious attempt to map out the semantic intricacies of the -ion nominalization system.

The paper presents the results of a study investigating a possible influence of the viewpoint (perfective vs. imperfective) and lexical (telic vs. atelic) aspect of Polish verbs on the countability of eventive nominalizations (substantiva verbalia) derived from these verbs. Polishsubstantiva verbaliapreserve many properties of the base verbs, including the eventive meaning and aspectual morphology. Native speakers of Polish rated the acceptability of nominalizations in count and mass contexts. An effect of both viewpoint and lexical aspect was found in mass contexts, where aspectually delimited (perfective, accomplishment) nominalizations were less acceptable than non-delimited (imperfective, state) nominalizations. In count contexts, only an effect of the lexical aspect was clearly present, with accomplishment nominalizations being more acceptable than state nominalizations. The nominalizations were overall rated as more natural in mass than count constructions, regardless of the aspect. The results indicate that aspect plays a role in establishing the countability of a word, but it does not fully determine it.

Although K’iche’ (Mayan) has most of the usual interrogative wh-expressions (ones corresponding to ‘who’, ‘what’, ‘where’, etc.), it lacks one corresponding to English ‘how’ and must therefore use ...

The present study investigated the canonical position of instrumental and locative adverbial phrases in both Japanese sentences and noun phrases to determine whether the canonical positions are parallel. A series of sentence/phrase decision tasks were used to compare sentences with different word-orders, including sentences with SAdvOV (S is subject phrase, Adv adverb, O object phrase and V verb), AdvSOV, SAdvOV and SOAdvV word orders. SAdvOV word order was found to be the most quickly processed, for both instrumental adverbial (Experiment 1) and locative adverbial phrases (Experiment 2). Thus, the canonical position for these adverbial phrases is identified as the position immediately preceding the object (Theme argument). This finding was replicated when the same experimental methods were applied to event-denoting noun phrases. Adverbial adjuncts in the initial position (AdvON, N is noun phrase) were processed more quickly and accurately than noun phrases with adverbial phrases in the second position (OAdvN), for both instrumental adverbial (Experiment 3) and locative adverbial phrases (Experiment 4). Therefore, the position immediately preceding the object is the canonical position for both instrumental and locative adverbial phrases in sentences and in noun phrases. In conclusion, this indicates that the base structure of a sentence is shared by its related noun phrase.

The Latin dominant participle construction poses a challenge for syntactic and semantic analysis due to its exhibiting an apparent syntax–semantics mismatch. Its syntactic behaviour and distribution is determined by a nominal phrase fronted to its left periphery, yet interpretive properties indicate that it is a propositional structure subject to nominalization. With the Minimalist Program of Chomsky (1993, 1995) as the framework of analysis, it is argued that taking into account the dynamics of syntactic operations as envisaged in Chomsky (2013b, 2015) and related work is sufficient to provide an account of syntactic and semantic properties of the dominant participle construction without positing construction–specific rules or covert syntactic nominalizers.

This article explores grammatical and functional properties of mi-nominalizations in Japanese Wakamono Kotoba ‘youth language.’ In the standard variety, the suffix -mi nominalizes an adjective stem: fuka-mi ‘deep-nmlz’ (= ‘profoundness’). This suffix is also used in youth language, but its productivity has expanded considerably. To mention a few, -mi applies to not only an adjective (stem) but also a verb, a noun, a pronoun, their phrasal counterparts, and even an onomatopoeia. We claim that these properties of -mi are flexibly captured in the framework of nominalization recently proposed by Masayoshi Shibatani. This framework leads us to describe further unique properties of mi-nominalization, such as “double nominalization” where an already-nominalized form undergoes a further nominalization process and the “sentential use” of a nominalized structure where a nominalized element functions as a sentence, with which an illocutionary speech act is performed.

It is noticeable that the academic papers written by Chinese English learners are lacking in academic features largely due to their poor ability to use nominalization. Therefore, the instruction of nominalization in an academic English writing course is badly needed. The author conducted one-semester-long instruction of nominalization to 90 non-English majors under the guidance of the production-oriented approach (POA). This research demonstrated how to apply POA, specifically, the enabling procedure to the teaching of nominalization. By triangulating the data of students’ interviews, learning journals and written output, and the data of 4 teachers’ class observations and interviews, this study found that the accurate application of the three criteria of effective enabling contributed to the improvement of the quantity and quality of nominalization in academic writing.

Despite extensive research on Ryukyuan languages, relatively few attempts have been made to describe Ryukyuan nominalization. This paper sets out the agenda for exploring Ryukyuan nominalization with special reference to Yoron Ryukyuan, which, we propose, has four nominalizers: -si, hutu, munu, and Ø (zero). We divide nominalization into GB (Gap-Based) and GL (Gap-Less) nominalization. Firstly, -si is the most productive; it realizes GB/GL nominalization and derives clefts, relatives, and stance constructions. Secondly, hutu is less productive; its use in GB nominalization is restricted, and it derives only stance constructions. Thirdly, munu is viewed as a formal noun in that it encodes the general meaning ‘person, thing’ and usually requires a modifying element. Finally, Ø is the least productive, found only in fixed constructions. Based on these observations, we propose a non-discrete view of nominalizer and formal noun and a cline of their productivity.

When a clause like glass cracks more quickly is rankshifted and nominalized as glass crack growth rate, ideational grammatical metaphor (IGM) occurs. However, embedded clauses (e.g. the fact that it had been shown to be a forgery ruined his argument) are also rankshifted and nominalized, but they cannot be regarded as IGMs. This issue of embedding has tended to be relatively under studies within the theory of systemic functional linguistics (SFL). In order to tackle this issue, we propose a principle (i.e. the full realization principle, FRP) which operates in parallel with the principle of rankshift for the identification of IGMs. Under the FRP principle, a nominalization may be full, intermediate or raw in realization, but only the full nominalization which is compressed both in meaning and form can be regarded as IGM. As a necessary supplement to the rankshift principle, FRP helps distinguish nominalizations which are IGMs from those which are not, and the issue of embedding will not be a problem any longer. This in turn offers a new perspective to the categorization of nominalization in general.

Languages of the Arandic subgroup of Pama-Nyungan languages of Australia have developed markers of aspect from a variety of sources, including verb phrases with stance auxiliaries and reduplicated forms. Other origins involve nominalised verb forms and the refunctionalisation of tense suffixes. Some unusual diachronic developments have to do with interactions between aspectual markers and those of the highly developed verbal category of associated motion. There are shifts in both directions – from aspectual to associated motion values as well as extension of associated motion to aspectual meanings. All the posited diachronic changes are inferred by means of reconstruction, since there is virtually no corpus of documents from which changes in real time can be traced.

The present study aimed at exploring how research article writers from two academic disciplines exploit phrasal complexity features (PCFs) to verbalize the results sections of research articles with the eventual aim of assisting advanced EFL writers with their composition strategies. To this end, following a manual search, 200 empirical research articles in the fields of Applied Linguistics and Physics were comparatively examined. Due to the low rate of success of tagging programs in identifying the occurrences of PCFs, the datasets were also manually analyzed. The results revealed that the research article writers drew upon three high-frequency phrasal complexity features, namely, pre-modifying adjectives, post-modifying prepositional phrases, and nominalizations. The study also revealed that the results sections of research articles included different amounts of exceedingly complex patterns of pre-modification, a hybrid of novel appositive structures, and great reliance on hyphenated adjectives. Overall, we believe that these findings can be used to heighten the awareness of academic writers and instructors regarding the linguistic characteristics of academic writing and of the variations of how such phrasal features of compression are constructed in different academic subjects.

This paper examines nominalisation in scientific discourse in English, focusing on a distinction between what I will refer to as ‘live’ and ‘dead’ grammatical metaphors. Live metaphors refer to a nominal realisation of an ideational discourse semantic figure; dead metaphors are found in the same nominalisations as live metaphors, but they realise an entity rather than a figure. The distinction is made by drawing on a tristratal approach that is informed by Systemic Functional Linguistics and that considers nominalisation simultaneously from the perspectives of field, discourse semantics, and lexicogrammar. Although the paper focuses on nominalisation, it illustrates a broader line of argumentation that can be extended to the analysis of ideational discourse semantic meanings in general.

The development of synthetic compounds with deverbal heads in German, namely nominalizations with ung (such as Kindererziehung ‘child education’) and the nominalized infinitive (such as Eierlegen ‘laying of eggs’) has not been studied for language acquisition, due to their late emergence and the poor documentation in later acquisition stages. The historical emergence of synthetic compounding has had little attention. Our aim is to bring together both ‘emergence-driven’ perspectives for investigating what formal properties of synthetic compounding can be observed from the perspective of the most frequent nominalization patterns of present-day German for abstract nouns. The theoretical comparison shows that both developments (child language development and the historical development) display an increase in morphological complexity: while both kinds of nominalizations start with simple verbs, prefix and particle verbs follow. In a next step, the nominalization patterns are widened in favor of complex bases.

This study examines complex nominalizations in Turkish and proposes formal analyses within a modular grammar where autonomous components operate interactively. The complex nominalizations with the -DIK and -mA suffixations in Turkish have also drawn interest, with a focus on their semantics, in previous studies, and they have been contrasted via the +factive (-DIK) vs. –factive (-mA) features. Csató (1990) and Taylan (1998) consider the two type of nominalizations in terms of +/–indicative and point to a relation between the nominalizations and modality & mood marking. Supporting the contrast which is based on mood, the present study argues that a structural difference underlies it. The study proposes two distinct structures: one for the -DIK type, in which the nominalizer is suffixed to a syntactic unit, and one for the -mA type, in which the nominalizer is suffixed to a verb stem. Treating -DIK as derivational, the study shows that a derivational process may also mark a mood value just like inflectional processes with tense, aspect and person information. The study also illustrates morphological creativity and that morphology can output not only lexeme formations or inflections but highly complex, intermediate units as well. The study refers also to the functional structure (cf. LFG) in the modular grammars: The complex nominalizations and the grammatical relations that they involve indicate that the subject is more restricted than the object and that the active subject is more restricted than the passive subject in Turkish. The study concludes that encoding a mood value is closely related to including a subject for a linguistic unit., Bu çalışma, Türkçede karmaşık adlaşmalarayapısal çözümlemeler sunmakta ve çok birimli, özerk bileşenli bir dilbilgisimodeli önermektedir. Türkçede -DIK ve-mA adlaşmaları önceki çalışmalara dakonu olmuş, anlamsal açıdan incelenmiş, +olgusal (-DIK) ve -olgusal (-mA)olarak ayırt edilmiştir. Csató (1990) ve Taylan (1998), adlaşmaları +/- bilgisellik açısındandeğerlendirerek, kip/kiplik ulamlarıyla ilişkilendirmiştir. Bu çalışma, kipsel ayrımıdesteklemekle birlikte, dayanağının farklı yapısal kurulumlar olduğunusavunmaktadır. Çalışma, iki ayrı türetim önermektedir: yantümceleyen -DIK türü ve süreçsel adlaşma üreten -mA türü. -DIK’ı türetimsel değerlendiren çalışma, Türkçede türetimsel birsürecin de, zaman-görünüş-kişi içeren çekimsel süreçlerde olduğu gibi, kipdeğeri kodlayabileceği sonucuna ulaşmaktadır. Ayrıca, biçimbilimsel işlemlerinyaratıcılığı ve sözlükbirimler dışında da karmaşık/anlık çıktılar sağlayabildiğiörneklenmektedir. Dil dizgesindeki işlevsel yapıya (krş. LFG) ait sonuçlar davardır: Karmaşık adlaşmalar ve tümcesel işlevleri, Türkçede özne işlevininnesneden ve etken çatıdaki öznenin de edilgen çatıdaki özneden daha kısıtlıolduğunu ve kip kodlamanın, biryapının özne içermesiyle bağlantılıolduğunu ortaya çıkarmaktadır.

In this paper, I argue that mass deadjectival nominalizations like belleza ‘beauty’ encode imperfective states, which explains why they are compatible with temporal modifiers, but not with aspectual ones. In contrast to what is claimed in Fabregas & Marin (2012), this paper provides empirical evidence that Spanish nominalizations can encode not only information related to lexical aspect (i.e. (a)telicity), but also information related to viewpoint aspect (i.e. (im)perfectivity). My analysis is based on Anderson's & Morzycki's (2015) model on gradability, in which gradable adjectives express states and degrees are derived from state-kinds, which allows accounting for the properties of mass deadjectival nominalizations compositionally, insofar as they inherit the adjectival properties.

Kurtöp (Tibeto-Burman; Bhutan) has a rich set of finite verbal suffixes which encode evidentiality, mirativity, and egophoricity. This article examines the origins of these suffixes in a typological context, showing how many of them have developed via recent grammaticalizations. Synchronic processes of nominalization and clause-chaining have provided the ideal syntactic contexts for these grammaticalizations to take place. Many of the grammaticalization pathways found here are shown to be typologically common, such as ‘give’ becoming an applicative. We find one suffix, the egophoric, which is an obvious borrowing. Based on the data presented here, this article puts forth the tentative hypothesis that due to principles of iconicity, miratives will tend to be recent grammaticalizations. Similarly, the fact that the Kurtöp egophoric has been borrowed is also, arguably, iconic.

In the paper we argue that the English VP/NP structures in (i) a-d have exact counterparts in the i(ranian)Persian PP/NP structures in (ii) a-d, where P1-P3 are three different classes of iPersian Ps and where -EZ is the so-called “Ezafe” morpheme. (i. a) John [VP destroy the evidence] “Pure VP”; (i. b) John -’s [NP destroying the evidence] Nominalized VP; (i. c) John -’s [NP destroying of the evidence] Nominalized V; (i. d) John -’s [NP destruction of the evidence] Deverbal N; (ii. a) NP [PP P1 NP] “Pure PP”; (ii. b) NP -Ez [NP P2 NP] Nominalized PP; (ii. c) NP -Ez [NP P2 -Ez NP] Nominalized P; (ii. d) NP -Ez [NP P3 -Ez NP] “Deprepositional” N. The notion “nominalization” is thus shown to be relevant to both of the lexical categories - V and P - identified by Chomsky (1974) as [-N]. Our demonstration proceeds in three steps: 1) We establish a common syntactic function for English -’s/of and iPersian -EZ, viz., case-assignment, following Samiian 1994; Karimi and Brame 1986/2012; Larson and Samiian 2020; 2) We argue for a shared cross-categorial structure for VP-PP, developing proposals by Jackendoff 1973; van Riemsdijk 1990; Svenonius 2003. We show that if Jackendoff’s (1977) “scopal nominalization” analysis of gerunds is extended to iPersian PPs, the parallelism in (i) and (ii) is accounted for; 3) We show that the full extension of nominalization to iPersian PPs suggests a more general view of nominalization than has been recognized previously, viz., a “split-feature” view of category specification. This has a variety of implications, which we briefly explore.

1. On (non-)finiteness1 Indo-Europeanist tradition: a morphological distinction between verbal forms with personal endings (verbum finitum) and forms without such endings (verbum infinitum), cf. Brugmann (1892: 836–837); Meier-Brugger (2003: 184); Koptjevskaja-Tamm (1999: 146). However, already the Neogrammarians were aware of the fact that the morphological dichotomy does not exactly align with syntactic positions in which morphologically finite and non-finite verbal forms occur: “[...] zwischen verbum finitum und verbum infinitum insofern keine scharfe Grenze zu ziehen ist, als Formen des letzteren dieselbe Function bekamen, die die Formen mit echter Personalendung hatten” (Brugmann 1892: 842). In recent typological work (Kalinina 1998, Givon 2001: Ch. 18; Cristofaro 2003, 2007; Nikolaeva 2007, 2013; Creissels 2009), the notion of finiteness is usually treated as gradual and multifactorial rather than binary. It has to do with the degree of similarity of a given verbal form (or construction) to the prototypical independent action clause resp. its bearing some properties characteristic of nominals (cf. the notion of “nominalization scale”, Lehmann 1988; Malchukov 2004). Those typologists, who, like Bisang (2001, 2007), maintain a binary conception of finiteness having to do with the grammaticalization of the independent status of predication, explicity state that the notion is not universal: “If a language has an overt morphosyntactic marker from which the human parser can derive the independent status of a grammatical structure that language makes a finite/nonfinite distinction” (Bisang 2007: 116). In formal (e.g. generative) theories, (non-)finiteness is not an elementary notion, either, but is based on such independently motivated and not necessarily intercorrelated features as subject agreement, independent temporal interpretation, information-structure related left periphery, etc. (see e.g. Wurmbrand 2001; Landau 2004; Adger 2007). The “canonical” approach (Corbett 2005, Brown et al. 2013): – independent criteria converging on the “canonical ideal” of a phenomenon; – logically possible deviations from the “canon” structuring the typological space; – both language-particular and cross-linguistic insights possible. Criteria of “canonical” finiteness (Nikolaeva 2013): morphology C-1: tense marking > no tense marking C-2: subject agreement > no subject agreement C-3: mood and/or illocutionary force marking > no such marking C-4: politeness marking > no politeness marking C-5: evidential marking > no evidential marking

The paper deals with derivational processes: meaning and syntactic functions of deverbal nouns in the literary and spoken Evenki. Three affixes are considered: -kīt (nominalization with the meaning of the place of the action, or of an abstract action), -ďĀk (nominalization with the meaning of the place of the action), and -wūn (derived nouns with -wūn have the meaning of the result of the action, of the instrument, an abstract noun meaning, etc.). It is mentioned in grammars and vocabularies that -kīt shows a quite regular polysemy ‘place of action’ vs ‘abstract noun’; This polysemy is based on real uses in newspapers (the ‘abstract noun’ meanings found in the texts are often not listed in the dictionaries). The affix -ďĀk can have only the ‘place of action’ meaning in both written and spoken texts. The affix -wūn has a lot of nominal meaning; the ‘abstract noun’ meaning is found both in the literary and in the spoken language. This meaning is widely mentioned in dictionaries and grammars. All of the three affixes occur in the prenominal adjective / modifier position with the modification function. Cases of functioning of these three affixes as adjectives / modifiers are hardly mentioned in the dictionaries, and especially in the grammars, whereas you can find the nouns with -ďĀk, -kīt, -wūn in the noun modifier function in literary texts regularly. In this function, the nominalization loses important morphological properties of a noun, such as ability to bear a possessive or reflexive affix. The nominalization in the noun modifier position can optionally agree with the noun it modifies in case and/or number: this is a characteristic feature of Evenki adjectives. In spoken texts, we have found only ‑wūn nominals in the modifier position; overall, these nominals demonstrate case/gender agreement more often than nominals with -kīt and -ďĀk. We can conclude that the modifier use of deverbal nouns with -wūn and especially with -ďĀk and -kīt as adjectives is an innovation, and that the spoken Evenki preserves more archaic grammar rules than the newspaper (literary) language. These data also confirm the claims of G. M Vasilevich and I. Nikolaeva that nouns and adjectives are not two distinct categories in Evenki: they are not fully differentiated neither in the lexicon, nor in grammar. Not only a considerable amount of stems are, following G. M. Vasilevich, “undifferentiated”, or under-differentiated, but the number of such affixes is also increasing.

In the article the author attempts to describe the specificity of the modus frame of the academic texts analyzing the means of modus explication and modus subject explication. As the analysis shows, the modus in the academic text is almost always explicit – either in distinct explicit modus construction, or in incorporated constructions. Incorporation of the modus is very closely related to the author’s intention to impersonalize the academic narration, thus both intentions become combined into one – impersonalizing and incorporating strategy. Incorporation of the modus can be provided on the sentence level (nominalizations, authorization) and on the text one (transformation of the sentence model).

Word-formation rules of a generative type are insufficient to describe a mechanism which appears to be productive, on the one hand, but is also irregular in its productivity, on the other. Cognitive morphological accounts have stressed the importance of a wide range of more and less detailed schemas (rather than rules), sanctioning different kinds of novel formations. This article addresses the issue of morphological productivity in the context of the formation of abstract deverbal action nouns, also known as Nomina Actionis, with names of political states as derivational bases. The very number and variety of relevant lexicalized nominalizations as well as hapax legomena is impressive, which makes the phenomenon look productive. The data obtained from COCA and specialist literature show interesting tendencies and gaps in the system. Numerous nominalizations are motivated semantically and pragmatically and are sanctioned by local schemas.

Numerous studies have shown that Patient Information Leaflets (PILs) are generally difficult to understand for ordinary people and that this may be one of the reasons why a high percentage of patients fail to take their medication correctly. A study by Askehave and Zethsen (2002), based on textual analysis and relying on comprehensive extratextual procedural knowledge, has shown that translated Danish PILs were, without exception, more complex than their STs. But why is this so? One possible explanation could be that PILs are very frequently translated by pharmacists, who do not possess the linguistic tools and translational knowledge necessary for expert-to-layman translation or interlingual translation. This article reports on an empirical study that falls into two parts. The first aims to identify possible differences in the translations of these two types of translator in terms of lay-friendliness. The second aims to describe the nature of the differences found between these two types of translator, and discusses whether they could potentially be detrimental to lay-friendliness in PILs.

This article provides an empirical, usage-based account of the different aspects of morphological productivity of three Estonian deverbal suffixes: -mine, -us, and -ja, in five different registers. The fundamental quantitative measures developed by Baayen (1989, 1992, 1993) and his colleagues are applied to relatively small corpus samples in order to test how well these measures conform to the linguist’s intuition about the productivity of the derivation patterns under different communicative settings. The results suggest that while the sample size does affect the reliability of the results, the measures prove a useful approximation of productivity in different registers, even for samples with low token counts. Kokkuvõte. Maarja-Liisa Pilvik: Eesti keele deverbaalsufiksite -mine, -us ja -ja produktiivsuse võrdlus viies registris: kvantitatiivne kasutuspõhine lähenemine. Artikkel annab empiirilise, kasutuspõhise ülevaate kolme eesti keele deverbaalsufiksi – -mine, -us ja -ja – produktiivsusest viies eesti keele registris. Produktiivsuse eri aspekte näitlikustavad kvantitatiivsed mõõdikud (Baayen 1989, 1992, 1993), mis on leidnud morfoloogilise produktiivsuse uurimustes laialdast kasutust. Analüüsi tulemused näitavad, et selleks uurimuses kasutatud valimi võrdlemisi väike maht mõjutab mõnevõrra mõõdikute tõlgendamist ning nende usaldusväärsust. Samas haakuvad kvantitatiivse analüüsi tulemused hästi keeleteadlase intuitsiooniga ning kasutatud morfoloogilise produktiivsuse mõõdikud võivad seega olla eri registrite empiiriliseks võrdlemiseks kasulikud isegi siis, kui valimid on korpuslingvistilises mõistes väikesed.

This paper offers a principled account for the nominalizations of dispositional evaluative adjectives. On the descriptive side, the paper shows that (i) in addition to the largely studied deverbal nominalizations, certain deadjectival nominalizations can also refer to events; (ii) the types of adjectives that enable eventive denotation are of a specific sort, namely, those deriving from Dispositional Evaluative Adjectives (e.g., imprudent). At the theoretical level, this paper argues that (i) dispositional deadjectival nominalizations introduce an event description not in a head but in a specifier position, as their subject of predication; (ii) in order for a word to have functional structure of the sort associated to verbs, an event description is not enough: functional projections must form a head-sequence with the event-descriptive heads; without this configuration, the merge of a fully-fledged verbal functional structure is blocked, which explains the limitations regarding temporal modification; (iii) The event present in the dispositional deadjectival nominalizations is a partial event description consisting of a head referring to the Process subevent.

Tuparí, an indigenous Brazilian language of the Tupían family, has innovated a highlyproductive finite embedded clause construction that retains the morphosyntactic hallmarks of matrix clauses – without any neutralization in tense or evidentiality. I offer a synchronic analysis of these finite embedded clauses and propose a specific grammaticalization pathway that can account for their diachronic emergence: the clausal nominalizer hè developed out of a homophonous third person pronoun, allowing for paratactic constructions to be reanalyzed as involving true subordination. Both functions of hè (as a pronoun and as a clausal nominalizer) remain in use today, giving rise to occasional ambiguity. An additional aim of this paper is to evaluate the Tuparí facts in light of the literature on the Final-over-Final Condition (FOFC), a proposed syntactic universal. I will show that the language’s embedded clauses are unexpected on the most restrictive formulation of FOFC (Holmberg 2000) but can be accommodated without issue once FOFC is restricted to apply within Extended Projections. Situating Tuparí in the broader FOFC typology allows for a more fine-grained understanding of the distribution of the categorial features [+nominal] and [+verbal] in the language’s syntax.

This research aimed to describe women’s position in Prohaba Daily News texts based on Sara Mills and Theo van Leeuwen perspective of critical discourse analysis, especially the analysis of actor position, exclusion and inclusion. This is a descriptive qualitative research in which data were collected by documentation technique. The data were Prohaba Daily News texts during 2018. The data were analyzed using Sara Mills’ actor position analysis model and Theo van Leeuwen’s exclusion and inclusion analysis. Actor position analysis included subject position and object position. Exclusion analysis included the passivation, nominalization, and substitution of clauses. While the inclusion analysis included differentiation-indifferentiation, objectivity-abstraction, nomination-identification, nomination-categorization, determination-indetermination, assimilation-individualization, and association-disassociation. The results showed that Prohaba Daily News texts positioned female actors in subject and object position in their news texts. Women as non-marginalized subject found in three news texts. Women as non-marginalized objects found in two news texts. Women in the marginalized object position found in eight news texts. Marginalization was conducted by using exclusion and inclusion strategies. The exclusion strategy used includes the nomination and substitution of clauses. Inclusion strategies used were differentiation-indifferentiation, objectivity-abstraction, nomination-identification, nomination-categorization, and association-disassociation. In addition, the use of certain vocabularies can marginalize the position of women in the daily news text Prohaba.

espanolEn el discurso politico, el empleo de las nominalizaciones resulta llamativo por su alta frecuencia. En este articulo se presta atencion a la operacion linguistica de tomar un verbo y convertirlo en nombre, asi como a la transicion que transforma una oracion verbal compleja en un sintagma nominal. El interes por el estudio de las nominalizaciones, por una parte, reside en interpretar las caracteristicas de dichas nominalizaciones e ilustrar las razones por las que pueden convertirse en una peculiaridad linguistica llamativa del discurso politico; y por otra parte, consiste en investigar las diferencias de la nominalizacion entre el espanol y el chino desde el punto de vista gramatical, asi como la frecuencia o regularidad del uso de esta estrategia discursiva en discursos politicos. EnglishNominalization has been broadly used in political discourse, so it has attracted attention in linguistic research. This paper focuses on the research objects of the verb nominalization and the transition from verb sentence to nominal phrase. Related characteristics and innovation of nominalization research include: on the one hand, it interprets the linguistic characteristics and functions of so-called nominalization, and tries to illustrate why it can become one of the significant characteristics of political discourse; on the other hand, from the perspective of grammar, it studies the difference between Spanish and Chinese in nominalization, as well as the frequency and regularity of this discourse strategy being used in the political discourse.

In Northern Iroquoian languages, a nominalizer (nlzr) is typically required to transform a verb into a noun, either for noun incorporation or to create a full DP. In some cases, the nominalizer is required only for noun incorporation and not for the formation of a DP. Interestingly, the converse is never found. That is, there are no lexical roots that require the nominalizer for the formation of a DP, but not for noun incorporation. With this asymmetry in mind, we examine the categorial properties of roots in Northern Iroquoian. We discuss three common theories of the categorization of roots: (i) the traditional theory, in which all roots are specified as nouns or verbs (or adjectives for languages that have this category), (ii) the Bare Root Hypothesis, in which all roots are acategorial, and (iii), the Roots as Nouns Hypothesis, in which all roots are nouns. We show that the Northern Iroquoian facts are not amenable to any of these theories. We propose instead that some roots in Northern Iroquoian are categorially specified (some as nouns, some as verbs), while others are truly bare.