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This paper examines minority language education in the Dutch province of Fryslân from a rights-based approach. To conduct the analysis, we employed a qualitative (legal) content analysis. We explored minority language rights at different levels to answer the following question: To what extent are international and regional standards on minority-language education applied domestically to education in Frisian and through the medium of the Frisian language? We discuss the historical trends in the international community regarding minority-language education and elaborate specifically on the Netherlands’ shifting approach on the matter. Our analysis of international, regional, and domestic regulations shows that the issue of exemptions and the reduction in the Frisian core objectives have weakened the position of Frisian in education. Owing to the lack of proper implementation of the current regulations, the Netherlands has been deficient in fulfilling the right to mother-tongue education in Frisian primary schools. The analysis further shows that the Netherlands do not treat Frisian education as a right. Legal solutions to remedy this situation are discussed.

This article investigates the evolutionary and spatial dynamics of typological characters in 117 Indo-European languages. We partition types of change (i.e., gain or loss) for each variant according to whether they bring about a simplification in morphosyntactic patterns that must be learned, whether they are neutral (i.e., neither simplifying nor introducing complexity) or whether they introduce a more complex pattern. We find that changes which introduce complexity show significantly less areal signal (according to a metric we devise) than changes which simplify and neutral changes, but we find no significant differences between the latter two groups. This result is compatible with a scenario where certain types of parallel change are more likely to be mediated by advergence and contact between proximate speech communities, while other developments are due purely to drift and are largely independent of intercultural contact.

Since the 1970's, the study of contact-induced language change has been given new impulses by scholars who feel the need for a theoretical synthesis of the available data. The earlier lack of a systematization of the wide range of types and degrees of linguistic interference revealed in the large number of case studies, had led to several unwarranted generalizations on language changer geoetic affiliation and the impact of contact. In these generalizations, the assumption persisted that language contact is a rather exceptional phenomenon, or that in cases where it does occur it cannot have a really significant influence.2 While being based on too little evidence, this idea also follows from a standard structuralist belief in the stability and imperviousness of specific language systems. Thomason & Kaufman's Language contact, creolization, and genetic linguistics (1988) is without doubt one of the most valuable efforts to meet the mentioned need for an encompassing reconsideration of the data on language contact. In about the same period, but in a different corner of linguistics, a comparable kind of discomfort was felt. Mainly in the wake of the linguistic-philosophical tradition of speech act theory, linguists had turned to the study of language use, moving away from the dominant concentration on language as a structural system. The discipline they established was called 'pragmatics'. But 'pragmaticians' came to realize that pragmatics had developed into an extremely diversified tield of study, with a galaxy of phenomena within its scope. Indeed, pragmatics was expected to host all linguistic issues that could not be handled by tiaditional disciplines such as syntax and semantics. This wide diversity of phenomena to be covered inevitably went along with a high variety of methodological and terminological angles, with incomparability of the findings as

Sin1 先 as a function word in contemporary Cantonese encodes a number of grammatical and pragmatic meanings. As its most prominent feature in syntax, it predominantly occurs in the postverbal position while indicating the meaning of ‘first’. This paper explores the emergence of the postverbal sin1 先 ‘first’ in Cantonese. We first examine the word order typology on the element for ‘first’ in the languages and dialects of southern coastal China. In this linguistic area, the postverbal elements for ‘first’ in Chinese dialects are contact-induced by Tai-Kadai and Hmong-Mien languages; whereas sin1 先 ‘first’ in the mainstream Cantonese shows a stronger tendency to be placed in the postverbal position than its counterparts in other Chinese dialects. We then discuss the word order and semantic changes of sin1 先 from 1820s to 1960s based on Cantonese historical materials. Besides the pressure of language contact, the formation of the postverbal sin1 先 ‘first’ has been further triggered by the semantic motivation to formally differentiate the ‘precedent-subsequent’ polysemy within sin1 先 itself. In short, the emergence of the postverbal sin1 先 ‘first’ in Cantonese has been a two-stage process, dually driven by external and internal causes, respectively.

The study of language contact has been traditionally carried out from a structural perspective (synchronic or diachronic), from a sociolinguistic perspective and/or from a rather psychological perspective, centered on the linguistic and communicative competence of the multilingual individual. However, a great number of linguistic and sociolinguistic topics that appear in language contact situations may be productively tackled from a pragmatic viewpoint. This pragmatic perspective takes into account linguistic use in communication contexts and raises, at a different level, questions that deal with the structures and the evolution of the codes in contact. The main aim of this presentation is the analysis of some of the specific problems that arise in given language contact situations from a pragmatic perspective, considering the adaptation processes of the speakers, their particular interactive strategies and the social meaning generated. Understanding pragmatics in its original sense, i.e. as the study of the relationship between linguistic signs and speakers (users of certain resources), these phenomena should be understood as the result of speakers’ adaptation to changing sociocultural circumstances. This adaptation creates a new distribution of the verbal resources (or linguistic economy) of the community and, consequently, modifies its varieties as far as form and function are concerned.

This article describes how comedians and radio professionals in Corsica draw on a bilingual linguistic and metalinguistic cultural repertoire. In the context of Corsica’s history of language domination, language shift, and linguistic revitalization efforts, many of the products of language contact - mixed codes and compentences - are socially stigmatized. In the logic of dominant language ideologies, these mixed codes do not ‘count as’ language and depreciate individual speakers and collective identitities. Comic performances, it is argued, derive part of their tension and effect from the dominant view of languages as fixed and bounded codes which index single identities. Yet at the same time, performers make use of bilingual repertoires in ways that validate mixed language practices and identities. They do so by making maximal use of fluidity and indeterminacy in speaker stances towards mixed codes and identities. Bilingual comic performance also validates mixed codes and identities by evoking an ‘expert’ bilingual audience.

Data from long-term research in two ideologically divergent Native American linguistic communities demonstrate the importance, first, of indigenous multilingualisms and, second, of distinctive ideologies of multilingualism in shaping the divergent language contact outcomes and practices of those communities as they adapted to such forces as economic incorporation, colonization, assimilationist policies, and later decolonization and attempted language revitalization. Indigenous ideological differences in these communities were key factors in producing divergent patterns of language shift as well as in community efforts to document and revitalize their respective heritage languages. The Village of Tewa (NE Arizona) still partially retains a multilingual adaptation in all generations except youth and young adults (Kroskrity, 1993; 2014). The Western Mono (Central California) were traditionally multilingual with neighboring languages of the Yokuts and Southern Sierra Miwok groups (Kroskrity, 2009a). Though both groups were historically multilingual, multilingual practices were differentially influenced by distinctive language ideologies such as those emphasizing purism/syncretism and the expressive/utilitarian functions of language. This observation suggests the importance of understanding indigenous multilingualisms and their consequences for language contact within their language ideological assemblages (Kroskrity, 2018).

Many parents express concerns for their children’s multilingual development, yet little is known about the nature and strength of these concerns – especially among parents in multilingual societies. This pre-registered, questionnaire-based study addresses this gap by examining the concerns of 821 Quebec-based parents raising infants and toddlers aged 0-4 years with multiple languages in the home. Factor analysis of parents’ Likert-scale responses revealed that parents had (1) concerns regarding the effect of children’s multilingualism on their cognition, and (2) concerns regarding children’s exposure to and attainment of fluency in their languages. Concern strength was moderate to weak, and cognition concerns were weaker than exposure-fluency concerns. Transmission of a heritage language, transmission of three or more languages, presence of developmental issues, and less positive parental attitudes towards childhood multilingualism were associated with stronger concerns. These findings have both theoretical and practical implications: they advance our understanding of parental concerns and facilitate the development of support for multilingual families.

Despite ample attention in the literature for alignment patterns and case frames more generally, we know very little about how these elements of grammar spread from one language to another in a contact situation. Achieving a better understanding of this will help explain areal patterns in alignment and grammatical relation marking. In this contribution, we zoom in on a contact situation in the foothills of North-West Amazon, where languages of the Quechuan and Tukanoan families are in contact, and where previous authors have suggested that grammatical relation marking shows many potential contact effects. We find that, despite the absence of loanwords, abstract lexico-grammatical information associated with individual lexical items may spread from one language to another, especially within the class of sensation predicates. These can be characterized as lexically driven diffusion patterns, without formal borrowing, consistent with an overall characterization of the area’s sociolinguistics as loanword-avoiding.

Language contact with Khoisan languages has resulted in the adoption of click phonemes in certain southern African Bantu languages. Contact-induced changes outside the phonological domain, however, are less commonly recognized. This paper provides a first ever analysis of morphological influence from Khoisan languages in Yeyi, a Bantu language spoken in Botswana and Namibia. Firstly, Yeyi has a set of lexical verbs that take an obligatory prefix i- or ra-, and both these prefixes and many of the verbs on which they occur are of Khoisan origin. Secondly, Yeyi has four verbal derivational suffixes that have been copied from Khoisan languages. The description of these contact-induced changes in Yeyi shows that contact with Khoisan languages, especially those of the Khoe family, involved extensive bilingualism. Dialectal difference in Yeyi furthermore suggests that Khoisan contact was more intense in Botswana than in Namibia. As some linguistic changes appear to derive from Khoisan languages that are not spoken in the vicinity of Yeyi, the language contact situation in which they arose was quite different from the one that occurs today.

This paper argues that Tocharian B koṣko, koṣkīye does not mean ‘hut’, as was taken for granted, but ‘pit, hole’; and that it is not an inherited Indo-European word, but an Iranian loanword in Tocharian B. Although the possibility of a borrowing from an unknown Middle Iranian language cannot be excluded, an unattested (Pre-)Bactrian form *kōškā is demonstrated to be the most likely source of this loanword.

This is the first large-scale study of resources as a form of language management – that is, a way of influencing children’s language practices. We introduce the distinction between child-directed resources (i.e., those providing parents with opportunities to engage with their children in the languages they are transmitting) and parent-directed resources (i.e., those providing parents with information about multilingual child-rearing). This pre-registered study focused on the awareness and use of, as well as the desire for, such resources among Québec-based parents (n=826) raising infants/toddlers (0-4 years) with multiple languages in the home. Data were collected with a questionnaire. Quantitative data were analyzed statistically, and qualitative data were analyzed using a computer assisted discourse study. We compared parents transmitting at least one heritage language – usually in addition to English and/or French (HL parents), and parents transmitting only the societal languages English and French (non-HL parents). Overall, the findings show that non-HL parents were comparatively satisfied with existing child- and parent-directed resources in English and French. By contrast, HL parents had a stronger desire for additional resources in their HLs. All parents desired multilingual resources. The paper discusses the theoretical and practical contributions of this study as well as directions for further research.

Little is known about how monolingual ideologies and their effects manifest in online contexts as compared to offline contexts. We conducted a corpus-assisted discourse study to investigate this, with a focus on Twitter representations of Spanish as a heritage language in the USA. We analysed two corpora (one English and one Spanish—over 30 million words), examining frequencies, collocations, concordance lines, and larger text segments. The results revealed evidence of the same ideologies found in offline contexts: normative monolingualism (drawing on the one-nation-one-language ideology and language purity ideologies) as well as raciolinguistic ideologies. We show how the semiotic processes of iconization and erasure lead to the (evidently erroneous) essentialization of Spanish heritage language speakers as a homogeneous group of un-American, racialized immigrants with broken language. This discursive creation of difference constitutes the basis for the systematic discrimination of Spanish heritage language speakers, thus reflecting and reproducing social inequality. Our findings therefore indicate the necessity of extending planning measures to protect heritage language speakers (and other minority groups) from offline contexts to online contexts.

Heritage Norwegian in the American Midwest is documented through a corpus of recordings collected and compiled over a time span of 80 years, from Einar Haugen’s recordings in the 1940s via the CANS corpus up to the present-day in the authors’ own recordings. This gives an unprecedented opportunity to study how a minority language changes in a language contact situation, over several generations and under gradually changing circumstances. Since we also have thorough historical knowledge of the institutions and societal texture of these communities, this privileged situation allows us to trace the various sources of input available to the heritage speakers in these communities in different relevant time slots. We investigate how the quality and quantity of input at different times are reflected in the syntactic production of heritage speakers of the corresponding generational cohorts, focusing on relative ratios of specific word orders (topicalization and verb second, prenominal and postnominal possessive noun phrases) and productive morphosyntactic paradigms (tense suffixes of loan verbs). Utilizing a model of relations between input and output, receptive and productive competence, to show how input–output effects will accumulate throughout the cohorts, we explain the observed linguistic change in individuals and society.

In this paper we present a new, lexicon-based phylogeny of 34 Southern Bantu languages, and combine it with previous insights from linguistics, archaeology, and genetics to study the history of Southern Bantu languages and their speakers. Our phylogeny shows all Southern Bantu languages to derive from a single, direct ancestor, which contrasts with archaeological evidence indicating separate migrations of Bantu speakers into southern Africa. This suggests that the Bantu languages spoken by the first migrants became extinct, and the ancestor of present-day Southern Bantu languages only emerged in southern Africa during the second millennium CE. We also map the distribution of previously established or suspected Khoisan-derived linguistic features in Southern Bantu languages onto this phylogeny. Evidence for intensive contact with speakers of Khoisan languages also comes from population genetics, which shows that Khoisan linguistic influence is mainly seen in languages spoken by populations displaying a higher degree of genetic admixture.

This article discusses areas observed on geolinguistic maps showing Finnic or Finnic-like features in Latvian subdialects possibly resulting from Finnic influence. The Latvian dialect material analysed for this study shows that several such areas can be identified based on their phonetics and morphology: the Livonic dialect, the Selonic subdialects, certain Selonic subdialects on both banks of the Daugava River, certain subdialects in the former Leivu territory in northeastern Latvia near Alūksne and Gulbene, and a few subdialects in Zemgale near Bauska and Vecsaule where the Krevin Votians were settled. The shortening of word endings and generalisation of third-person verb forms is also quite regularly encountered in the subdialects spoken around Preiļi in Latgale. The least amount of language material is available about the Ludza Estonians or Lutsis who lived in eastern Latgale where their influence is seen in the tone system of the local subdialects. Kokkuvõte. Anna Stafecka: Läänemeresoome mõju võimalikud jäljed läti murrakute foneetikas ja morfoloogias. Artikkel käsitleb läänemeresoome ja läänemeresoomepäraste joonte maa-alalist levikut läti murretes. Läti murdeainestik, mida on selle uurimuse jaoks analüüsitud, näitab, et foneetilise ja morfoloogilise eripära põhjal on võimalik määratleda mitu sellist mõjuala: liivipärased murded, teatud seeli murrakud Daugava jõe mõlemal kaldal, teatud Kirde-Läti Alūksne ja Gulbene ümbruse murrakud ajaloolisel leivu alal ning mõned semgali murrakud Bauska ja Vecsaule lähistel, kus kunagi elasid kreevini vadjalased. Sõnalõppude lühenemist ja kolmanda isiku verbivormide üldistumist on üsna regulaarselt märgitud ka Latgales Preiļi ümbruse murrakutes. Vähem on selliseid andmeid Ida-Latgalest Ludza eestlaste ehk lutside kunagistelt asualadelt. Siiski on seal lutsi mõju nähtav kohalike murrakute toonisüsteemis.

The South Estonian language islands – Leivu, Lutsi, Kraasna – are three historically South Estonian-speaking exclaves located not only beyond the borders of Estonia, but also geographically separated from the main body of South Estonian speakers for at least several centuries. Two of these communities – Leivu and Lutsi – were located in present-day Latvia. The third community – Kraasna – was located near the northernmost Lutsi communities – only about 35 kilometres distant across the present-day Latvian border in Russia. This article acts as an introduction to the studies in this volume by describing the history and current state of the communities at its focus. It gives an overview of the location of the language island communities, their origins, linguistic status, and self-identity as well as provides a survey of their research history dating from its beginnings in the late 19th century to the present. Kokkuvõte. Uldis Balodis, Karl Pajusalu: Sissejuhatav ülevaade lõunaeesti keelesaartest. Lõunaeesti keelesaared – Leivu, Lutsi, Kraasna – on kolm ajaloolist lõunaeestikeelset enklaavi, mis ei jää üksnes väljapoole Eesti piire, vaid mis on olnud Lõuna-Eesti põhialast eraldatud vähemalt mitu sajandit. Kaks nendest keelesaartest – Leivu ja Lutsi – asuvad tänapäeva Lätis. Kolmas keelesaar – Kraasna – paiknes teisel pool Läti piiri Venemaal, jäädes põhjapoolsest Lutsi asualast ainult u 35 kilomeetri kaugusele. Artikkel tutvustab sissejuhatavalt selle erinumbri artiklite teemasid, kirjeldades lõunaeesti keelesaarte ajalugu ja praegust olukorda. Esitatakse ülevaade keelesaarte asendist ja päritolust, keelelisest staatusest, kõnelejate identiteedist ning ka uurimisloost 19. sajandist tänaseni.

This paper analyzes the properties of the Present Perfect in Barranquenho/Barranqueño, a contact variety spoken in the southern border of Portugal and Spain. In this variety, the Present Perfect displays a mixed structure: while the forms of auxiliary and participle are from Portuguese, its range of interpretations is not attested in Portuguese but rather in Spanish. As in other domains of the grammar of Barranquenho that have been studied, the Present Perfect displays features attributable to Portuguese and to Spanish. These findings are discussed against hypotheses regarding the emergence of this contact variety as well as the theoretical debate concerning the relation between language contact and second language acquisition.

The article is devoted to the description of the vocal systems of different languages, considering the functional approach, based on the objective linguistic reality. Today the traditional approach used by research scientists is gradually losing the ability to identify effective models of the phonetic-phonological system of the language, which significantly affects the productivity and research results. The rapid development of new directions of science, the evolution of the language system and all its sublevels indicates the need to adjust the traditional principles of describing phonetic-phonological systems of different languages and imposes special requirements on the relevance, productivity, adequacy and compliance of such descriptions with objective reality. The article analyzes the system of vowels from a phonological point of view - a general classification of vowels through the prism of phonological systematics of meaningful oppositions - considering the articulatory base of the language and the modern orthoepic norm, their changes in the flow of speech, an inextricable connection with consonantism and the prosodic organization of the word. This system is more productive and relevant for solving the problems of modern linguistics. The approbation of the vocal system of the Russian language, obtained within the framework of the corrected approach to the description of systems, is carried out in conditions of language contact, since the problems of language contact are interconnected with the main tasks of the theory of language in the framework of the comparative historical description and comparison of languages. Phonetic interference, together with a foreign accent, is a consequence of the contact between the native language and the target language. Phonetic interference, being an integral part of linguistic contact, causes a violation of the sound side of the language of foreigners. After analyzing the descriptions of the vocal systems of the Spanish and Russian languages, made within the framework of the adjusted functional approach, it is possible to highlight the main features of the Spanish accent in the pronunciation of Russian vowel sounds, and the analysis of the practical material confirms all the selected features and demonstrates the high efficiency of the above approach. The results of this work can be used in various theoretical courses, as well as to create systems for automatic synthesis and speech recognition.

Cypriot Arabic (CyAr) is a severely endangered Semitic variety spoken by Cypriot Maronites. It belongs to the group of “peripheral varieties” of Arabic that were separated from the core Arabic-speaking area and came into contact with non-Semitic languages. Although there has been a renewed interest since the turn of the century for the study of CyAr, some aspects of its structure are still not well known. In this paper, we present and analyze a number of developments in CyAr induced by contact with Cypriot Greek. Our methodology for investigating such phenomena makes a novel contribution to the description of this underrepresented variety, as it was based not only on existing linguistic descriptions and text corpora in the literature, but mainly on a vast corpus of naturalistic oral speech data from the Archive of Oral Tradition of CyAr. Our analysis revealed the complexity of investigated contact phenomena and the differing degrees of integration of borrowings into the lexico-grammatical system of CyAr.

Resumen: En este trabajo, se analiza el doble acusativo, entendido como la coocurrencia del clítico de objeto directo y la frase nominal de objeto directo en posición posverbal, en la variedad de Lambayeque. En el estudio, se ha considerado cuatro ciudades de este departamento: Chiclayo, Eten, Ferreñafe y Mochumí, las cuales se eligieron según el nivel de contacto con el quechua, la predominancia de actividades económicas y el mayor centralismo en educación y servicios. Se obtuvieron 72 entrevistas en toral. El objetivo de la investigación es mostrar las características de la variedad lambayecana en el uso del doble acusativo. Para ello, se indaga la significancia estadística de los siguientes factores: animacidad, definitud, concordancia (de género y número), edad, género y origen. Los resultados muestran que el doble acusativo en esta variedad dialectal es sensible a la animacidad, la definitud y la concordancia entre la frase determinante (FD) y el clítico correspondiente. Se encontró la posibilidad de plantear una jerarquía de significatividad entre los factores estudiados. Abstract: This paper analyzes the accusative clictic doubling, understood as the co-occurrence of the direct object clitic and the direct object noun phrase in postverbal position, in the Lambayeque Spanish variety. In the study, four cities in this department were considered: Chiclayo, Eten, Ferreñafe and Mochumí, which were chosen according to the level of contact with Quechua, the predominance of economic activities and the high centralism in education and services. A total of 72 interviews were obtained. The objective of the research is to show the features of the Lambayeque variety in the use of the double accusative. For this purpose, research was carried out on the statistical significance of the following factors: animacy, definiteness, agreement (gender and number), age, gender and origin. The results show that the accusative clictic doubling in this dialectal variety is sensitive to animacy, definiteness and agreement between the determiner phrase (DF) and the corresponding clitic. It was found possible to establish a hierarchy of significance among the factors studied. Résumé: Dans cet article, nous analysons le double accusatif, en tant que présence du clitique objet direct en occurrence avec le syntagme nominal objet direct en position postverbale, pour la variété de Lambayeque. L’analyse est effectuée dans quatre villes de Lambayeque : Chiclayo, Eten, Ferreñafe et Mochumí. Les quatre villes étudiées ont été choisies en fonction du niveau de contact avec le quechua, de la prédominance des activités économiques et d’un plus grand centralisme dans l’éducation et les services. L’objectif de cette étude est de montrer les caractéristiques de la variété de Lambayeque en ce qui concerne l’utilisation du double accusatif. Nous avons étudié, dans 72 entretiens, la signification statistique des facteurs suivants: animéité, définitude et accord (en genre et en nombre), âge, sexe et origine. Les résultats montrent que le double accusatif dans cette variété dialectale est sensible à l’animéité, à la définitude et à l’accord entre le syntagme déterminant (FD) et le clitique correspondant. Nous avons trouvé la possibilité de proposer une hiérarchie de signification entre les facteurs étudiés.

Everyday EnglishMARGRETHE HEIDEMANN ANDERSEN & LINE SANDSTIn this article, we investigate English in Danish (loanwords) and English in Denmark (English phrases, sentences, slogans, and proper names). The point of departure is the discrepancy between the research stating that the number of English loanwords in the Danish language is modest, and the attitude among some language users that English influence in Denmark is very high. The research of English in Danish has typically investigated English loanwords in editorial texts such as newspaper articles. In this study, we investigate a more wide-ranging data set of editorial and unedited texts, including texts in the linguistic landscape in four selected cities. In addition, we investigate English in Denmark by including the categories English phrases, sentences, slo-gans, and proper names that are commonly excluded from frequency studies. In doing so, we gain a more fair representation of English in Danish and English in Denmark as it appears to the Danish language users in everyday situations. Our study shows that the number of Eng-lish loanwords and the presence of English in Denmark is modest in all the investigated data apart from a high number of English phrases, sentences, slogans, and proper names found in the linguistic landscape and in some of the commercials investigated in the study. This suggests that the amount of English in Denmark may differ considerably de-pending on the data chosen for the investigation. Thus, an important conclusion is that we must collect data on both English in Danish and English in Denmark to say something meaningful about the size of the impact from English.KEY WORDS: english influence, language contact, loan words, linguistic landscape, socio-onomastics

The Scanian dialect of Middle Danish underwent a range of changes and reductions in its case system. I argue that these changes were caused neither by phonological developments nor by language contact as often assumed, but by multiple processes of grammaticalisation. The present paper focuses on one of these factors: that the relatively predictable constituent order within the Middle Danish noun phrase made case marking redundant in its function of marking noun-phrase internal agreement between head and modifier(s). This redundancy caused the case system to undergo a regrammation where the indexical sign relations changed so that the expression of morphological case no longer indicated this noun-phrase-internal agreement, leaving only topology (as well as morphologically marked number and gender agreement) as markers of this type of agreement. This factor contributed to the subsequent degrammation of the entire case system.

Selibu is a Mandarin-Khams Tibetan mixed language with about 900 native speakers in northwest Yunnan, People’s Republic of China. As a Form-Semantics mixed language, it derives most of its lexicon and grammatical morphemes from Southwest Mandarin and borrows its morphosyntactic and semantic structure from Alangu Tibetan. This article examines the contact-induced emergence of a five-category complex evidential system in Selibu with a detailed comparison with its source system in the model language, Alangu Tibetan. Our discussion focuses on the hybrid features of Selibu evidentiality in both forms and functions and also on its structural formation, which does not represent a Form-Semantics mixed type in this particular domain.

Studying the predominant occurrence and existence of English lexicon in other languages in contact with English has emerged out to be of immense interest among the researchers of sociolinguistics and theoretical linguistics. The present study is devoted to demonstrate various English-Kashmiri language contact situations and the subsequent diffusion/ flow of English words into the Kashmiri language. The study attempts to explore the significant role of media in its different forms in enhancing and determining the transport of English words into the speech of Kashmiri speakers. The study seeks to address the motivation and inspiration of Kashmiri speakers behind the English-Kashmiri linguistic shift, and the influence of the prevailing circumstances on this English-Kashmiri linguistic diffusion. The liberality of the English language in handing over such an enormously huge amount of word treasure to the Kashmiri language, and the receptivity of the Kashmiri language in accepting this vocabulary treasure from English at a very large scale has been thrown light on in the study. In the present study, an attempt has been made to display a comprehensive list of English words used in various domains of social life of the Kashmiri speech community.

The research focuses on the interaction of the Lithuanian and Belarusian languages in thesurroundings of Radun (Belarus, Voranava district, Lith. Rodūnia). Employing the language changemethodology, the paper presents a detailed analysis of the most prominent cases of phonetic interference oftwo – old and middle – generations of residents in both languages spoken by them.The data show that the oldest residents are expressing both languages using the Lithuanian articulatory base. Over time, the characteristic Lithuanian features begin to level: varies the pronunciation of a; in open endings, the long tense vowels i, ы are usually pronounced as é; unstressed vowels are reduced inconsistently, etc.As Lithuanian is for the middle-generation speakers, it already demonstrates essential changes, whichoccurred because they started expressing their Lithuanian using the Belarusian articulatory base. First of all, they usually lengthen stressed short vowels; they do no longer pronounce unstressed long vowels; they donot distinguish between acute – or circumflex-accented mixed i, u + R type diphthongs; the distinction between the falling and rising diphthongs ai, au, is made based on phonetic, not accentual, factors; the palatalised dental consonants t, d are replaced by the palatalised velar consonants k, g.

Madurese exhibits a three-way laryngeal contrast in its plosive inventory, distinguishing voiced, voiceless unaspirated, and voiceless aspirated plosives. Previous studies have investigated some acoustic characteristics of the contrast but have not examined possible dialectal variation in this contrast. The present study aims to discuss the contrast by examining Voice Onset Time (VOT) and vowel quality (F1). Twenty participants (10 Western Madurese speakers and 10 Eastern Madurese speakers) were recruited and instructed to read 150 Madurese words containing plosives. The results showed that an interaction of dialect and gender were significantly correlated with VOT: male Western Madurese speakers produced shorter VOT for voiced and voiceless aspirated plosives than their Eastern counterparts. There was also variation in F1 between gender across dialects: male Western Madurese speakers produced [ə] with a lower F1 than their Eastern counterparts. It was suggested that the variation was possibly due to language contact with Javanese.

Studies in language contact have identified many instances of linguistic variation and grammatical innovations introduced by speakers from multi-ethnic urban neighborhoods. This study focuses on the variety of Cantonese spoken by South Asian youths in Hong Kong, specifically their production and perception of Hong Kong Cantonese tones. Our findings show that the South Asian Cantonese speakers have a smaller tonal inventory than the canonical six-tone system of standard Hong Kong Cantonese and their tonal discrimination abilities are also more impoverished relative to their ethnic Chinese peers. Further analysis shows a positive correlation between tonal discrimination accuracy and tonal realization distinctness among the South Asian speakers, but not among the ethnic Chinese. These findings suggest that South Asian Cantonese speakers might have developed a distinct tone system from their ethnic Chinese peers.

The complexity of language contact and intercultural communication has generated various issues in relation to language use and education. As one of the many Chinese dialects (fangyans), the Chaosh...

As observed by Koptjevskaja-Tamm and Liljegren, the impact of language contact on grammatical typology is well recognized, but the field of lexico-semantic areal typology is still young. Here some mechanisms leading to an areal pattern are explored in the domain of certain sets of basic verbs in languages indigenous to the North American West. The patterns involve the apparent evocation, as part of the meanings of the common verbs, of certain features of the most immediately involved participant, particularly number, animacy, shape, and/or consistency. Two mechanisms apparently underlie the areal patterns. First, bilinguals accustomed to distinguishing such features lexically in verbs in one of their languages may simply choose more specific verbs in another language on a regular basis until, over time, original hyponyms come to be basic level terms. Second, shadows of compounding and derivation can be seen in some pairs of verbs in some languages. Patterns elsewhere in the language or in a neighbor can stimulate such formations and accelerate their lexicalization, ultimately blurring their internal structure and hastening their ascent to basic-level status.

While many studies have employed variationist methods to examine longitudinal changes in the English intensifier system, to date, no variationist studies have tackled the intensifier system of Old English. By providing a critical view of this system at an earlier stage in the history of the English language, the present study adds to the long tradition of scholarship on intensifiers while providing new insight into their diachronic development. Despite its antiquity, several parallels can be drawn with the intensifier system at later stages in the language. Both internal and external factors are found to constrain this system, with predicative adjectives favoring intensification over attributive adjectives, prose texts having higher intensification rates than verse texts, Latin-based texts having higher intensification rates than vernacular texts, and the rate of intensification increasing over time. The quantitative analysis of the Old English system also increases the time depth necessary for a more detailed reflection on the diachronic recycling, replacement, and renewal of intensifiers. Language contact and borrowing are also postulated as driving forces of innovation and replacement in earlier stages of the English language.

This introduction to the special issue on proverbs across cultures presents a theoretical backdrop to the field of studying proverbs in general and within pragmatics in particular. It is an interdisciplinary and cross-cultural scrutiny which discusses pragmatic and sociolinguistic research on the role of proverbs in the (de)construction of gender ideologies, the transmission of cultural values, and their conceptual meaning, functions and contexts of use. It examines issues of language, society, and identity such as gender representation, politeness and language contact and discusses some of the central problems relevant to pragmatic research on proverbs. The authors highlight, among other things, how proverbs reveal instances of cultural sharing in some contexts while at the same time, reflecting the diversity in world views.

This study examines language ideologies and communicative practices in the multilingual Vaupes region of northwestern Amazonia. Following a comparative overview of the Vaupes as a ‘small-scale’ language ecology, it discusses claims from existing ethnographic work on the region in light of data from a corpus of video-recordings of sociolinguistic interviews and spontaneous everyday conversations. It shows how a practice-based and interdisciplinary approach combining language documentation methodology and ethnographic, structural linguistic, and interactional perspectives can contribute to understanding of macro and micro aspects of multilingualism, thus contributing to future work on the Vaupes, typologies of small-scale multilingual ecologies, and language contact research.

The starting point of this article is the occurrence of determiner-less and bare que relative complementizers like (en) que, ‘(in) that’, instead of (en) el que, ‘(in) which’, in Yucatecan Spanish (southeast Mexico). While reference grammars treat complementizers with a determiner as the standard option, previous diachronic research has shown that determiner-less complementizers actually predate relative complementizers with a determiner. Additionally, Yucatecan Spanish has been in long-standing contact with Yucatec Maya. Relative complementation in Yucatec Maya differs from that in Spanish (at least) in that the non-complex complementizer tu’ux (‘where’) is generally the only option for locative complementation. The paper explores monolingual and bilingual data from Yucatecan Spanish to discuss the question whether the determiner-less and bare que relative complementizers in our data constitute a historic remnant or a dialectal recast, possibly (but not necessarily) due to language contact. Although our pilot study may not answer these far-reaching questions, it does reveal two separate, but intertwined developments: (i) a generally increased rate of bare que relative complementation, across both monolingual speakers of Spanish and Spanish Maya bilinguals, compared to other Spanish varieties, and (ii) a preference for donde at the cost of other locative complementizer constructions in the bilingual group. Our analysis thus reveals intriguing differences between the complementizer preferences of monolingual and bilingual speakers, suggesting that different variational patterns caused by different (socio-)linguistic factors can co-develop in parallel in one and the [same] region.

The current paper explores language contact between two Greek varieties, Pontic Greek and Cypriot Greek, in the northern part of Cyprus. After the de facto partition of Cyprus in 1974, several Pontic Greek-speaking communities were transplanted from their homeland in Trabzon to the peninsula of Karpasia in northern Cyprus. These “newcomers” or “immigrants” or “settlers” were brought from Turkey after the displacement of the Greek Cypriot population living in the north. Hence, from 1976 another Greek linguistic variety emerged in the area, Pontic Greek or Romeyka or Rumca, which was the home variety of the newcomers. Although Greek Cypriots were forced to leave the area, Cypriot Greek retained a strong presence in Karpasia, spoken by Turkish Cypriot Romeika speakers and by Greek Cypriots who remained “enclaved” in some villages of the peninsula. Hence, a dynamic and multifacet sociolinguistic context has been created where two main non-standard varieties of the Greek language, Cypriot Greek and Pontic Greek, are in contact and are spoken by different groups of speakers and where Turkish remains the dominant and official language. Within this context, the current paper explores instances of language contact between Pontic Greek and Cypriot Greek, focusing on the narratives produced by Pontic Greek speakers. The paper employs ethnographic methods for approaching these communities and for understanding issues of language use and language values within a heavily politicized context. The theoretical constructs of space and border are used to interpret the data and provide a deeper understanding of language contact, daily practices, and wider ideologies.

The empirical focus of this paper is on the interethnic communication along the Russian–Chinese border. Language contact in this area has a long history; in the 18th century, it resulted in a contact variety, the so-called Kyakhta language, or Russian–Chinese pidgin, which fell into disuse after a century. The contact has resumed recently, and we are currently witnessing the emergence of new contact varieties in real time in the area. The reported research aimed to study language contact as a social practice and gain access not only to linguistic facts but also to speakers’ perceptions of them revealed in interviews and conversations. The discussion is based on field data collected between 2008 and 2010 in Zabaykalskiy Krai in Russia and in the province of Inner Mongolia in China. The study reveals different non-standard varieties emerging through interethnic interactions in the border area, and uncovers linguistic features that were typical of Russian–Chinese pidgin (and impossible in Standard Russian) being ‘reinvented’ now both in the Chinese ethnolect of Russian and in some extreme forms of foreigner talk employed by Russian speakers professionally involved in regular communication with Chinese speakers. The paper stresses the role of the professionalization of communication for pidgin development.

Dialects of the South American language Mapudungun are claimed to display a dental-alveolar contrast across four manners of consonant articulation: stops, nasals, laterals, and fricatives. Such a full, symmetrical system of distinctions among coronals is typologically unique and, as such, is predicted to be unstable. This paper’s survey of contemporary data, however, shows that, despite lexical contrast being marginal and dentals being morphologically restricted, the distinction is highly salient to native speakers of the more vital dialects. A careful examination of the pattern’s historical roots and diachronic stability, furthermore, allows us to reconstruct it throughout the 400-year textual record. Indeed, the early descriptions and transcriptions shown that, instead of contracting, the contrast expanded, by borrowing the alveolar fricative /s/ from Quechuan and Spanish. The historical and articulatory data shows that while /t̪ n̪ l̪ θ/ are laminal, /t n l/ are apical. Incoming /s/, however, does not follow the pattern, being laminal and prompting a reorganization of featural contrasts among fricatives. As a result of erosion of native fluency under Spanish contact, loss of the dental-alveolar contrast has become commonplace, although there is much variation across speaker, dialect, and manner of articulation. Crucially, dialects which had only voiced fricatives until the borrowing of /s/ seem to have added voicing as a new contrastive feature, helping to preserve the coronal contrast among fricatives, even where vitality is reduced.

Post-verbal markers of negation were once thought to be rare cross-linguistically, but as more has been learned about more languages, it has become clear that such markers occur in a number of parts of the world. Moreover, they often appear in areal clusters, suggesting that language contact may play a role in their development. Such a cluster can be seen in a well-known linguistic area of North America, Indigenous Northern California. Languages in the area show parallel negative constructions, but without shared substance. Here it is shown how such parallelisms may have come about.

The transfer of words from one language to another is ubiquitous in many of the world’s languages. While loanwords have a rich literature in the fields of historical linguistics, language contact, and sociolinguistics, little work has been done examining how loanwords are processed by bilinguals with knowledge of both the source and recipient languages. The present study uses pupillometry to compare the online processing of established loanwords in Puerto Rican Spanish to native Spanish words by highly proficient Puerto Rican Spanish-English bilinguals. Established loanwords elicited a significantly larger pupillary response than native Spanish words, with the pupillary response modulated by both the frequency of the loanword itself and of the native Spanish counterpart. These findings suggest that established loanwords are processed differently than native Spanish words and compete with their native equivalents, potentially due to both intra- and inter-lingual effects of saliency.

This study is a sociolinguistic exploration into the survival of a transnational language in the United States-a multilingual and multicultural environment. Using an adapted General Ethnicity Quest...

Aims and objectives/purposes/research questions: The aim of the article is to describe what language contact phenomena are present. The research questions are as follows: (a) what types of code-switching (CS) are at work; (b) is there any preference for any particular type of CS; and (c) what Jewish (seemingly) monolingual songs in Slavic languages can tell us about contact varieties of Slavic used by Jews. Design/methodology/approach: Collecting texts of Yiddish–Slavic and Jewish folk songs in Slavic languages; and qualitative analysis of CS and structural change. Data and analysis: Sixty-two Slavic–Yiddish texts were chosen from Jewish songs’ collections and CS instances analysed. Findings/conclusions: Both insertions and alternations are present but alternations are preferred. There is an asymmetry between Yiddish insertions into Slavic (nouns) and Slavic insertions into Yiddish (all parts of speech). Alternations may be just renditions of the same meaning in another language but most often they play the same role as in naturalistic speech described in the literature on multilingual communication (change of topic, addressee, etc.). Originality: Previous research on multilingual Jewish songs concentrated on the choice of languages and interpretation of the symbolic role that each language plays but not structural analysis of multilingual texts. Significance/implications: Now that some tendencies are identified, it remains to be seen whether naturalistic Yiddish–Slavic speech exhibits the same patterns of CS.

This article reviews Language Contact, Continuity and Change in the Genesis of Modern Hebrew

Aims and objectives/purpose/research questions: The region of Lower Kolyma (LK), Russia, exhibits a unique multilingual situation which involves five languages from five different families: Even (Tungusic), Yakut (Turkic), Chukchi (Chukotko-Kamchatkan), Tundra Yukaghir (Yukaghir), and Russian (Slavic, Indo-European). Our research aims to show the ongoing changes in this setting and to explain the historical background of these trends. Design/methodology/approach: Our approach combines the results of a sociolinguistic survey, published data about the history and ethnography of the region, and observed linguistic effects of language contact. Data and analysis: The sample for our sociolinguistic study includes 196 individuals, born between 1878 and 1996. To assess the patterns of multilingualism we use two parameters: the number of acquired languages and the composition of the linguistic repertoires. To model the linguistic situation in the 20th century, an average life span parameter is used. Findings/conclusions: We demonstrate that in 1940 to 1980 it was most common for LK residents to use all languages of the region. Partly, at least, this was a consequence of the introduction of boarding schools, which became an additional domain for interethnic communication. In recent decades we observe a tendency for a shift to Russian with a concomitant decrease in speakers of the minority languages. Originality: We use an approach of retrospective interviews which allows us to cover a large time period and to provide an overview of changes in the multilingual setting during the 20th century. Thus, even though multilingualism in this area has already been discussed by Vakhtin, the methodological approach is different. Significance/implications: The paper contributes to the field of sociolinguistics, presenting a new case study of multilingualism from an area of Siberia which is understudied in this regard.

Abaza, a polysynthetic ergative Northwest Caucasian language, shares with its neighbour and distant relative Kabardian a typologically peculiar use of the deictic directional prefixes monitoring the relative ranking of the subject and indirect object on the person hierarchy. In both languages, the cislocative (‘hither’) prefixes are used if the indirect object outranks the subject on the person hierarchy, and the translocative (‘thither’) prefixes are used in combinations of first person subjects with second person singular indirect objects. This pattern, reminiscent of the more familiar inverse marking and hence called ‘quasi-inverse’, is observed with ditransitive and bivalent intransitive verbs and is almost fully redundant, since all participants are unequivocally indexed on verbs by pronominal prefixes. I argue that this isogloss, shared by West Circassian (a close relative to Kabardian) but not with Abkhaz, the sister-language of Abaza, is a result of pattern replication under intense language contact, which has led to an increase of both paradigmatic and syntagmatic complexity of Abaza verbal morphology.

The traditional hypothesis of a typological cycle from agglutination via fusion to isolation and back to agglutination, still invoked by many linguists (albeit with caveats and limitations), would imply a natural drift behind typological changes. Accordingly, such typological changes would typically result from internal developments (such as reductive sound changes), while etymological counter-currents (such as segmentable suffixes replacing earlier stem alternations) could rather be due to language contact. On the other hand, the agglutinative type seems to be stable and resistant to typological change especially in Northern Eurasia, and for the change towards a more fusional type, characteristic of some Finnic and Saami languages in the northwestern periphery of Uralic, a contact explanation might seem plausible. However, a closer scrutiny of Estonian, often mentioned as an example of typological change and characteristically impacted by Germanic, shows that in typological change, internal and external motivations intertwine and interact.

A language’s grammar can be stratified, due to borrowing processes. While being a well-established term in the linguistic literature, the term ‘borrowing’ is sometimes used in a non-uniform way, particularly when it applies to bound morphological formatives. A Stratal Effect is hypothesized, which, applying to varying extent, gives rise to at least three distinct, psycholinguistically motivated types of morphological transfer. A typology of morphological spread is proposed, which consists of three main types: strictly compartmentalized co-morphologies, partially compartmentalized co-morphologies, and morphological borrowing. The widespread view that affix borrowing can be either direct or indirect is questioned and it is argued that most likely, morphological borrowing is always an intermediate process, involving the extraction of formatives and their diffusion within the lexicon.

Aims and objectives: Numerical indices developed by Guzman et al. that helped characterize code-switching (CS) patterns in Spanish–English bilingual corpora, were tested on a Hindi–English bilingual corpus. Two main research questions were addressed: first, how does Hindi–English compare with Spanish–English, and second, are there measurable differences in broad CS patterns between older and younger speakers? Methodology: Television interviews of Hindi movie (Bollywood) personalities were transcribed and coded for Hindi and English lexemes. Bespoke software in Python was used to calculate the required indices, which provided information on variables such as the level of language mixing, switching probability, and the distributions of single-language spans. Further indices, such as mean span length and an approximate ratio of insertions to alternations were also calculated. Data and analysis: The indices calculated for the Hindi–English corpus broadly match those calculated for Spanish–English. Statistically significant differences between the older and younger group were detected for some key indices, with older speakers generally using less English. High levels of intra-group variability may be responsible for some indices not showing statistically significant diachronic change. Conclusions: The Guzman et al. indices suggest that Hindi–English and Spanish–English CS resemble each other in certain ways. There have been broad changes in Hindi–English CS patterns over the last few decades, but there are indications that the CS behaviour of individual speakers might change in different ways. Originality: This is the first study to systematically and quantitatively investigate age-related differences in Hindi–English CS, using naturalistic speech in semi-controlled conditions. Implications: The quantitative indices investigated in this study can be used to compare CS behaviour in different language pairs, and can also help detect diachronic changes in CS patterns.