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The category of person has both inflectional and lexical aspects, and the distinction provides a finely graduated grammatical trait, relatively stable in both families and areas, and revealing for both typology and linguistic geography. Inflectional behavior includes reference to speech-act roles, indexation of arguments, discreteness from other categories such as number or gender, assignment and/or placement in syntax, arrangement in paradigms, and general resemblance to closed-class items. Lexical behavior includes sharing categories and/or forms and/or syntactic behavior with major lexical classes (usually nouns) and generally resembling open-class items. Criteria are given here for typologizing person as more vs. less inflectional, some basic typological correlations are tested, and the worldwide linguistic-geographical distribution is mapped. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Papuan language Mian allows us to refine the typology of nominal classification. Mian has two candidate classification systems, differing completely in their formal realization but overlapping considerably in their semantics. To determine whether to analyse Mian as a single system or concurrent systems we adopt a canonical approach. Our criteria - orthogonality of the systems (we give a precise measure), semantic compositionality, morphosyntactic alignment, distribution across parts of speech, exponence, and interaction with other features - point mainly to an analysis as concurrent systems. We thus improve our analysis of Mian and make progress with the typology of nominal classification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the problem of crosslinguistic rarity by mapping the types of diachronic factors that contribute to the rarity of a particular feature. It is proposed that a number of different diachronic factors may play a role, such as the rarity of source constructions, the rarity of particular types of change, the number of stages necessary for a particular feature to develop, and the number of pathways that can lead to a particular feature. This article looks at a rarissimum of person marking, namely, a zero-marked feminine 2nd singular person index in the Sahidic dialect of Coptic (Afroasiatic; Egypt). It is argued that such markers are rare because they presuppose rare input structures, and most processes of change would lead away from - rather than to - zero-marked 2sg. Furthermore, this study identifies a diachronic process in which a part of a morpheme is reinterpreted as a segmentable morpheme (in this case, a person index), thereby leading to the loss of a zero person marker. This is the converse of the well-known 'Watkins' Law', in which a segmentable person marker is reinterpreted as part of a base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a typological characterization of a class of demonstratives so far neglected in the literature: demonstrative verbs expressing manner. First, the morphological characteristics and syntactic behaviors of these demonstratives are examined to illustrate their verbal properties and to justify categorizing them as verbs. Next, their exophoric and endophoric roles in narratives and interactions are described. As their discourse usages closely replicate that of nominal demonstratives, we argue that demonstrative verbs belong to the class of demonstratives and propose to integrate them in a general typology of demonstratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To gain more insight into evidentiality, the grammatical marking of information source, it is worth studying the category in its relation to other grammatical categories. This study explores tensed evidentials, morphemes in which tense and evidentiality are fused, in 36 languages from four macro-areas (North America, South America, Eurasia, and Papunesia). The study reveals several interactions between tense values and evidential values. As opposed to what has been claimed, firsthand future evidentials seem to exist. Visual and non-visual evidentials occur equally with present and past, whereas mental activity evidentials and reportative evidentials are much more limited to the past. These findings conform to the logic of tense: every type of evidentiality can be gathered in the past, whereas some are less suited for present or future. As a result, we find exceptionless implicational hierarchies of the form future ⊃ present ⊃ past for several evidential values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the perspective of prototype theory, boundaries between categories can be more distinct or less so. This gradience is captured by the notion of boundary permeability which is applied to units (e.g., nouns vs. verbs), properties (e.g., count vs. mass), and levels (e.g., phonological vs. morphological). boundary permeability is introduced as a typological parameter in the sense that a given language is generally characterized by (relatively) soft or (relatively) sharp boundaries. A fairly extensive analysis is offered of category and level boundaries in English and German. A battery of fourteen comparisons between the two languages reveals that German is a largely sharp- or strict- but English a largely soft-boundary language. This scalar difference is argued to follow from the varying importance of inflectional morphology in the two languages. Inflections are claimed to be boundary markers in that they bring about a divide between syntax and the lexicon. Thus, the moderately strong inflectional component makes German a strict-boundary language and the relative lack of inflections makes English a soft-boundary language. A tentative case is made for regarding strict boundaries as the typologically unmarked, and soft boundaries as the typologically marked, option. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study addresses the functional distinction between the annexed and absolute states of nouns, a controversial issue in Berber linguistics. It is demonstrated that the annexed state provides the specific value for a grammaticalized meaning encoded earlier in the sentence. The absolute state carries no function within the grammaticalized domains of the language. The importance of this study for linguistic typology is that it demonstrates the existence of a coding system on noun phrases that is not related to grammatical functions, semantic functions, or information structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a selective overview of studies that have investigated how advanced adult second language (L2) learners process morphologically complex words. The studies reported here have used different kinds of experimental tasks (including speeded grammaticality judgments, lexical decision, and priming) to examine three domains of morphological processing (regular and irregular inflection, derived word forms, and morphosyntactic phenomena) in L2 learners from typologically different first language (L1) backgrounds. The results from these studies demonstrate clear differences between native and nonnative processing in all three domains, indicating that adult L2 learners are less sensitive to morphological structure than native speakers and rely more on lexical storage than on morphological parsing during processing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ASJP project aims at establishing relationships between languages on the basis of the Swadesh word list. For this purpose, lists have been collected and phonologically transcribed for almost 3,500 languages. Using a method based on the algorithm proposed by Levenshtein (Cybernetics and Control Theory 10: 707–710, 1966), a custom-made computer program calculates the distances between all pairs of languages in the database. Standard software is used to express the relationships between languages graphically. The current article compares the results of our lexicon-based approach with the results of a similar exercise that takes the typological variables contained in the WALS database as a point of departure. We establish that the latter approach leads to even better results than the lexicon-based one. The best result in terms of correspondence with some well-established genetic and areal classifications, however, is attained when the lexical and typological methods are combined, especially if we select both the most stable Swadesh items and the most stable WALS variables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditionally three independent types of analogical change in inflectional paradigms are distinguished: proportional analogy, paradigmatic leveling and analogical extension. However, the investigation of the data reveals that out of these types only that of proportional analogy can be empirically verified, being supported by clear evidence from languages with well documented history. Moreover, as shown by data from Russian, Old High German dialects, Old Saxon, Old English, and Latin, even in the most secure cases of paradigmatic leveling or analogical extension found in the literature the assumption of proportional analogy is either probable or cannot be excluded. Consequently the three traditional types of analogical change seem to differ with respect to their ontological status. On the one hand, paradigmatic leveling, i.e. the elimination of allomorphy in inflectional paradigms, is to be viewed merely as a motivation for change whose operating principle really is proportional analogy. On the other hand, analogical extension, i.e., the extension of already existing inflection forms through affixes with comparable function, seems to be just a possible way to describe the results of changes which, again, may in fact be instances of proportional analogy. These findings have the following implications for linguistic theory and practice.  In practical work on inflectional morphology paradigmatic leveling and analogical extension without the use of proportional analogy can no longer be used in explanations on reconstructed stages of language development. All proposed explanations of this kind are to be supported by establishing an underlying proportional analogy or reconsidered if this is impossible.  The proposed distinction between the motivational factors of change, to which paradigmatic leveling may belong, and its operational principle, which always seems to be proportional analogy, leads to a new three-level model of analogical change in inflectional paradigms: On the first level there are the motivational factors, on the second the proportional relations, and on the third level we find the factors governing the choice of a particular proportional relation.  Furthermore, it can be shown that a number of morphological processes that have been described recently, such as the spread of the so called ‘superstable inflectional markers’ in nominal paradigms, the ‘externalization of inflection’ in pronouns and ‘product-oriented modifications’ in verbal conjugation, actually operate on the basis of proportional analogy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reference grammars often set out the personal pronouns in paradigms similar to those of nouns. When the pronoun stems are phonologically different, this approach implies that we have instances of suppletion, though this is typically not discussed explicitly. In contrast, those linguists who have raised the issue directly tend to suggest that we are not dealing with suppletion. They claim rather that personal pronouns are not opposed for number (thus we would not be the plural of I ). The issue is particularly important if we wish to develop a typology of suppletion, since personal pronouns are potentially one of the commonest instances. If we separate out the two parts of suppletion (irregularity of form and regularity of meaning), the question becomes clearer. As far as form is concerned, while personal pronouns are frequently irregular, there are languages with morphologically regular pronouns (which makes the suppletion analysis for irregulars more plausible). And in terms of meaning, we find different types of number at different points on the Animacy Hierarchy; it is not a major issue that the plural of personal pronouns frequently involves associativity, since this may be found also for other items high on the hierarchy. These two main points lead us to conclude that there are languages where the personal pronouns show suppletion for number. Two subsidiary arguments, based on data from Latvian and Bengali, support this conclusion. Thus a typology of suppletion should include personal pronouns as an important part. This interesting but specific problem is set in the broader context of the need for reproducibility in typology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]