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This paper deals with, in a diachronic perspective, the Italian verb-noun compounds of the type portalettere and covers the time span that goes from the Origins well into the beginnings of the Twentieth century. On the basis of a rich dataset drawn from diachronic corpora and lexicographic sources, the article presents the history of this word-formation process, emphasizing the semantic and categorial nature of these compounds. The main claim is that the current semantic variability (person, instrument, event, period of time etc.) has always been available in the linguistic history of Italian as well as, to a minor extent, the categorial ambiguity by which VN compounds also function as adjectival modifiers. It is shown that this last function is much of a diachronic innovation. This paper, which stems from the theoretical premises of Construction Morphology, reveals that the productivity of the Construction [V-N]A|N is due to both the semantic and formal flexibility shown from the earliest attestations of the language, and to the productivity of some semi-specified subschemas, which have served as models for the creation of new VN compounds, especially over the past few decades.

This paper deals with morphological productivity in diachrony, in particular it addresses the issue of the quantitative evaluation of productivity within a given time span. Adopting Baayen’s (1992; 2001; 2008) corpus-based quantitative approach which considers productivity as the probability of encountering a new type when sampling a large corpus, the paper shows the evolution of two competing suffixes -mento/-zione in Old Italian from the 13th to the 16th Centuries. On the basis of four separate corpora drawn from LIZ 4.0 (Letteratura Italiana Zanichelli), it is demonstrated how the productivity of the suffix -mento, within the time span of four centuries, remains constant, while the suffix -zione displays diachronic variability. Apart from diachronic considerations regarding this situation, the paper also highlights some technical aspects, such as the use of LNRE models (implemented in the package zipfR, a tool for lexical statistics in R, cf. Baroni — Evert, 2006; Evert — Baroni, 2007; Baayen, 2008), as well as some well-known limitations and constraints inherent in quantitative analyses of diachronic corpora.

This paper addresses the issue of rafforzamento fonosintattico (RF), phonosyntactic doubling, typical of a wide range of Italo-Romance dialects, and its relation to the phenomenon of mixed paradigms, also attested in a number of Italian varieties. After a discussion of the basic properties of RF, the article introduces mixed paradigms and proceeds to show how RF is used morphologically to signal important morphosyntactic contrasts, such as the difference between the 2nd and 3rd persons singular where a homonymous outcome of habes/habet > a is found. The paper thus intends to put forward another case of morphologization on the basis of the interesting — and endangered — phenomenon of mixed paradigms.

The aim of this paper is twofold: firstly it provides a detailed overview of the canonical approach to inflection (following Corbett 2007; 2009; 2015); secondly it attempts to analyze, within this approach, a typologically interesting phenomenon of mixed perfective auxiliation systems attested in a wide array of Italo-Romance dialects. First, the paper introduces the key notions of Canonical Typology (cf. Bond 2019) applied to inflectional morphology, along with a proposed working Czech terminology of basic terms such as requirements of form etc. Second, the paper proceeds to show that mixed systems, where two auxiliary verbs (corresponding to the derivatives of the Latin verbs habere/ esse) alternate within one and the same paradigm, representing a further way in which periphrastic exponence “splits” the inflectional realization of a lexeme. These systems thus constitute yet another interesting non-canonical inflectional phenomenon worth exploring from the perspective of Canonical Typology

This paper investigates the Czech translation counterparts of the Spanish / Italian causative construction with the causative verb hacer / fare + verb. On the basis of two parallel corpora, a typology of Czech equivalents is proposed. In contrast to the general divide between analytic/synthetic translation constructions, the research uncovers a number of various recurrent patterns. The paper shows the quantitative distribution of the defined types of patterns. It demonstrates that between the two opposite poles of expressiving causativity, i.e. through morphological causativization and syntactic causative construction, there are languages, such as Czech, that display a wider range of structural possibilities. Although some types clearly dominate, the overall range of patterns is much larger.