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Christian Democracy is often championed as a romantic means of bringing ethical considerations for the common good into the daily life of politics. Public choice theory, on the other hand, reveals that the search for the common good is quixotic amidst divergent policy preferences within a nation. While there may be a handful of values that are accepted by nearly all citizens (e.g., prohibitions on murder), more mundane policy choices will likely promote differences of opinion. Given the often arbitrary nature of voting procedures, the ability of one faction to manipulate the vote choice, and the self-interested behavior of politicians to be re-elected, political parties will inevitably alienate some portion of the citizenry. Attaching Christianity to short-term political outcomes serves to undermine its long-term goal of promoting God's mission. Nonetheless, the Catholic concept of subsidiarity is congruent with many of the findings of public choice theory and offers a way for Christians to engage...

Background Medullary thyroid carcinoma (MTC), which comprises 3-5% of all thyroid cancers, originates from a small population of neuroendocrine calcitonin C-cells of thyroid gland. Gain-of-function mutations of the human Rearranged during Transfection (RET) proto-oncogene have been recognized as the key driver of MTC tumorigenesis. RET has been targeted by tyrosine kinase inhibitors (TKIs), however with modest efficacy. Many of the microRNAs (miRNAs) identified in human genome have been associated with cancer and have prompted interest in the establishment of miRNA-based therapeutics. However miRNA studies in MTC has been hampered due to the lack of normal C-cell tissue as a differential expression comparator. Aims We aimed to characterize differentially expressed miRNAs, which play fundamental roles in MTC tumorigenesis and in modulation of TKI responses. Methods RET of human MTC cells were silenced using TKI, Cabozantinib, or siRNA. Small RNA sequencing was performed (AGRF) to identify differentially expressed miRNAs before and after RET inhibition. MiRNA effects on cell proliferation (MTS assay), cell cycle and apoptosis (flow cytometry, Western blot) were investigated with gain-of-function studies. For in vivo study, MTC xenografts were established and miRNAs were intravenously delivered using nanoparticle delivery vehicles invented by biotechnology company - EnGeneIC Ltd. Results miR-153-3p was identified to be under-expressed in MTC following RET inhibition. Restoration of miR-153-3p significantly reduced cell proliferation, induced G2 cell arrest and increased cell apoptosis. Furthermore, combined treatment of miR-153-3p and Cabozantinib caused greater cell proliferation inhibition compared to individual treatment. miR-153-3p targets ribosomal protein S6 kinase B1 (RPS6KB1) and reduced phosphorylation of Bcl-2 associated death promoter (BAD) protein. In vivo delivery of miR-153-3p significantly impeded tumor growth compared to scrambled sequence. Combination of miR-153-3p delivery and oral administration of Cabozantinib resulted in further tumor stabilization effect. Conclusion miR-153-3p reveals a significant tumor suppressive role in MTC via S6K signaling, demonstrating its important therapeutic potential for MTC patients. Citation Format: Lauren Jin Suk Joo, Jocelyn Weiss, Anthony J. Gill, Roderick Clifton-Bligh, Himanshu Brahmbhatt, Jennifer A. MacDiarmid, Matti L. Gild, Bruce G. Robinson, Stan B. Sidhu, Jing Ting Zhao. A RET-related microRNA, miR-153-3p, acts as a tumor suppressor in medullary thyroid carcinoma (MTC) via S6K signaling [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the American Association for Cancer Research Annual Meeting 2018; 2018 Apr 14-18; Chicago, IL. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2018;78(13 Suppl):Abstract nr 501.

Presently, Islam in Europe has a weak and divided political voice. This article draws on collective action theory and the religious economies model to analyze Muslim interest organizations in democratic polities. The authors develop general theoretical propositions and apply them to a case study of mosque – state relations in the federal state ( land) of Berlin. The study shows that institutional features of the German polity and diaspora Islam make collective action difficult and provide opportunities for factions (“spoilers”) to under-mine broad-based collective action if they perceive centralizing organizations as compromising doctrinal and organizational autonomy. In addition, conflicts between organizations representing conservative Muslim interests and secularly oriented ones further complicate collective action. The result is narrow interest articulation by smaller, less diverse groups. Based on our study, the authors consider the general applicability of our propositions and their implications for European polities.

Since the 1930s, a number of countries in Latin America have experienced rapid growth in the expansion of evangelical Protestantism. Has this religious change produced concomitant changes in the political landscape? Some scholars have seen the possibility of a Weberian ‘Protestant ethic’ emerging, making the region more amenable to democratic capitalism. Others have argued that the ‘otherworldly’ nature of these new (predominantly Pentecostal) evangelicals lends itself to a more apolitical outlook and a deference to authoritarian rule. Using survey data from four countries – Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Mexico – this study concludes that denominational affiliation has little effect on political attitudes. The more critical factor determining political attitudes relates to the level of church attendance, which enhances civic engagement and trust in government.

By now the story is familiar. Throughout most of the 20th century, the study of religion was dominated by secularization theory, which predicted the inevitable decline of religion as modernity marched ever forward. However, empirical reality did not support this contention; God remains alive and well long after Friedrich Nietzsche's death. During the last several decades of the century, a new group of scholars, relying on insights from exchange theory and economic analysis, began to challenge the longstanding secularization paradigm (Stark and Bainbridge 1979, 1980, 1987; lannaccone 1988, 1991).1 These scholars used market theory to explore religion's persistent vitality in the United States. From this perspective, the United States is seen as a religious supermarket where relatively low levels of regulation allow religious pluralism to flourish. Pluralism, in turn, promotes competition among denominations and forces clergy to pay closer attention to their flock lest they go elsewhere. The end result is that consumers have more choices to meet their varied tastes and needs, they are better served by religious leaders, and society experiences a higher level of religiosity (measured numerous ways). Lori Beaman challenges this story on two grounds: (1) that the U.S. and Canadian markets are not truly pluralistic; and (2) that religious markets in both countries are not very free (at least for "marginalized" groups). Ironically, if correct, Beaman's two challenges to economic explanations of religion would actually serve to confirm the approach she is trying to critique. If, as she claims, religious freedom is quite limited in the United States and Canada, then it follows from lannaccone's (1991) analysis of religious market structure that religious pluralism would be minimal, which is Beaman's first contention. In essence, her critique would have the same effect as multiplying both sides of an algebraic equation by -1. However, I will argue that Beaman's inadvertent confirmation of lannaccone's thesis is based on two methodological flaws, which leave the analysis "lost in the supermarket" of religious pluralism. I will take issue with Beaman's two main contentions on methodological (as opposed to theoretical) grounds. First, I contend that Beaman's definition of religious pluralism is too broad to be useful. Lumping together most all Christian groups into one category and defining this as a single-faith tradition misses the true nature of religious diversity and competition. In making this critique, I offer an alternative conceptualization of religious pluralism that provides a more explicit working definition of the concept based on the organizational and financial autonomy of religious organizations. Second, Beaman's reliance on four anecdotal cases to support her claim of limited religious liberty provides a misleading contextualization of the situation faced by "'marginalized" religious movements. Although religious minorities may have a more difficult time establishing equal legal space for their denominations than more mainstream churches, the degree of religious freedom available to these groups is historically unprecedented when viewed

On 28 January 1992, the Mexican national legislature approved changes to the 1917 Constitution and effectively reversed over a cen tury of officially sanctioned hostility to religious organizations. Six months later, the federal government released La Ley de Asociaciones Religiosas y Culto Publico (henceforth: Ley Reglamentaria), a detailed set of legal statutes that form the basis of contemporary church-state relations. Having obtained the legal recognition and freedom it had sought for many years, leaders of the Catholic Church greeted this new legal framework with a sense of optimism. Jeronimo Prigione (the pa pal nuncio who spearheaded the church's struggle to obtain legal rec ognition throughout the 1980s and 1990s) stated: "We [the Catholic hierarchy] are sincerely appreciative and thankful for the effort of the House of Deputies, and the concern of the President [Carlos Salinas], a wise statesman, ... for opening new horizons in the relations between the Church and State, channeling the forces of the two societies to wards the service of social and religious peace."1 Archbishop Adolfo Suarez Rivera, then president of the Conferencia del Episcopado Mexi cano (CEM), declared that this legislation "has marked a new stage in our history. It has been the fruit of a long process. ... it is undeniable that it has represented a big step that has opened roads to the freedom

Religion is the law of conscience. Any law imposed on it annuls it, because when we enforce duty, we remove merit from faith, which is the basis of religion. The precepts and sacred dogmas of religion are useful, luminous proofs of transcendence; we should all profess them, but this obligation is moral, not political. – Simon Bolivar, Address to the Constituent Congress (1826) O n january 28, 1992, the Mexican national legislature approved changes to the country's revolutionary 1917 Constitution and effectively reversed eight decades of officially sanctioned hostility toward religious organizations, including principally (and surprisingly) the Roman Catholic Church. Church leaders greeted this new legal framework with a sense of optimism and accomplishment, having obtained the legal recognition and freedom it had sought for many years. Jeronimo Prigione, the papal nuncio who spearheaded the Church's struggle to obtain legal recognition, stated, “We [the Catholic hierarchy] are sincerely appreciative and thankful for the effort of the House of Deputies, and the concern of [President Carlos Salinas], a wise statesman … for opening new horizons in the relations between the Church and State [ sic ], channeling the forces of the two societies toward the service of social and religious peace” (Prigione 1992, 24). Archbishop Adolfo Suarez Rivera, then president of the Conferencia del Episcopado Mexicano (CEM), declared that this legislation “has marked a new stage in our history.