Search

POPULAR ORTHODOXY about 'human nature' for the past hundred years has, by virtue of a naive, elementalistic 'materialism,' defined man as a 'selfish animal,' engaged in a struggle in which [...]

An exploration of topic-comment structure in relation to grammaticization is presented to understand grammatical arrangements in American Sign Language (ASL). Topics include topic-comment structure and principles of the grammaticization of ASL.

Some researchers do not agree to the universality of the leftward WH-movement in American sign language (ASL) and stress that it should be to the right. Others, however, claim that the use of WH-elements in sentence- or discourse-final positions proves that the WH-movement is a leftward specifier of CP and is not rightward. This is also validated by cross-linguistic generalizations and the use of direct and indirect WH-questions in ASL.

The purpose of this investigation was twofold: (a) to determine if there are changes in specific temporal characteristics of speech that occur during simultaneous communication, and (b) to determine if known temporal rules of spoken English are disrupted during simultaneous communication. Ten speakers uttered sentences consisting of a carrier phrase and experimental CVC words under conditions of: (a) speech, (b) speech combined with signed English, and (c) speech combined with signed English for every word except the CVC word that was fingerspelled. The temporal features investigated included: (a) sentence duration, (b) experimental CVC word duration, (c) vowel duration in experimental CVC words, (d) pause duration before and after experimental CVC words, and (e) consonantal effects on vowel duration. Results indicated that for all durational measures, the speech/sign/fingerspelling condition was longest, followed by the speech/sign condition, with the speech condition being shortest. It was also found that for all three speaking conditions, vowels were longer in duration when preceding voiced consonants than vowels preceding their voiceless cognates, and that a low vowel was longer in duration than a high vowel. These findings indicate that speakers consistently reduced their rate of speech when using simultaneous communication, but did not violate these specific temporal rules of English important for consonant and vowel perception. KEY WORDS: simultaneous communication, signed English, fingerspelling, segment duration, pause duration

One of the natural methods of tactual communication in common use among individuals who are both deaf and blind is the tactual reception of sign language. In this method, the receiver (who is deaf-blind) places a hand (or hands) on the dominant (or both) hand(s) of the signer in order to receive, through the tactual sense, the various formational properties associated with signs. In the study reported here, 10 experienced deaf-blind users of either American Sign Language (ASL) or Pidgin Sign English (PSE) participated in experiments to determine their ability to receive signed materials including isolated signs and sentences. A set of 122 isolated signs was received with an average accuracy of 87% correct. The most frequent type of error made in identifying isolated signs was related to misperception of individual phonological components of signs. For presentation of signed sentences (translations of the English CID sentences into ASL or PSE), the performance of individual subjects ranged from 60-85% correct reception of key signs. Performance on sentences was relatively independent of rate of presentation in signs/sec, which covered a range of roughly 1 to 3 signs/sec. Sentence errors were accounted for primarily by deletions and phonological and semantic/syntactic substitutions. Experimental results are discussed in terms of differences in performance for isolated signs and sentences, differences in error patterns for the ASL and PSE groups, and communication rates relative to visual reception of sign language and other natural methods of tactual communication. KEY WORDS: deaf-blindness, tactual communication, sign language

This study determined whether the long-range outcome of first-language acquisition, when the learning begins after early childhood, is similar to that of second-language acquisition. Subjects were 36 deaf adults who had contrasting histories of spoken and sign language acquisition. Twenty-seven subjects were born deaf and began to acquire American Sign Language (ASL) as a first language at ages ranging from infancy to late childhood. Nine other subjects were born with normal hearing, which they lost in late childhood; they subsequently acquired ASL as a second language (because they had acquired spoken English as a first language in early childhood). ASL sentence processing was measured by recall of long and complex sentences and short-term memory for signed digits. Subjects who acquired ASL as a second language after childhood outperformed those who acquired it as a first language at exactly the same age. In addition, the performance of the subjects who acquired ASL as a first language declined in association with increasing age of acquisition. Effects were most apparent for sentence processing skills related to lexical identification, grammatical acceptability, and memory for sentence meaning. No effects were found for skills related to fine-motor production and pattern segmentation.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the effects of prosodic and gestural cues on children's lexical learning. Acquisition of novel words was examined under linguistic input conditions that varied in terms of rate of speech, stress, and use of supplemental visual cues (i.e., gestures). Sixteen kindergarten children served as subjects in this study, including 8 children with normal language (NL) and 8 children with specific language impairment (SLI). A repeated-measures design was used such that all subjects in both groups participated in each of the three experimental conditions (the Rate, Stress, and Visual Condition). Results indicated that acquisition of novel words by the groups with NL and SLI was significantly affected by alterations in speaking rate and by the use of gestures accompanying spoken language. There were no statistically significant effects for the stress manipulations, although subjects with SLI tended to correctly produce novel words that had received emphatic stress during training more often than words presented with neutral stress. Implications of these findings are discussed with respect to the importance of considering how the manner of presentation of the linguistic signal influences the processing and acquisition of language.

Previous studies investigating the organization of articulatory gestures present conflicting accounts of age-related differences in the execution of the articulatory gestures themselves and in the organization of those gestures. Several methodological differences may help to explain these contradictions: First, different studies have used different measures, all of which reflect vocal-tract activity to varying extents; second, the articulatory gestures being analyzed differed across studies; third, the phonetic composition of syllables has varied; and finally, utterance length, and therefore complexity, has varied across studies. The purpose of this study was to investigate the possibility that the reason these methodological differences have led to contradictory results is because the emergence of mature gestural patterns in children's speech is not uniform. To accomplish this goal, detailed acoustic analyses were performed on schwa-stop-vowel utterances from adults and from children (3, 5, and 7 years of age). Temporal measures showed that some acoustic segments were longer in children's than in adults' samples, whereas others were similar in duration. Formant frequencies indicated that vocal-tract opening and closing achieve adult-like patterns of movement by the age of 3 years, but children's tongue gestures are constrained by phonetic context more than those of adults until at least the age of 7 years. Taken together, these results suggest that the pace of development for learning to produce and to coordinate articulatory gestures is not uniform. Thus, the contradictions in findings among earlier studies may very well reflect differences in choices of measurement and utterances to be analyzed, both of which may lead to evaluations of different aspects of gestural patterning.

Hearing adults produced signed and spoken monologues under conditions of quiet or 80 dB SPL of noise and with their vision unobstructed or obstructed. Their signs were videotaped and a random sample of 24 frames was analyzed in each condition through a computer program that determined the overall distance of the hand from a marker placed on the signer's torso. Vocal intensity was digitized from the tape recordings and analyzed by computer for 1 min of continuous speech in each condition. The visual obstruction had no effect either on the distance of the signs or on the vocal intensity of their speech. The subjects increased vocal intensity by about 55% when the noise was introduced (the usual Lombard effect), but the noise had no effect on the distance of the signs. Sign performance was not influenced by visual feedback, and sign and speech were independent communication systems, even in bilingual speaking and signing subjects.

This study investigated the effects of reduced visibility on the distance of signing hands from the bodies of adult signers who are deaf and on their rates of sign production. Subjects were videotaped as they signed with partners in each of three experimental conditions: unimpeded, moderately impeded, and severely impeded visibility. Visual impedance was created by placing screens between signing partners. The distance of a hand from the body, in terms of lateral, vertical, and forward-depth dimensions, was determined from digitized measurements of single video frames randomly selected from those in which the subject was actively signing. Sign rate was calculated as the number of signsproduced in a given segment of time. Signs produced in the severely impeded visibility condition were found to be made at a slower rate and with a mean hand position further forward and vertically higher than signs produced in the unimpeded visibility condition.

Recent research has examined the early stages of language development in signed and spoken language. In this paper we discuss claims that, in the timing of early language milestones, there is an advantage for the acquisition of signed languages. In particular, we will review the evidence that the emergence of the first signs and of the first two-sign combinations is precocious in signing children as compared to the appearance of the first words and of the first two-word strings in speaking children. We conclude that the evidence for early emergence of the first signs deserves continued attention, but that the evidence for early syntax in signing children is not at all compelling. Finally, we discuss the import of a short-lived sign advantage in early language acquisition, in terms of understanding maturational timing mechanisms more generally. Specifically, we address the question of whether or not a single timing mechanism underlies early milestones in the acquisition of both vocabulary and syntax.

The critique by Petronio and Lillo-Martin 1997 of the argument that, in American sign language (ASL), WH-phases move rightward to a specifier CP position, proposes a leftward WH-movement. A new study suggests that Petronio and Lillo-Martin incorrectly interpreted the data and their analysis does not account for the facts of the language. Therefore, the argument that ASL WH-phases move to the right in ASL holds good.