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Event-related potential studies of rhyme judgments in alphabetic languages show that nonrhyming word pairs elicit a larger negative-going wave peaking at 450 ms after stimulus onset than rhyming word pairs. We use Chinese characters to explore the extent to which this N450 rhyming effect reflects phonological processing. Using Chinese characters provides an advantage over alphabetic scripts because rhyming characters can have nonoverlapping orthographic forms, something not possible in alphabetic scripts. We recorded event-related potentials when the Chinese speakers made rhyme judgments to Chinese and English words. An N450 effect was observed in both the languages. Moreover, the N450 effects exhibited in the two languages were correlated. The results support the phonological account of the N450 effect and indicate that similar phonological operations are involved in different languages.

The effect of concreteness has been heavily studied on nouns. However, there are scant reports on the effect for verbs. The present research independently manipulated concreteness and word class of Chinese disyllabic words in tasks that required different depths of semantic processing: a lexical decision task and a semantic relatedness judgment task. The results replicated the concreteness effect for nouns, indicating that concrete nouns elicited larger N400 responses than abstract nouns with a broad distribution over the scalp, irrespective of the task demands. Similar to the findings from English unambiguous verbs, the concreteness effect for Chinese verbs was also robustly observed from fontal to posterior electrodes in both tasks. These results suggest that when Chinese nouns and verbs are typical and unambiguous in both meanings and word classes, the similar topographic distributions of the N400 components reflect the same underlying cause(s) of the concreteness effect for these two word classes.

In two experiments, a parafoveal lexicality effect in the reading of Chinese (a script that does not physically mark word boundaries) was examined. Both experiments used the boundary paradigm (Rayner, 1975) and indicated that the lexical properties of parafoveal words influenced eye movements. In Experiment 1, the preview stimulus was either a real word or a pseudoword. Targets with word previews, even unrelated ones, were more likely to be skipped than were those with pseudowords. In Experiment 2, all of the preview stimuli had the same first character as the target. Target words with same-morpheme previews were fixated for less time than were those with pseudoword previews, suggesting that morphological processing may be involved in extracting information from parafoveal words in Chinese reading. Together, the two experiments dealing with how words are processed in Chinese may provide some constraints on current computational models of reading.

A large number of Chinese characters are made up by pairing a semantic radical and a phonetic radical. The phonetic radical usually gives a phonological clue for the pronunciation of the whole character but does not contribute to its meaning. Using an event-related potential (ERP) measurement, the present study was able to trace the very intricate interplay between phonological and semantic information embedded in the phonetic radical. It was found that, within the first 50 to 100 ms of perceiving the character, the semantic information of the phonetic radical was better preserved when the constituent phonetic radical provided a valid phonological clue (e.g., regular phonogram) than when it contained an invalid phonetic cue (e.g., irregular phonogram). However, no trace of semantic information from the phonetic radical was preserved after 300 ms. These ERP results detail the neuropsychological steps in reading Chinese and support the framework of the lexical constituent model.

This event-related functional magnetic resonance imaging (efMRI) study aims to investigate the central representations of Chinese orthography-to-phonology transformation (OPT) by simultaneously manipulating character frequency and consistency. Bilateral inferior frontal cortices (including Broca's area and insula), the left temporoparietal region (superior parietal gyrus and supramarginal gyrus), and the left temporal-occipital junction showed greater activation, especially in low-frequency conditions, when naming inconsistent characters as compared to consistent ones. These findings suggest that these regions are involved in the sublexical conversion of orthographic input into phonological codes in naming Chinese. The similar activation pattern found in these three regions suggests a distributed process, rather than separate neural routes, for lexical and sublexical OPT. In addition, the regions involved in Chinese OPT are congruent with the findings for reading alphabetic scripts and indicate that the neuronal mechanisms for orthography-to-phonology transformation is domain universal across different writing systems.

The role of phonological coding for character identification was examined with the benefit of processing parafoveal characters in eye fixations while reading Chinese sentences. In Experiment 1, the orthogonal manipulation of phonological and orthographic similarity can separate two types of phonological benefits for homophonic previews, according to whether these previews share the same phonetic radical with the targets or not. The significant phonological benefits indicate that phonological coding is activated early when the character is in the parafovea. Experiment 2 manipulated the character's consistency value and found that the phonological preview benefits are reliable only when the targets are high consistency characters. The results of two experiments suggest that phonological computation is rapid and early at both character and radical levels for Chinese character identification.

The present study used functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) to investigate the neural mechanisms underlying the orthographic and phonological processing of Chinese characters. Four tasks were devised, including one homophone judgment and three physical judgments of characters, pseudo-characters, and Korean-like nonsense figures. While the left occipitotemporal region, left dorsal processing stream, and right middle frontal gyrus constitute a network for orthographic processing, the left premotor gyrus, left middle/inferior frontal gyrus, supplementary motor area (SMA), and the left temporoparietal region work in concert for phonological processing. The ventral part of the left inferior frontal cortex responds specifically to the character stimuli, suggesting a general lexical processing role for this region for linguistic material. The stronger activation of the dorsal visual stream by Chinese homophone judgment pinpoints a tight coupling between phonological representation of Chinese characters and corresponding orthographic percepts. The concomitant engagement of sets of regions for different levels of Chinese orthographic and phonological processing is consistent with the notion of distributed parallel processing.

Knowing how the brain processes Chinese characters of different frequencies of occurrence may shed light on the extent to which orthographic variations of different languages can influence reading processes in the brain. In the present study, event-related fMRI was used to investigate frequency effects on Chinese character processing. Reading low-frequency characters invoked higher activation in several brain regions including the left premotor/inferior frontal gyrus, supplementary motor area, left anterior insula, left posterior inferior temporal gyrus, left superior parietal cortex, and lingual cortex, while reading high-frequency characters resulted in higher activation in the left supramarginal/angular gyrus and left precuneus. The activation pattern of reading infrequently encountered characters reflects a more demanding processing procedure of retrieving, formulating, and coordinating the phonological output. Access to the lexical route may benefit the reading of high-frequency characters. By uncovering the differential brain responses in reading Chinese characters of different occurrence frequencies, not only has a substantial overlap between functional neuroanatomy of reading Chinese and alphabetical languages been demonstrated, but also features permitting the separation of language-specific content from universal mechanisms.

In recent years, research on the relationship between brain organization and language processing has benefited tremendously from cross-linguistic comparisons of language disorders among different types of aphasic patients. Results from these cross-linguistic studies have shown that the same aphasic syndromes often look very different from one language to another, suggesting that language-specific knowledge is largely preserved in Broca's and Wernicke's aphasics. In this paper, Chinese aphasic patients were examined with respect to their (in)ability to use classifiers in a noun phrase. The Chinese language, in addition to its lack of verb conjugation and an absence of noun declension, is exceptional in yet another respect: articles, numerals, and other such modifiers cannot directly precede their associated nouns, there has to be an intervening morpheme called a classifier. The appropriate usage of nominal classifiers is considered to be one of the most difficult aspects of Chinese grammar. Our examination of Chinese aphasic patients revealed two essential points. First, Chinese aphasic patients experience difficulty in the production of nominal classifiers, committing a significant number of errors of omission and/or substitution. Second, two different kinds of substitution errors are observed in Broca's and Wernicke's patients, and the detailed analysis of the difference demands a rethinking of the distinction between agrammatism and paragrammatism. The result adds to a growing body of evidence suggesting that grammar is impaired in fluent as well as nonfluent aphasia.