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This article analyses the debate over an ‘antisemitic Marx’ in the French context. Since the republication of On the Jewish Question in the aftermath of the Six-Day War, the French intellectual field has seen continuous conflict between supporters of this ‘thesis’ (Mishari, Kaplan, Birnbaum) and their detractors, who are sometimes militant (J. Aron, Bensaïd) and sometimes academic (De Fontenay, Traverso), including those involved in the Grande édition Marx et Engels (Clochec). First, the article examines at length the French debate which spans over 50 years. Second, building on the insights garnered from this debate, it tackles the limits of materialist criticism of religious views. In light of the contemporary crisis of secularism in France, this problem forces Marxist and critical thinkers (Tosel, Meziane) to reassess the issue of religious minorities and their ‘assimilation’ to the ‘national majority’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay engages the challenges and future of the New Jewish Anti-Zionist Left in America. How has anti-Zionism become an expression of progressive Jewishness and in what ways is this anti-Zionism itself a product of the Zionization of American Judaism in the past half century? The essay then turns to ask the ways progressive Jewish America can move past anti-Zionism and in doing so move past Zionization and begin to construct a New Radical Jewish Diasporism that would include new forms of religious/spiritual expression not bound by fidelity to Israel. This final section is more a prolegomenon for a possible future for the Jewish Left today to revive a new form of Radical Diasporism that is both not Zionist, and not anti-Zionist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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How did an Arab Jew read the Quran against the backdrop of contradictory ideologies and the rise of key movements, including nationalism, colonialism, and Zionism, in Mandate Palestine? Approaching Isaac Yahuda as an Arab Jew challenges the binary opposition between Arabs and Jews in Zionist discourse, a linkage perceived as inconceivable, and on the other hand, that linkage is asserted, contested, and tested in the context of nationalism. This article also challenges the advancement of Jewish singularity and superiority by exploring how Jewish writers interacted with the Islamic scripture in Mandatory Palestine rather than dismissing it. This article examines Hebrew interpretation of various passages from the Quran that produced an understanding of the Quran that advanced Zionist ideals, including the nationalization of contested religious sites and the consolidation of the indigeneity of Jews in the East. Isaac Yahuda's Hebrew commentary on the Quran challenged his Arab Jewishness in such a divisive nationalist atmosphere in Mandate Palestine. His hybrid background and dynamic connections with both Jews and Arabs enabled him to navigate these turbulent times by invoking the Quran, demonstrating respect for it, and at the same time challenging the understanding of his contemporary Muslims while utilizing German Jewish scholarship on the origins of Islam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

R. Issachar Teichtal was one of the few representatives of the Orthodox community of the first half of the 20th century, who became supporters of the idea of a mass return of Jews to the land of Israel, and active cooperation with secular groups for the realization of this goal. The subject of the correspondence of his views to the concepts of religious Zionism was thoroughly investigated in the works of H. Hershkovich, D. Reiser, M. Inbari, and others. However, the problem of the development of R. Issachar's revolutionary ideas in the context of the teaching of Hasidism, of which he was a follower, definitely needs further research. According to the views of R. Teichtal, the liberation of the Jewish people should be carried out naturally. That is, one should not wait for the appearance of the messiah, who will perform all kinds of miracles with God's help. People have to organize themselves, ensure their own relocation to the historical ancestral homeland, turn a desert into a blooming garden, develop housing and production. In general, the plan of r. Issachar relies on the examples of programs of contemporary secular political movements. On the other hand, he interprets this kind of activity as a spiritual practice described in the works of the leading kabbalists and teachers of Hasidism. Our author claims that the development of the Holy Land leads to the restoration of harmony in the divine pleroma. The works of the founders of Hasidism, well known to our author, also preached the idea of the exceptional importance of serving the Lord during daily work. This was one of the most significant differences between their teachings and the views of the traditional rabbinical elite. The teaching of R. Teichtal about the role of tzaddiks in the decisive times of the national libe-ration struggle deserves special attention. It actually consists of three separate concepts: 1. The main tzaddiks of the generation cannot lead the development of the land of Israel because their participation would cause insurmountable opposition from the forces of darkness; 2. The role of the tzaddiks in the matter of returning to the historical homeland is actually performed by the souls of great righteous people of the past; 3. The role of tzaddiks in modern conditions is performed by simple secular workers who build up the land of the ancestors. The last thesis, according to the author of the article, is not a rhetorical exaggeration. R. Issachar believed that it was a real state of affairs. In the conclusions, it is noted that R. Teichtal should be recognized as one of the leading ideologists of neo-Hasidism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the praxis of the Zionist Left in Brazil, particularly during the 2010s. It argues that the Zionist Left, which claims to be a progressive grouping that stands in solidarity with the oppressed people in Palestine and in Brazil, functions in fact as a colonial counterrevolutionary actor against radical-left emancipatory politics. Indeed, the Zionist Left functions as a gatekeeper, blocking sectors of the Jewish community and the Brazilian Left from joining the growing anti-Zionist decolonial movement in Brazil. This paper aims to show how various Zionist Left groups have historically worked with the Zionist elite and the Brazilian state to undermine anti-Zionist communist Jewish alternatives by resorting to fraudulent discourse and even force in order to build support for the Zionist settler-colonial project in Palestine. This paper utilises a Marxist, anti-Zionist and anti-colonial framework in order to provide a counter-hegemonic critique for an emancipatory praxis that rejects colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bu çalışma, Siyonizm ekseninde ve İsrail’in kuruluş miti bağlamında kutsal metnin araçsallaştırılmasını konu edinmektedir. Avrupa’da sömürgeci ve milliyetçi bir hareket olarak ortaya çıkan Siyonizm, politikalarını güçlendirmek için sıklıkla Yahudi kutsal metinlerini referans göstermiştir. Bu bağlamda ulus devletlerin vazgeçilmez bir parçası olarak kabul edilen vatan meselesini Filistin’e dönüş mitiyle, işgal ve yerleşim politikalarını ise Yeşu Kitabı’nın Siyonist yorumu üzerinden meşrulaştırmaya çalışmıştır. Bu yaklaşımların en görünür ve etkileyici hâlinin arkeolojinin kullanımı ve kutsal metinlerde geçen isimlerden hareketle haritalandırma çalışmaları üzerinden gerçekleştiğini söylemek mümkündür. Kuşkusuz bu aşamaların gerçekleşmesi için sürgünün itibarsızlaştırılması, İsrail toprağına ve dolayısıyla tarihe dönüş fikri büyük önem arz etmekteydi. Bu süreçlerin İsrail’in kurucu erkleri tarafından başarılı bir şekilde işletildiğini söylenebilir. Bu çalışmada Siyonist tarih anlayışı kurgulanırken, kutsal metnin hangi açılardan referans alındığı ve bunun arkeoloji ve haritalandırma üzerinden nasıl uygulandığı incelenmektedir. Ayrıca tüm bunların neticesinde ortaya çıkan mitik anlatı da eleştirel bir şekilde işlenmektedir.

Among French Jewish intellectuals who rejected Zionism in the early twentieth century was René Worms, a sociologist who used sociological theories as well as "franco-judaïsme," the French-Jewish model of assimilation, to oppose it. In 1920–21, during debates organized by the Société de sociologie de Paris on the future of Palestine and Zionism, Worms used various theories to counter Jewish nationalism. Influenced by biology and race science, he began by denying the existence of a Jewish race, emphasizing the racial heterogeneity of modern Jews. His understanding of the evolution of modern religions toward universalism, influenced by Auguste Comte and Émile Durkheim, also discredited Zionism. Finally, his sociology of nationality, interwoven with Ernest Renan's conception of the nation, precluded any national claim to Judaism. This article examines the arguments Worms made and compare them to those of other speakers in debates between sociologists in Paris. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the possibilities and limitations of a Jewish critique of Zionist politics and the State of Israel, via an engagement with the writings of Leon Roth (1896–1963). Specifically, the article focuses on three main themes: (a) the relation between Judaism and Jews, questioning the "ethnicist" foundation of Zionist ideology; (b) the relation between religion and politics as the two are constructed in modern European discourse, questioning the nationalist premise of the supremacy of nation-statist politics over religion; and (c) the meaning of Jewish secularism, questioning the Zionist claim to a "non-religious" Jewish identity. I argue that Roth's critique of the moral failures of Zionism offers an illuminating explication of a Jewish critique of "the Jewish state", while ultimately failing to form a coherent political voice because of its commitment to the concept of modern, nation-statist sovereignty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how Brazilian nationalist elites perceived Jews, Judaism and Zionism during the military dictatorship period (1964–1985). Although an explicit antisemitic discourse was socially unacceptable in Brazil, many nationalist officials and intellectuals who discussed Jewish and Zionist Brazilians among themselves during those years were using a discourse of Jewish disloyalty. This discourse depicted Jews who adopted a diasporic stance (maintaining certain ethnic and national boundaries and supporting the State of Israel) as not loyal enough to Brazil. Tracing the history of this discourse, the article shows that it was inspired and informed by particular Brazilian notions of race, ethnicity and diaspora, and especially the national narrative of racial democracy. As such, it was a uniquely Brazilian discourse, even as it shared several common characteristics with how Jews were perceived and discussed in other countries. This is illustrated by comparing the Brazilian and Argentine nationalist discourses of Jewish disloyalty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores complementary dimensions of Jewish diversity in Israel. In the past two decades Jews have evolved in polarising directions: whereas the fringes of ultra-Orthodox and the secular widened, the traditional middle narrowed. Within each sector, religious identification across an individual's life cycle is dynamic, with the ultra-Orthodox and religious bolstering their religiosity and the secular and traditional moving away from any religious patterns. Alongside some significant differences among the religious sectors in attitudes and behaviours, such as the importance of being Jewish or the observance of ongoing rituals, there are broad consensuses on matters of belonging to the Jewish people, the importance of remembering the Holocaust, and the celebration of the major Jewish holidays. Still, Israeli society sees disagreements over values and institutions that the state should maintain, and over tension between Judaism and democracy. The discussion assesses differences in religious identity between Israel and Europe and the implications of this for European Jewry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Artuklu Akademi is the property of Artuklu Akademi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Guided by concepts advanced in Carl Schmitt's The Concept of the Political, this article attempts to formulate Orthodox Judaism's concept of the political. While it is evident that different Orthodox groups hold different and sometimes opposing political views, the question remains whether Orthodoxy as such possesses a foundational conceptualization of the sphere of the political that might be also be framed as "Orthodox." The article presents three possible internal Orthodox conceptualizations of "the political," yet highlights each of these positions' failure to integrate Orthodox commitment to halakha within a truly political framework. The first conceptualization negates the political in a manner that subsumes this realm under the purview of halakha. The second acknowledges the political as a secular realm standing outside the boundaries of halakha. The third possesses a religious understanding of the political that is nonetheless non-halakhic. In order to present an Orthodox concept of the political, the article turns to two thinkers who offered a critique of the epistemological regime of modernity (which is responsible for the existence of the political as a distinct sphere) from an Orthodox stance: Isaac Breuer and the young Leo Strauss. Their reflection on the political as such led them to call for a politicization of Orthodoxy's very commitment to halakha. Retrieving Breuer's and Strauss's truly Orthodox concept of the political enables the formulation of a novel, hitherto underdeveloped Orthodox critique of Zionism. Whereas Zionist voices tend to comprehend the exilic stance of Orthodoxy as apolitical compared to their own attempt to politicize Jewish existence, Breuer and Strauss argue that it is precisely Zionism that fails to offer a concept of the political that is truly Jewish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to examine R. Dr. Isaiah Aviad's outlook with regard to the Land of Israel, worldly labor, and redemption, as reflected in his teachings. R. Dr. Isaiah Aviad (Oskar Wolfsberg) (1893–1957) was born in Germany. He was one of religious Zionism's main thinkers. He was a pediatrician, and since the establishment of Israel served as an Israeli diplomat in Scandinavia and Switzerland. R. Aviad thought that religious Zionism is the complete Judaism, that which combines Torah and labor, spirit, and matter—multi-dimensional. In addition, R. Aviad believed in natural redemption and human effort, linking the redemption to the Land of Israel and to cultivation of the earth. He thought that human activism—i.e., redeeming the soil of the Land of Israel and cultivating it, is a religious precept that will bring about the redemption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay engages the thought of US rabbi Meir Kahane (1932–1990), a provocative, militant, and, to many, demonized figure in postwar American Judaism. Among his other interventions in Jewish life in the 1960s and 1970s, Kahane played a major role in the movement for Soviet Jewry that occupied Jews from the early 1960s through the early 1980s when the USSR loosened its restrictions on Jewish emigration. I suggest that, for Kahane, the movement for Soviet Jewry was much more than protesting the unfair treatment of Jews in Soviet Russia. It was, for him, part of a global conflagration between democracy and communism that implicated Jews, Vietnam, Israel, and the Arab world, as well as the US, China, and Russia. Moreover, the US was a fundamental part of Kahane's views on Soviet Jewry; he saw it as the pivotal player in the war against communism, which for him also represented the battle against the erasure of religious freedom and proved crucial for the support of Israel against its Arab enemies. I begin by briefly introducing Kahane, his relationship to the US and religion, and then develop his complicated views on Soviet Jewry and the US's role in saving Jews in the Soviet Union. Resumen: Este ensayo aborda el pensamiento del rabino estadounidense Meir Kahane (1932–1990), una figura provocadora, militante y, para muchos, demonizada del judaísmo estadounidense de posguerra. Entre sus otras intervenciones en la vida judía de los años sesenta y setenta, Kahane desempeñó un papel importante en el movimiento a favor de los judíos soviéticos que ocupó a los judíos desde principios de los sesenta hasta principios de los ochenta, cuando la URSS suavizó sus restricciones a la emigración judía. Sugiero que, para Kahane, el movimiento a favor de los judíos soviéticos era mucho más que protestar por el trato injusto que recibían los judíos en la Rusia soviética. Para él, formaba parte de una conflagración global entre democracia y comunismo que implicaba a judíos, Vietnam, Israel y el mundo árabe, así como a Estados Unidos, China y Rusia. Además, EE. UU. era una parte fundamental de las opiniones de Kahane sobre el judaísmo soviético; lo veía como el actor central en la guerra contra el comunismo, que para él también representaba la batalla contra la supresión de la libertad religiosa y resultaba crucial para el apoyo a Israel contra sus enemigos árabes. Comienzo presentando brevemente a Kahane, su relación con Estados Unidos y la religión, y luego desarrollo sus complicadas opiniones sobre el judaísmo soviético y el papel de Estados Unidos en la salvación de los judíos de la Unión Soviética. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Antisemitism has once again proven itself to be an international phenomenon, crossing borders and cultures with ease and adept at finding major issues in the public square, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, upon which to hang its claims. This article argues that antisemitism currently takes four major forms: Anti-Zionist antisemitism, which targets the State of Israel as a Jewish collectivity; Neo-Traditionalism, which revives pre-modern anti-Judaic notions in contemporary guise; Holocaust relativisation, which involves instrumentalizing and distorting the nature of the Holocaust without denying it outright; and anti-Judaism, which manifests in efforts to ban circumcision, kosher slaughter and other core Jewish rituals. The article concludes by examining whether the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) Working Definition of Antisemitism is an adequate tool for engaging with a growing problem, suggesting ways in which the definition might be amended to make it more effective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Judaism and the City, Judaism in the City: A Historiographical Journey" deals with the topic "Jews and the City" as a relevant research theme in the field of Jewish studies. Various perspectives on the historiography of Judaism are presented, and topics such as the ghetto, port Jews, and religious minorities are examined. The article emphasizes the importance of places like Venice, Amsterdam, and Berlin for Jewish history and also mentions the role of Zionism and the Jewish diaspora in the United States. It also addresses the connection between religious minorities and the process of urbanization. [Extracted from the article]

The present study will focus on core parallels and nodes of theopolitical exchange between the two most politically and theologically consequential jurist "theosophers" of the twentieth century, the Religious Zionist founding father, the Jewish Rav Avraham Yitzchak Hacohen Kook (1865–1935), and the Shia Islamic Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1900–1989). Unquestioned masters of the tradition of both medieval philosophy and mysticism, as well as the theosophies of the early-modern and modern eras, both Kook and Khomeini attempted to embed the rhetoric of theosophy within revolutionary notions of both clerical religious authority and the necessity of their respective nomoi to assume political form. The study will also correlate contemporary Shia reformist theosophies undergirded with anti-theocratic exoteric postures with pre-WW2 German-Jewish "existence philosophies" as represented by Franz Rosenzweig, noting a common appreciation for what the study will term "theopolitical risk". It argues that the retrieval of medieval Judeo-Islamic political philosophy for the successful negotiation of reason and revelation in modernity against both theocratic juridical extremism and the iron cages of positivistic-realist secularism must be rethought in light of the theopolitics coursing through Iran and Israel, two states at the geographic periphery though fully within the horizons of the Modern West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jews, before and after World War II, were viewed with an attitude that was generally more positive and inclusive in the United States. This thinking about the Jews manifested in concepts such as Judeo-Christian and the Christian Zionist movement. Despite this newfound favor, hostile and negative conceptualizations of the Jews and Judaism persisted in some areas of American religion. An anti-Judaic midrash was being elaborated and spread. This negative attitude towards Judaism appeared not in the evangelical discourse about Jews or Israel but in one of the most unlikely of places: in internal struggles within the Christian church in the United States. On the margins of American Christianity, an unorthodox Christian movement arose. It was in conservative evangelical opposition to Herbert. W. Armstrong's "heretical" movement and in Armstrong's theology that the anti-Judaic was resurrected and enjoyed new life during the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the notion of aesthetic camouflage the uses and abuses of memory and forgetfulness, this article seeks to examine and interrogate the ways in which Israel's 'national poet' Yehuda Amichai (born 'Ludwig Pfeuffer', 1924–2000) relies heavily on the imperialist Zionist ideology to justify and legitimise the settler-colonial existence of Israel from a European and Zionist hegemonic perspective. The postcolonial image of Jerusalem, as mystified by Amichai's poetry, signifies an apolitical and ahistorical Orientalist image of Jerusalem as being 'a troubled sacred and mythical city' claimed by clashing monolithic religions including Islam, Judaism, and Christianity. In other words, the systematic and historical absence of Palestinian people in Amichai's poetry is ostensibly bound up with what Edward Said calls 'the functional absence of 'native people' in Palestine'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We ask how the theopolitics of a nation-state, and especially its soteriology, engage with traditions that preceded the state and relay messages that contradict this theopolitics. To discuss this question, we address the evolving (re-)interpretation of the Ninth of Av—a ritual commemoration of the destruction of Jerusalem and the end of Jewish (Judean) self-rule in ancient times—by Religious-Zionist commentators. We further compare this interpretation to the Religious-Zionist appropriation of Jerusalem Day, a civic holiday celebrating the establishment of Israeli control over East Jerusalem in the June 1967 war. We argue that the statist imperative of the superiority of nation-statist theopolitics suggests that traditions are co-opted to fit in with its soteriology, with varying degrees of resistance or willing accommodation by carriers of these traditions. This co-opting may result in either the de-politicization of what the statist view would see as religion or the religionization of the state's own civic and so-called secular holidays. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Sporting Club (SC) Maccabi de Paris is both the first longstanding Jewish sports club in France and the most influential. Founded in 1924 by Jews from Eastern Europe and Russia, the club disseminated 'philanthropic' Zionism during the interwar period, uniting Jews from different communities around the idea of creating a Jewish State in Palestine. At the time, sport was considered a tool for regenerating bodies to create a 'new Jewish man'. The club's leaders fostered the idea of a strong and powerful Jewish people united in Judaism, and the participation of French athletes in the 'Jewish Olympics', the Maccabiah Games, represented the culmination of this propaganda. Rooted in cultural history, this article studies the birth and development of the SC Maccabi de Paris from its creation to the beginning of the Second World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rabbi Ḥayim (Chaim) Hirschensohn (1857–1935) was one of only a handful of Jewish thinkers to work out a Jewish political theology, and on account of his progressive stances he became a favorite of liberal circles within contemporary Judaism. Therefore, a passage in his book Malki Bakodesh, in which he expresses clear opposition to universal suffrage, "invited" mitigating interpretations. Yet, a survey of Hirschensohn's various writings reveals that they contain a trend of political elitism. Is this surprising? Hirschensohn's progressiveness notwithstanding, the article argues that his elitist sentiments are rooted in three major intellectual trends within modern Judaism: Mitnagdism, Haskalah, and Zionism. In the writings of seminal thinkers in each of these movements, we find political elitism and reservations about government "by the people." Hirschensohn's personal history positioned him at the confluence of these trends, and so his elitist opinions should be viewed as the outgrowth of these intellectual traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study deals with Chabad-Lubavitch, one of Russia's essential representatives of the Hasidic tradition, which emerged in the 18th century in the region covering today's Poland and Ukraine. The idea of making esoteric teaching understandable and applicable through mission activities is the characteristic feature of the movement. The struggle within Hasidism, the oppression of Mitnagdim and the Russians, the emergence of Zionism, immigration to America and the struggle for Jewish identity are the main elements that determine the character and strategy of the movement. All movement leaders have worked to achieve messianic salvation, and this struggle is still carried on by its members. Chabad-Lubavitch operates with the motto of keeping the Jewish identity, tradition and heritage alive and ensuring its continuity worldwide. The emergence of Chabad-Lubavitch, which is defined as a missionary movement in the sense of conveying the orders and prohibitions of religion to the Jews, its historical course from the beginning to the present, its differences from other Hasidic traditions, the breaking points that affect the process in the transformation from a local to a global movement and the formation of mission activities are the main goal that the research seeks to reveal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The widespread receptivity of Jewish communities around the world to Meir Kahane demands that we reconsider our narrative of modern Jewish history and religious thought. His racism, calls for violence, and protofascism are startling, given the standard presentation that liberalism and assimilation mark the modern Jewish era. Even more startling is that Kahane's name almost never appears in the major surveys of American Judaism, the history of Zionism, and modern Jewish thought. Yet, Kahane's influence is growing rapidly and already outweighs the influence of most other modern Jewish thinkers and shows no sign of abating, especially with the rise of authoritarian regimes around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shaul Magid's Meir Kahane: The Public Life and Political Thought of an American Jewish Radical (2021) stresses the American character of Kahane's thought. This review analyzes this claim in two ways. First, it offers a transnational perspective on Kahane's philosophy. Second, it examines Magid's concept of neo‐Kahanism in light of Kahane's legacy in Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this response to the essays in the symposium on my book Meir Kahane: The Public Life and Political Thought of an American Jewish Radical I tried to clarify and expand some of the thoughtful and astute themes in the remarks of my interlocutors, especially about how the book was not intended to be about one figure but rather an intervention into postwar American and Israeli Judaism through the lens of a maligned figure who is ignored by most American Jews and demonized by most Israeli Jews. Meir Kahane remains present because he never went away. And he never went away because he offered solutions that, while unpopular and egregious, continue to resonate when Jews begin to feel unstable about their place in America or Israel. He is the dark underside of the modern Jewish project that will not go away. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Of the individuals most commonly associated with the so-called "Jerusalem School" of historiography—the first- and second-generation of scholars of Jewish history that coalesced around the Hebrew University in the first years of its existence—Yitzhak (Fritz) Baer (1888–1980) was probably the least overtly political. Yet, a careful reading of his writings reveals a mind that was heavily engaged with the social and political affairs of the day. Like most members of the Jerusalem School, Baer saw his scholarship as a contribution to the Zionist project—an attempt to influence the character of the renascent Jewish society. Although he did not proclaim or publicize his views as loudly as others, he nonetheless weaved his political views into the fabric of his historical research. By reading his historical works against their immediate political context, we can therefore begin to piece together what amounts to an original and comprehensive worldview. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The ideas of the well-known reformist Sheikh Muḥammad Rashīd Riḍā (1865-1935) in his journal Al-Manār (Lighthouse, 1898-1935) still inspire many academic researchers who are interested in the study of the Muslim world in the first decades of the twentieth century. As one of the most influential advocates of Arab nationalism and pan-Islamism, Riḍā’s critiques of Zionism and Jewish expansion in Palestine were part of his anti-colonial activities against the ‘Christian’ west. The article discusses how Riḍā was frustrated that European powers let down the Arabs by supporting the Jews in establishing their homeland at the cost of the rights of its indigenous habitants. We shall argue that Riḍā’s harsh views of Zionism should be understood as a mixture of religious rhetoric, nationalist ambitions, resistance to Turkish policies, and political frustration with Europe’s ‘unjust’ colonial policies and special political privileges given to the Jews in Palestine. In the early years of the twentieth century, Riḍā anticipated the progress of the Jews in establishing a nation of their own in Palestine, but his concerns grew after the British Mandate in 1922. The article looks at how Riḍā, in his confrontations with Zionism and Judaism, combined these debates with other ideas on freemasonry, the authority of the Church, the crusades, and the role of Jesuits in curbing the asserted increasing Jewish power in Europe. The article highlights how Riḍā’s Islamic national outlook against the Jews and Zionists in Palestine bears the character of religious and political ferment against the ‘Christian’ west.

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Copyright of West Pomeranian Review / Przegląd Zachodniopomorski is the property of Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecinskiego / University of Szczecin Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This commentary describes a virtual seder (the ceremonial Passover meal) as it is reformatted by Covid-19. Dwelling on a shift in the closing lines of the socially-distanced digital dinner from “next year in Jerusalem” to “next year, together,” the essay explores the politics of place in articulations of hope and the role of ritual in potentially rewriting them.

Of the individuals most commonly associated with the so-called “Jerusalem School” of historiography—the first- and second-generation of scholars of Jewish history that coalesced around the Hebrew University in the first years of its existence—Yitzhak (Fritz) Baer (1888–1980) was probably the least overtly political. Yet, a careful reading of his writings reveals a mind that was heavily engaged with the social and political affairs of the day. Like most members of the Jerusalem School, Baer saw his scholarship as a contribution to the Zionist project—an attempt to influence the character of the renascent Jewish society. Although he did not proclaim or publicize his views as loudly as others, he nonetheless weaved his political views into the fabric of his historical research. By reading his historical works against their immediate political context, we can therefore begin to piece together what amounts to an original and comprehensive worldview.