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This study focuses on the investigation of frequency and distribution of the active, passive sentences and nominalized structures in new reports about "the terrorist attack in Ankara on October 10th" (2015) across British and American newspapers. In the light of this purpose, the following research questions are addressed: 1. How is the news about the terrorist attack in Ankara reported in British and American newspapers as far as active, passive sentences and nominalized structures are concerned? 2. What are the frequencies and distributions of active, passive sentences and nominalized structures in news reports across British and American newspapers? The data of the study are analyzed quantitatively and qualitatively by finding out the frequencies and distributions of the structures, and by explaining examples from the document analysis process respectively. American newspapers were found to present the agent more frequently compared to British newspapers. The results of the study show that there are instances of passivization in mitigating a claim about the agent, or attenuating to present the details of the events. The journalists use active voice in describing the actions and events whereas they prefer passive voice in presenting the actions in which the agent is unknown or irrelevant. As the newspapers examined within the domain of this study are the most circulating and leading newspapers, the choice of these structures and their potential role in conveying ideology have crucial role in presentation of the image of Turkey in external media (i.e. the news reported abroad about Turkey). [This research study was presented at the Corpora and Discourse International Conference (June 30-July 2, 2016) Siena University, Italy.]

Local journalism in the UK has been described as being in "crisis". Local newspapers have experienced years of declining circulations and staff cuts, leading to questions about how effectively those institutions can continue to perform normative functions of journalism. One of those is to report on the courts. Through analysis of 22 semi-structured interviews with local newspaper reporters who cover the courts beat, agency court reporters who supply the local press, as well as broadcast journalists involved in both local and national court coverage, this paper helps to establish how the daily newswork of court journalists has developed amid a turbulent period in journalism, especially local journalism. The research finds that court reporting has been less affected than other news beats but faces a series of challenges related to financial cuts and other pressures. While the local press has become even more essential to the provision of court reporting, a central part of the news media's fourth estate role, those challenges affect the ability of court reporters to perform this function. This paper recommends that policymakers consider using a form of public funding to guarantee the future of court reporting at the local level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 1 January 1930 the Communist Party of Great Britain's (CPGB) new daily newspaper, theDaily Worker, was published for the first time. It was heralded by the CPGB as a maturing of the British Communist movement, and an opportunity for the Party to spread its message to a much wider audience than previous weekly newspapers would allow. With leading Party members in control of the paper, theDaily Workerwas very much a Party newspaper; however, the CPGB wanted it to be much more than an internal bulletin. This paper examines the attempts by the CPGB to create a newspaper that spoke both for and with the voice of the working-classes, whilst also spreading the Party's message. It will ultimately conclude that the CPGB's depiction of it as a paper ‘by the working-classes, for the working-classes’ reflected the Party's efforts at locating its own place within the working-class movement. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The British press, public and parliament are not generally thought to have played a significant role in the process of Britain’s decolonisation in Africa. Neither do most studies of the broad British metropolitan experience foreground the importance of African nationalism. This article begins to challenge both of these views by providing an assessment of the significance of the British press’s rather sensational treatment of an incident of late-colonial violence in the context of an African demonstration in Blantyre, Nyasaland, in 1960. African activists exploited the British press presence in Blantyre as a means of advancing the nationalist cause and fighting the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. British correspondents responded positively for a variety of ideological, political, personal, situational and institutional reasons. In addition, by 1960, the British press recognised the strength of African nationalism in the context of African violence and agitation across that continent in preceding months and years. Its critical articles, which interlocked with British parliamentary proceedings and specific sets of historical concerns, had important effects among two core readerships: sections of the white settler communities of the Federation, and the British Government. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents a study which examined the provincial and national press in Great Britain in the 19th century. It states that national newspapers were less national, and provincial papers were less provincial and more national than assumed in the said period. It outlines that "The Daily Mail" in Manchester, England began printing a northern edition and eventually became the first truly national daily newspaper in the country. However, the study shows that there has been an imbalance in the provincial and historical unit because of other influences such as the concept of literary quality and history of print culture.

Many newspaper analysts and media commentators have dismissed the national Sunday market as a disaster area beyond regeneration. Preston disagrees and points out that although circulations are falling in the Sunday market, the quality press is not faring badly: "In March 2008, quality Sunday sales were recorded as 2.04 per cent down on March 2007: better by far than mid-market and red-top Sundays (down 4.7 per cent and 3.81 per cent respectively) and better than quality dailies, down 2.51 per cent. It's not a dismaying result when you remember that Sundays are traditionally priced far higher than their Saturday in-house competitors." A brave proprietor wishing to launch a new newspaper should go for Sunday, perhaps with Saturday as an added extra, Preston argues. "Print perhaps only one set of magazines and add-ons to cover the weekend. And deal with the run of the week exactly how young readers in particular are tackling it: by logging on and surfing around the whole puzzle on paper for those with the time and inclination to think and brood... If you can marry the swiftness and cheapness on demand of the web with the relative permanency of print, then you have a total package." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares the models for the opinion pages in Danish and British quality newspapers. It examines op-ed and editorial pages in the three largest-circulation Danish dailies and in the British papers The Guardian, Daily Telegraph and The Times, during a randomly selected two-week period in the autumn of 2002. The paper also draws on interviews with key personnel at the six papers. Danish and British models for the opinion pages differ in one fundamental way: the British papers draw on regular columnists for their opinion pieces, while their Danish counterparts are made up entirely by unsolicited contributions from members of the public. The paper argues that British newspapers have a top-down and professionalised vision of public debate in mind, whereas the Danish model seeks to include a wider variety of voices and experiences. Nevertheless, both ways of organising the opinion pages ultimately privilege the voices of the powerful and articulate few. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reporting on crime and the courts are among the classic functions of journalism. In the UK, journalists and others must abide by the Contempt of Court Act 1981, the main piece of primary legislation aimed at ensuring coverage of legal matters is fair to the participants. The restrictions are generally tighter in practice than in jurisdictions such as the US, where the media has a much freer hand to engage in pre-trial reporting. This paper argues that media coverage of the arrest of the so-called 'Yorkshire Ripper' serial killer, Peter Sutcliffe, in 1981 while Parliament was considering the question of contempt, has made the UK regime tougher than it might otherwise have been. Excessive reporting was influenced by an unusually celebratory police news conference. This news coverage coloured the contemporary debate around contempt, and any opportunity for a more relaxed approach to contempt in the UK's jurisdictions was lost. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK's local press is in a mess. Cut back to the bare bones after years of consolidation and cost‐cutting, hundreds of titles have closed, while many of those that survive are pale imitations of what they were. Revenues have been savaged by the internet and social media, while some in the industry have pointed fingers at council newspapers. But while there are signs of life and innovation in the industry, from newcomers as well as established players, finding funding is an urgent challenge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the image of the United States in the British Press. The author says that if the British press is accused of sensationalism or degeneration it is said to have been Americanized by a process of both good and bad general imitation. In a recent survey it was revealed that of some 520 representative and influential Britons, 410 relied upon the British press to keep them informed about the U.S. British school children's primary source was the cinema, which was apparently six times more effective than the next source, British newspapers. Student opinion was evenly divided on the statement, "British newspapers should print more news about the United States." America is more strongly represented in news-gathering agencies in Great Britain than Great Britain is in the United States. There are ten or more American papers and seven news services with offices in London, England. American crime receives more space than all the crime of all the rest of the world, and so does American sex-life.

Election coverage is often assumed to be different to everyday political coverage. We argue that this depends on political institutions. In majoritarian countries, where elections choose governments, election coverage should decisively move towards political competition and away from policy. In consensual countries, where coalitions are based on policy negotiations, there should be a less pronounced shift towards political competition and away from policy. To test this argument, we use an automatic coding system to study 0.9 billion words in Die Welt for 12 years and in the Financial Times for 30 years. The results support our institutional hypothesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

British popular newspapers were fascinated by the terrible power of the nuclear bomb, and they devoted countless articles, editorials and cartoons to it. In so doing, they played a significant role in shaping the nuclear culture of the post-war period. Yet scholars have given little sustained attention to this rich seam of material. This article makes a contribution to remedying this major gap by offering an overview of the coverage of nuclear weaponry in the two most popular newspapers in Britain, the Daily Express and the Daily Mirror, in the period from 1945 to the early 1960s. Although both papers supported British possession of the bomb, claiming that it was essential for the maintenance of great-power status, their reporting was more complex and critical than the existing scholarship has tended to assume. This article argues that sceptical voices in the press often disrupted official narratives and that journalists emphasized the potential dangers involved in the nuclear arms race. Newspapers frequently highlighted, rather than downplayed, the horrors of the bomb: it was repeatedly portrayed as a ‘monster’ threatening the world. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As mid Victorian newspapers spoke of their ever more important role as educators and representatives of the ‘people’, the rise of a free and independent press seemed central to notions of an age of ‘improvement’. However, for many politicians, the press remained simply a tool to be exploited in order to advance their political agendas. By examining the relationship between politicians and metropolitan journalism in the mid nineteenth century, this article contrasts the claims of a press growing in confidence with those of an increasingly media-literate political class and argues that the press was in practice far more the instrument of politicians than the rhetoric suggests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the development of the Polish émigré press in Great Britain for the period since 1940. The paper discusses the chief newspapers and periodicals published over the intervening sixty years, and mentions the principal editors and personalities affiliated with these publications. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article investigates the reasons for the success and failure of the "Daily Herald" in Great Britain, during the period 1919-1940. The early Herald was a crusading radical iconoclastic dominated by its owner-proprietor George Lansbury. Eschewing party lines it encouraged all sections of radical thought. Where other papers had readers the Herald had supporters. The increased costs caused by the war forced it to become a weekly, but in this form it established itself as a major force on the left, the chief focus for anti-war and pro-Russian revolution opinion. The real was lack of capital. The new owners could subsidize it enough to keep it going but not on a scale that would make it competitive. With a smaller staff than its competitors, it was a small paper. A Northern edition was a prerequisite of effective competition but was too expensive. It was unattractive to advertisers.

While the newspaper industry is in crisis and less time and resources are available for newsgathering, social media turn out to be a convenient and cheap beat for (political) journalism. This article investigates the use of Twitter as a source for newspaper coverage of the 2010 British and Dutch elections. Almost a quarter of the British and nearly half of the Dutch candidates shared their thoughts, visions, and experiences on Twitter. Subsequently, these tweets were increasingly quoted in newspaper coverage. We present a typology of the functions tweets have in news reports: they were either considered newsworthy as such, were a reason for further reporting, or were used to illustrate a broader news story. Consequently, we will show why politicians were successful in producing quotable tweets. While this paper, which is part of a broader project on how journalists (and politicians) use Twitter, focuses upon the coverage of election campaigns, our results indicate a broader trend in journalism. In the future, the reporter who attends events, gathers information face-to-face, and asks critical questions might instead aggregate information online and reproduce it in journalism discourse thereby altering the balance of power between journalists and sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What role does the local media, particularly the local press play, in the local constituency campaign during UK general elections? Drawing on interviews with MPs and candidates and evidence from a series of content analysis studies of local newspapers, this article reviews the extent to which the local press offers coverage to political actors during and outside the period of the election campaign. It argues that the pressure to court the local media and to build a local profile is rarely matched by extensive coverage and that this should raise questions about the place of the local press in the local constituency campaign. The paper also sets out the strategies used by MPs and candidates to court the local press and argues that this reflects the very limited role that the local press plays within the local constituency in respect of its political coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the function of data journalism in a UK newsroom using Bourdieu's field theory. The collection of study data was conducted through in-depth interviews, utilising a qualitative research methodology. The data obtained revealed that data journalism, a sub-field of journalism, continues to develop in an interdisciplinary structure and creates a new type of habitus (data habitus) within the field of journalism. This study also shows that the data journalism team in the newspaper has moved from being niche to being established as one of the most active and effective main sections of the newsroom, and that data-driven journalism has the potential to influence other teams. Lastly, this study suggested that the newsroom is undergoing a process of datafication by indicating the newspaper's intention to develop data skills beyond the data journalism team. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In both world wars, British governments depicted tolerance of conscientious objectors as an example of their respect for the principle of individual liberty and contrasted their stance with that of Britain's enemies. Simultaneously, ministers faced an urgent need to conscript manpower. These conflicting demands presented a dilemma for newspapers. Should they demonstrate editorial independence from state and majority opinion through balanced coverage of this most divisive issue, or should they act as cheerleaders for the patriotic cause? Part of a project to present case studies of newspaper treatment of significant political controversies during the Second World War, this paper considers the reporting and analysis of conscientious objection in a structured sample of British newspapers between Monday 16 May 1940 and Friday 14 June 1940. It seeks to establish the extent to which prejudices displayed during the First World War reappeared in journalism published during this most desperate period of the Second. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article features the history of the newspaper, The Drivers' Mirror, published for the British military from 1942 to 1943. The editorial of the first number of the newspaper, published by 129 Infantry Brigade Company on November 9, 1942, quoted a reporter in the Daily Express who said: Troops all over the country are rebelling against the flood of official and private enterprise journalism with which they are being swamped. They want publications reflecting their own thoughts and feelings rather than scores of papers published for profit by outside interests. The newspaper began publication at a camp near Canterbury and ran for 26 weekly issues in a small format of about newspaper size until May 26, 1943. In June 1943 the format was changed to more than twice the size. Each issue of the paper contained an editorial which commented on the work of the editorial staff. The sports features were regular and comprehensive. Football was fully reported and comments made if necessary. There were illustrations in each issue. Some were original cartoons and some pictures cut out of magazines. It is notable that there were no pin-ups and no sexy features. The standard of journalism was high. Even the serious news items were written in straightforward plain language which could be followed by all.

Australia is facing many of the same trends in journalism that are occurring in other countries with mature media industries including declining numbers of journalists, fragmenting audiences, a loss of advertising revenue for media organisations and other challenges to their traditional business models including shifting patterns of news consumption, new competitors for old media and new technologies that demand more time from audiences. However, Australia is also in a unique position. It has a small population and unusually concentrated media ownership; recent newspaper circulation declines have not been as large as in the United States or United Kingdom; and Australia's major media organisations have “colonised the Web” to a larger degree than in many other countries. This has led to suggestions that Australian journalism will be immune from many of the most damaging international trends. Yet other evidence suggests Australia is already in the midst of an economic and professional crisis in newspaper journalism and that this is even more advanced than in other countries such as the United States and United Kingdom. This paper tests these competing propositions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Leveson Inquiry into the culture, practice and ethics of the press is undoubtedly one of the most significant events in the recent history of British media. Lord Justice Leveson's verdict was damning for the national press but he praised the local press for its contribution to local life and for not succumbing to the ethically questionable practices of the nationals. While the Leveson report did not contain any specific recommendations for the improvement of the regional press, it called for urgent government action to prevent its demise. What happened after Leveson ? how have regional and local journalists been affected by the Inquiry and all subsequent developments? This question is at the core of this special issue, which features articles from both academics and practitioners. The authors deal with a wide variety of issues - from normative questions about the role of journalists and (new) business models to more specific enquiries into journalists' post-Leveson working routines and practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the representation of tabloid journalists in 1930s British cinema. It argues that during this period, British films showed journalists to be collaborating with state powers to maintain a stable society. They also depicted reporters as not adhering to any recognised ethical framework. As a result, cinematic journalists in 1930s Britain differ markedly from later, better-known fictional reporters, as they do not challenge inequalities or uphold principles of ethics. The 1930s saw the consolidation and expansion of the popular press in Britain, as well as a boom in cinemagoing. The depiction of the relatively novel 'type' of the tabloid reporter in fiction films in this period therefore had the potential to greatly impact the public's view of the journalism profession. The article highlights how this under-researched period in British film history gives important indications of the place of the reporter in the country's popular imagination, in this decade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The accepted narrative of British press conduct during the First World War is highly negative. Commentators overwhelmingly agree that newspapers downplayed the horror of life in the trenches and afterwards were found to have published fabricated atrocity stories to encourage hatred of “the Hun” on a grand scale. Scholarly assessment of news coverage of women's involvement in war work is also predominantly negative, highlighting patronising and unrealistic portrayals of munitions workers and others. These narratives, however compelling, ignore sections of newspapers and other current affairs journals devoted to helping readers trying to feed families on restricted budgets with scant food, who were grieving for or caring for sons and husbands, and who were adjusting to bewildering disruptions to family life. The dominant historical narratives ignore the development of a previously unexamined form of “lifestyle” journalism and a genre of vivid features journalism focusing on lives on the “Home Front” and which helped undermine traditional boundaries between the domestic and public realms. This article asks whether “soft” genres of journalism actually better reflected the realities of wartime readers' lives, and better satisfied their need for information than propaganda-driven news pages. Assessing readers' responses to these different genres of journalism helps explain why readers can simultaneously mistrust and also enjoy their news media. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

While the coverage of women's sport in UK media rises to comparable levels to men's sports during large sporting events like the Olympics, academics agree that “routine” women's sports coverage is under-represented. According to the Women's Sport and Fitness Foundation, “81% of people think that the female athletes at London 2012 make better role models for young girls than other celebrities.” This article examines the representation of women in sport and compares routine coverage of women's sports in the UK national press across a week in February 2012, six months before the London Olympics, with coverage in a week in February 2013, six months after the Olympics, to see if there has been an Olympic “legacy” that increased coverage. It also examines coverage at the same time of year a decade earlier, to see how far, if at all, women's sports coverage in newspapers has progressed. The results suggest that there has been minimal change in everyday coverage of women's sports after the Olympics, and that female athletes continue to be hugely under-represented in the UK press. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Press Complaints Commission (PCC) is the self-regulatory body established by the UK newspaper industry to adjudicate readers' complaints. The PCC's code of practice is used to determine whether complaints should be upheld. Launched in 1991, the PCC has been in operation for more than ten years; this anniversary presented an ideal opportunity to conduct a statistical analysis of the commission's performance in dealing with readers' complaints. The study revealed that although the PCC handled more than 20,000 complaints in those ten years, it adjudicated on only 707, and upheld approximately 45 per cent (321). This is a relatively small number on which to judge the direction the PCC is taking in its ethical pronouncements and to assess whether there are any changes in the Council's approach over time. There are some clear indicators, however, that the PCC's performance is varied and that while its record on complaints about the coverage of minors is commendable, driven largely by its concern to protect the two princes, Harry and William, its record on other areas of major concern to the public, particularly discrimination, is poor. The PCC has certainly not regulated certain aspects of newspapers with sufficient vigour to satisfy many of its critics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to shed light on the news selection process by examining the news values currently operational in British newspapers. The study takes as its starting point Galtung and Ruge's widely cited taxonomy of news values established in their 1965 study and puts these criteria to the test in an empirical analysis of news published in three national daily UK newspapers. A review of Galtung and Ruge's original study as well as a wider review of related literature is provided. The findings of the news content analysis are used to evaluate critically Galtung and Ruge's original criteria and to propose a contemporary set of news values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evaluates the future of foreign news in Great Britain. Reduction in the resources devoted to the gathering and discussion of foreign news; Decline in the proportion of foreign news in American newspapers; Factors which contributed to the decline in the interest in foreign news.

Public trust in the criminal justice system in England and Wales has been low since the 1990s, and accusations that the system is arcane, lacking transparency, soft on criminals and removed from the society it serves are common. The government, together with many lawyers, journalists and experts, believes that lifting the ban on televising trials may enhance the transparency of the judicial system, and eventually lead to higher levels of public trust. Drawing on the most systematic content analysis of the coverage of this debate between 1984 and 2016, we analyse how this issue was debated in British national newspapers. In addition to examining how newspapers presented this policy debate, we also explore how the coverage discussed the impact that filming trials could have upon journalistic practice. Our analysis shows how metajournalistic discourse resorts to high-profile and celebrity cases when examining journalistic practice. Newspapers constructed this issue as a quandary between increasing the transparency of the judicial system, and the risk that justice would become sensationalised, ignoring key elements in the debate, and the role that journalists themselves may play in that process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2016, the New Scientist announced the birth and good health of the world’s first baby conceived using spindle nuclear transfer (SNT). The story was immediately circulated worldwide. In this article, we analyze 39 articles published within the first 48 hours of the announcement, in the Mexican, British, and U.S. press. These articles constitute the initial press reactions to the announcement, and as such, they offer a narrative ground on which SNT could thereafter be discussed. We argue that as a media event, the articles performed the task of rendering SNT, a “cultural novelty,” as culturally and technologically feasible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The under-representation of female athletes by print media has been widely acknowledged by feminist media scholars. However, there have been a number of recent studies which suggest that things are changing in terms of progress towards gender equality. In light of such studies this article examines the representation of sportswomen in five British Sunday newspapers, three broadsheets (The Sunday Times, The Observer and The Sunday Telegraph), and two tabloids (the Mail on Sunday and the Sunday Express), over a 24-month period (January 2008–December 2009). The results suggest that sportswomen are still overwhelmingly under-represented in British print media. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

By exploring 2 sets of ethical values, we suggest a theoretical framework for understanding media accountability products. The first set is exclusive to the field of journalism and consists of distinctive values (accuracy, balance, etc.). The second set is nonexclusive, crossing professional fields, and consists of principles for communicating organizational imperfection (responsibility, transparency, and relationality). On the basis of this theoretical construction we formulate an empirical model for assessing products of accountability. The model was applied to 1,458 corrections published in a representative newspaper from Israel, the United States, and the United Kingdom ranging in their levels of adherence to a formal accountability policy. We conclude by asking how the expectations from news organizations to adhere to principles of accountability may be realized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study conducts a framing analysis of British popular press representations of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) during 1939–41, when the definition of the Soviet Union as Ally was conceived, dismissed, revived and finally embraced with an enthusiasm that endured to the eve of the Cold War. Particular attention is paid to the ways in which the press framed an initially inscrutable third party to a bilateral conflict, and how it handled that party's transformation into an official ally. The definition of the Soviet Ally is found to be consistently reassuring and relational, with the Soviet frame depending upon other parties (particularly Britain) for much of its content. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

There have been many studies of the representation of Islam and Muslims in the media in recent years, but interestingly, there is no significant attention to media with a religious background. Focusing on The Tablet, a leading Catholic weekly in Britain, this study aims to fill the absence of sociological study on the representations of Islam and Muslims in the British Christian news media. The article asks the following questions: in what ways is Islam constructed in The Tablet? How is the knowledge about Islam and Muslims produced, reproduced and sustained in The Tablet? To answer these questions, this article employs a discursive approach to analyse the editorials and articles published in The Tablet from the editions of 2001 to 2007. It argues that texts in The Tablet develop a way of representation by (re)interpreting what has occurred in the historical relationships between Islam and Christianity, in order to produce and reproduce knowledge about Islam in which Islam is represented as a partner of the West. In addition, The Tablet also constructs a relational identity for 'British Muslims' and 'Catholics' based on their parallel experiences in their attempts to integrate into British society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are several fundamental reasons why the state should not involve itself in the regulation of the press. However, there are also more practical reasons why self-regulation can be a preferable alternative, benefiting journalists and the public alike. It is flexible, non-bureaucratic and highly effective at delivering practical solutions to problems. Ultimately, self-regulation can raise standards and provide effective redress to those who are wronged by the press. But it does so by working with journalists, not against them. What follows is an examination and analysis of the origins and practices of the press regulatory bodies of the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland, together with an exploration of current issues and solutions adopted, and the identification of future issues deriving from convergence, accountability and effectiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The public arrival of the Beatles in 1963 brought unforeseen difficulties for journalists in the UK. Although there was an established weekly music press, centered around a quartet of titles, its writers had little practical experience of British performers whose popularity and success eclipsed that of their American contemporaries, and who actively sought to create a distinctive musical style of their own. However, the problem was even more acute for the country's national daily and weekly press: the traditional policy of regarding popular music as either an amusing and peripheral diversion or an incitement to delinquency and depravity left it ill-equipped to structure its coverage of a group whose personalities, behavior, and achievements transcended previous categorizations and blurred the distinction between news and entertainment. The decisions taken by the British press played a crucial role in shaping the early popularity of the Beatles, and also helped to establish a journalistic approach through which popular music became a legitimate and lucrative topic for newspapers in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the life and works of journalist Marje Proops from Great Britain. Proops was a brilliant, charming, but ruthlessly ambitious journalist, who started her life on newspapers in 1939. Details on the accomplishments she has made in the industry as well as her early life are highlighted.

The author reflects on the deterioration of ethics in the mass media in Great Britain. He outlines the factors that contributed to the increasing complexity of the media, making it harder to explain and effectively more secretive. The author recognizes the effort of several politicians in creating a more open system in the sector, however, their progress do not connect with policies that could supposedly inspire a fresh start in the industry.

This five-country study examined the extent to which the news coverage of the Iraq war by newspapers from India, Sri Lanka, Indonesia, and the Philippines and by one news agency from Pakistan is framed according to the principles of war/peace journalism outlined by Johan Galtung. The findings, based on a content analysis of 442 stories from eight newspapers, suggest a slight peace journalism framing. Two important factors shaping the news framing of the conflict and support for the war and for the protagonists in the war (Americans/British vs. Iraqis) are religion and sourcing. Newspapers from the non-Muslim countries, except the Philippines, have a stronger war journalism framing, and are more supportive of the war and of the Americans/British than the newspapers from the Muslim countries, which are more supportive of the Iraqis. Stories produced by foreign wire services have a stronger war journalism framing, and show more support for the war and for the Americans/British than stories written by the newspapers’ own correspondents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]