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Exploring Summer Youth Employment Programs: Increasing Access Through Career Pathways builds the case and provides actionable recommendations for state-led support in the intentional alignment of summer youth employment programs (SYEP) with career pathways and the work-based learning continuum, including through Career Technical Education (CTE). This tool was produced through JPMorgan Chase's "New Skills ready network," a five year, $35 million initiative aimed at developing equitable career pathways and policy recommendations that give underserved students access to higher education and real-world work experiences that lead to high-wage, in-demand jobs.

Employment is foundational to young people's successful transition into adulthood, yet many youth with lived experience in the foster care system struggle to obtain employment that provides a living wage. Youth with foster care experience typically do not have the same contacts and connections to employment opportunities as youth who have not been in foster care and cannot rely on the economic support of their family. In addition, transition age youth currently or formerly in foster care are more likely to be unemployed than their peers, and when employed, they typically earn less than their peers. Therefore, transition age youth with foster care experience need additional supports and resources to secure and maintain employment during their transition into adulthood. In this report, the authors highlight recent data on employment for youth with foster care experience. They identify ongoing challenges that youth with foster care experience face in participating in workforce readiness training, and finding and maintaining employment that pays a living wage. Additionally, they highlight a few existing supports for current and former foster youth. Finally, they provide policy recommendations and perspectives from youth to help their peers overcome these challenges and thrive in their careers. [Additional support for this report was provided by additional Maya Kamath, Nima Rahni, and Ted Lempert.]

This resource outlines a menu of actionable strategies for local leaders for workforce-related recovery efforts in response to the COVID-19 pandemic and corresponding recession. These strategies focus on evidence-based interventions and approaches which promote inclusive recovery. We categorize these strategies by goal, type of action, and phase of pandemic reopening so local leaders can choose options best suited for their current circumstances. For each strategy we provide a description, supporting evidence, specific actions for local leaders, and useful examples and resources.

Attaining a college degree is a well-recognized path to economic mobility in the United States, but enrollment gaps among students by family income persist. Interestingly, recent research finds this disparity to be particularly visible in communities where top ranked universities reside. In these communities, residents with no-affiliation to their local university face low rates of economic mobility from one generation to the next and universities see low rates of application and enrollment from nearby neighborhoods struggling with poverty. This pattern is reflective of the deep economic divides that exist between the families of students attending selective universities and local residents. On average, the median parent household income of college students at these schools is more than $62,000 greater than the median household income of residents in the community surrounding the college campus ($116,687 compared to $54,174, respectively). Many schools are now actively seeking ways to bridge the divide between students and the surrounding community through local engagement and improved recruitment. This brief describes a unique partnership between Washtenaw County, MichiganWorks! and the University of Michigan (UM) to pilot a university-engaged Summer Youth Employment Program (SYEP) and highlights opportunities this model presents for both universities and local youth. Data from this brief come from the first year of the partnership.

Data from the U.S. Census Bureau indicate that in 2016 over four million young people in the United States were "disconnected," meaning they had not been enrolled in school in the previous three months and were not working. Although this number has fallen in the years since the Great Recession (which officially ended in 2009), as the economy has improved and unemployment rates have declined, roughly 1 in 10 young people ages 16 to 24 remained disconnected in 2016. These young people face an uphill battle finding work, since they are not engaged in activities that help them build skills or gain work experience. Many youth employment programs attempt to help these young people reconnect with education and work, and over the years some of the biggest have been subject to rigorous evaluations. Overall the results have been mixed, and even when the programs do show positive effects on work and earnings, those effects have generally been modest. The evidence base has grown substantially in the past few months as studies of three such programs -- YouthBuild, Year Up, and New York City's Young Adult Internship Program (YAIP) -- have released new findings. The new findings are exciting because the programs involved used a variety of strategies, but also because one of the programs, Year Up, had large, positive effects on young people's earnings. This type of finding is rare for employment programs in general, and especially rare for programs serving disadvantaged young people. This brief discusses the findings from the three new studies and their implications for youth programs. It argues that no one program is the answer for disconnected young people, but that each program serves a particular segment of the population, and each can serve as a step toward upward mobility. What's missing is the system to help young people navigate these programs and move up.

In 2014, President Obama launched the My Brother's Keeper (MBK) initiative to address persistent opportunity gaps faced by boys and young men of color and to ensure that all young people can reach their full potential. Through this initiative, the Administration has partnered with cities, towns, businesses, and foundations to connect young people to mentoring opportunities and support networks, and help them get the skills they need to find a good job or go to college and work their way into the middle class. The U.S. Department of Commerce understands that an investment in America's youth is also an investment in the country's economic future and collective prosperity. For the first time ever, the Commerce Department has made job-driven training a top priority and created the "Skills for Business" initiative, an effort to better collaborate with private sector, academic, economic development, and government leaders at all levels to prepare workers with the skills needed to fill 21st century jobs. This report highlights the programs and initiatives of seven Commerce agencies that have expanded opportunities and created pathways to success in the workforce for young people, including boys and young men of color in America.

The Rehabilitation Act of 1973, as amended by Title IV of the Workforce Investment Opportunities Act (WIOA) of 2014, defines Competitive Integrated Employment as, "work that is performed on a full-time or part-time basis for which an individuals is: (a) compensated at or above minimum wage or commensurate with individuals without disabilities performing similar duties and with similar training and experience, (b) eligible for the level of benefits provided to other employees, (c) at a location where the employee interacts with other individuals without disabilities, and (d) presented opportunities for advancement similar to other employees without disabilities in similar positions." As families, schools, Vocational Rehabilitation (VR) agencies and other partners plan and engage in transition planning with students, it is important to understand that employment looks different for each student. Competitive integrated employment options should be individualized and align with a students' interests, preferences, skills, and support needs; and with the labor market needs of businesses. By making the connection between students' interests skills, and preferences and business needs, good job matches can be brokered so employment is a mutually beneficial outcome for both the student and business. Empowering students to determine, plan for, and receive appropriate workforce supports is key to a student being successful in competitive integrated employment. Research has found that youth and their families who collaborate with educators, local agency personnel, and businesses are more likely to be employed as adults. Perhaps more interestingly, the nature of the support provided to the student on and off the job determined the difference between a successful job placement and an unsuccessful one. Collaboration among partners working with the student is important and can lead to the desired outcome of competitive integrated employment after high school. This report provides links to web sites offering primary resources for employment preparation and supports needed to prepare youth for competitive integrated employment. This includes links to resources applicable to youth and young adults; families of young adults with disabilities; administrators; school-level practitioners; and vocational rehabilitation counselors. Lastly, a list of organizations and their web sites relevant to secondary education is provided.

For workers of all ages, work satisfies a range of needs, including financial security, a sense of accomplishment, recognition for superior performance, skill development, and social status. However, both youths (aged 16 to 24 years old) and older workers (aged 55 years or older) often find themselves at a disadvantage in the job market. These two age groups account for nearly 50% of the unemployed labor force in the United States, and they continue to face employment hurdles associated with skills and experience deficits due to lack of training or development opportunities. This research brief focuses on the employability of youths and older workers and the important role that training and development can play in strengthening the skills of job seekers and the productivity of the workforce.

At this moment, the role of community-based organizations (CBOs) has never been more important. The country is facing a dual crisis in youth unemployment and low postsecondary completion rates. Both are especially prevalent among low-income and minority young people. Across the nation, nearly 7 million young people are neither in school nor part of the labor market--17 percent of people ages 16 to 24. This group includes both those who have a high school credential but have not continued into postsecondary education and/or the workplace, and those who have left school without a high school diploma and have few if any educational or job prospects. Federal support for local education and career-related services reaches less than 10 percent of these young people. While most young people are aware of the connection between education and employment and have aspirations to succeed in both, young people in the group described above typically find themselves with very limited opportunities. The lost potential in these young people has enormous costs to our economy and our communities for many years to come. This paper shows the vital role of community-based organizations in addressing this dual crisis. The ideas and examples presented here are based on the groundbreaking work of four community-based organizations in California that participated in Opportunity Links for Youth, an initiative supported by the James Irvine Foundation. With support from Jobs for the Future, these CBOs are tackling the essential work of helping 18 to 25 year olds develop the skills and credentials they need for entry into and advancement in growth sectors of the economy. On-ramp design diagrams are appended. [For the executive summary, see ED561288.]

Employers may not know the best way to reach out or how to structure opportunities for young people to explore careers within their organization. In addition, employers may be uncertain about liability, privacy policies, and safety regulations for employees under the age of 18. State and federal laws and policies pertaining to youth employment can be difficult to navigate. However, in most cases, laws related to working with young people do not differ significantly from those for adult employees. Increasing the number of internships and other work-based learning opportunities available to young people is essential for closing the skills gap and preparing youth for successful careers. This brief, which addresses employers' most frequently asked questions, is intended to demystify practical issues related to opening workplaces to students under 18. While there are many ways for employers to engage in work-based learning, much of the material in this brief is focused on internships. Because internships are more intensive than other forms of work-based learning, employers offering internships often need resources that address common questions. The explanations below are intended to clarify misconceptions and encourage employers to open their minds and their doors to young people. The answers to the questions in this brief are meant to serve as a starting point for employers considering internships for high school students. However, because policies and regulations vary considerably across the country, it is not possible to provide definitive answers to all questions; employers should consult their human resources departments, legal counsel, and insurers, as appropriate. Links to resources on such topics as orientation, safety, and training appear throughout this brief and at the end in a list of resources and materials. [This report was produced under the Pathways to Prosperity Network, an initiative of Jobs for the Future and the Harvard Graduate School of Education.]

New York City is facing a youth employment crisis, with unprecedented numbers of young people reaching adulthood without the skills or experiences to secure career-track jobs that pay a living wage. Since 2000, the percentage of 16 to 24 year olds across the five boroughs participating in the labor market has fallen from 45 percent to 29 percent, while the unemployment rate for this group has spiked from 13 percent to 20 percent. Alarmingly, approximately one out of every five New Yorkers in this age bracket--an estimated 172,000 in all--are neither working nor in school, by far the largest number of any city in the United States. Despite the magnitude of the problem, New York City's youth workforce development system falls far short of what is needed. Youth-focused workforce programs reach only a tiny fraction of the young adults who could benefit from employment and training services. At the same time, too many of the city's existing youth workforce development programs are deeply flawed and do little to help young people build skills and connect with decent-paying jobs. The five workforce programs run by the city's Department of Youth and Community Development (DYCD), the city's primary youth workforce agency, served fewer than 41,000 young people last year. DYCD's signature initiative, the Summer Youth Employment Program (SYEP), enrolled 35,957 young people in 2013 but had to turn away almost three times that number due to insufficient capacity. Perhaps even more alarming, DYCD's four other workforce programs served fewer than 5,000 youth combined last year. But while the city's youth workforce system could undoubtedly benefit from more resources, it also needs a major restructuring. Indeed, as this report documents, the three city agencies that provide the bulk of youth workforce development services in the city--DYCD, the Department of Small Business Services (SBS) and the Human Resources Administration (HRA)--all have major shortcomings when it comes to helping young New Yorkers gain the education, skills and experiences necessary for career-track employment. The conclusion of this report is that a new level of focus and a new approach is desperately needed to power improvements to the city's youth workforce development system. [Additional research support for this report was provided by Chirag Bhatt, Stephanie Chan, Josefa Silva, Dara Taylor, Xin Wang, Arielle Wiener-Bronner, Barbara Wijering-van Wyck, Christopher Zoia, and Nadia Zonis.]

The European Training Foundation (ETF) has been providing regular input to the European Commission in implementing the work programme of the Eastern Partnership, a joint policy initiative aimed at deepening and strengthening relations between the EU, its Member States and its six Eastern Neighbours -- Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. In this context, in 2017 the ETF carried out a mapping of policies supporting youth transition to work in these countries, further promoting exchange of experiences throughout the countries in the region and fostering evidence-based policy making. This synthesis report builds on the information compiled in the six country reports and focuses on policy aspects related to youth education, skills development and employment. Mutual learning may contribute to the design of more effective policy measures and policymakers may be inspired by good practice experiences. This report provides a list of four main challenges affecting youth transition to work in Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries with a list of proposed policy directions that could help facilitate youth transition to work. The four main challenges are: (1) Lack of job opportunities -- supporting youth entrepreneurship; (2) Skills mismatches in the labour market -- improving education quality and its relevance to labour market needs; (3) Lengthy and uncertain youth transition to work -- improving the framework for transition support by providing career guidance and opportunities to gain first work experience; and (4) Disadvantaged young people facing particular problems in entering the labour market -- improving provision and better targeting of active labour market programmes.

"YouthBuild" offers low-income youth both education and job training services. "YouthBuild's" education component emphasizes attaining a GED or high school diploma, typically in alternative schools with small class sizes and an emphasis on individualized instruction. In "YouthBuild's" job-training program, participants work in construction jobs building affordable housing for low-income and homeless people in their communities. "YouthBuild" is targeted to youth between the ages of 16 and 24 who are from low-income families and who have demonstrated educational need, typically by being high school dropouts. Participants spend six months to two years in the program. During this time, they alternate weeks between being full-time students and working full-time in the job-training program. Throughout the program, youth participate in counseling, peer support groups, and life-planning exercises that are intended to encourage them to overcome negative habits and pursue life goals. "YouthBuild" programs are typically sponsored by community- or faith-based organizations. These programs are linked by a centralized national office that provides implementation support to local "YouthBuild" sites, such as staff training and information on best practices and program innovations. The WWC identified 32 studies of YouthBuild that were published or released between 1996 and 2009. No studies of "YouthBuild" that fall within the scope of the Dropout Prevention review protocol meet What Works Clearinghouse (WWC) evidence standards. The lack of studies meeting WWC evidence standards means that, at this time, the WWC is unable to draw any conclusions based on research about the effectiveness or ineffectiveness of "YouthBuild." (Contains 2 notes.)

Few Americans know the importance of community-based organizations, or CBOs, in helping tens of thousands of undereducated, underemployed young people find a job or go back to school. But the role of CBOs is growing more critical as the business, education, and philanthropic sectors increasingly recognize the need to enable the nation's millions of high school dropouts, and others disconnected from school and work, or "opportunity youth," find their way into civic life and the workforce. The most effective youth-focused CBOs provide various combinations of education, wraparound supports, job training, and placement as part of clear, easily accessible "on-ramp programs" for these young people that put them on a path to credentials and careers. But even the CBOs that provide the key components of effective on-ramp programs struggle to make their efforts visible to civic and community leaders, policymakers, and funders. This creates ongoing challenges for CBOs in developing, expanding, and sustaining on-ramp programs and limits their ability to help the growing number of young people searching for education and employment. This report aims to lift the veil for policymakers and other leaders about on-ramp programs and how they can help solve the youth unemployment challenge and improve their local workforce. [For the full report, see ED561287.]

Using questionnaire data collected in 2000 from 524 senior general high school students in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, researchers explored the gap between national development goals and student educational interests. They analyzed the relationship between available curriculum and student perceptions of the curriculum's ability to prepare them for the awaiting labor market. Some of the findings are as follows: only 22.6% of students agreed that the general high school curriculum prepared them to work in the labor market, whereas 70.7% agreed that students should have some training before graduation to help them succeed; up to 82% of students did not feel that their high schools provided information about post-high school opportunities; and most students relied upon sources of information other than their high schools to find out about post-high school opportunities. Findings suggest that the vocational curriculum geared towards relieving unemployment in Saudi Arabia does not meet student needs and expectations of their place in the labor market. The dominant factor in the Saudi Arabian context for school to work transition is the significant influences of parents and friends regarding students' post-high school career choices. (Includes 52 references, 7 tables, and 1 figure.) (Author/MO)

Directors of 505 local workforce investment boards (WIBs) nationwide were surveyed to understand implementation status, linkages with education, and factors affecting implementation of the Workforce Investment Act (WIA) of 1998. Findings indicated nearly all local WIBs established a youth council and a network of youth service providers; local boards found it challenging to get parents and youth to participate on youth councils; a number of local areas found it difficult to identify and select youth service providers through the competitive selection process because low numbers of providers responded to requests for proposals; educators participated on youth councils and delivered services but remained tentative partners; two factors facilitated implementation--experience in collaborative efforts among youth-serving agencies and placing priority on youth development; and legislative requirements (such as documenting income eligibility, meeting spending requirement for out-of-school youth, measuring performance indicators and setting performance goals, and meeting partnering requirements) impeded implementation progress or adversely affected service delivery. Appendixes include a comparison of key youth provisions under WIA and the Job Training Partnership Act and Department of Labor comments. (Contains 28 footnotes.) (YLB)

A study compared developments in size of apprenticeship programs and changes in the distribution of apprentices over occupational categories in Ireland, Scotland, and the Netherlands during the last 2 decades. Data were from the "time-series" school leavers' surveys database. Findings indicated, toward the late 1990s, Irish apprenticeship was almost exclusively limited to skilled manual occupations and to crafts and related trades. The Scottish apprenticeship system was also rather "focused," but to a lesser extent. The Dutch apprenticeship system covered a broad array of occupations; only one-third of all apprentices were in skilled manual jobs. Occupational differences were smaller in the early 1980s. Apprenticeship became somewhat more limited to crafts or skilled manual jobs in Ireland and significantly less limited in Scotland, where apprentices appeared in service and market sales occupations in the early 1980s and in clerk jobs in the early 1990s. In Ireland, apprenticeship ceased to be the main route to skilled blue collar jobs. The structure of the Scottish youth labor market was very stable in comparison with Ireland, but the division of labor among apprentices, trainees, and "normal workers" fluctuated heavily in Scotland from 1979-95. The percentage of missing values for Dutch apprentices on the EGP variable was too high and too fluctuating over time to permit data analysis. (Appendixes include 20 references, 7 data tables, and 3 figures.) (YLB)

A study involving random assignment of all youth eligible for Job Corps to either a Job Corps program or to a control group was conducted to assess the impact of Job Corps on key participant outcomes. Participants in the study were nationwide youth eligible for Job Corps who applied for enrollment for the first time between November 16, 1994, and December 17, 1995. The study sought to determine the following:(1) how effectively Job Corps improves the employability of disadvantaged participants, (2) whether Job Corps impacts differ for youths with different baseline characteristics, and (3) how effective the residential and nonresidential components of Job Corp are. Findings over the first 4 years after random assignment include the following: (1) Job Corps provided extensive education, training, and other services to the program group and improved their educational attainment; (2) Job Corps generated positive employment and earnings impacts by the beginning of the third year after random assignment and the impacts persisted through the fourth year; (3) employment and earnings gains were found broadly across most subgroups of students; (4) the resident and nonresidential programs were each effective for the youths they served; (5) Job Corps significantly reduced youths' involvement with the criminal justice system; (6) Job Corps had small beneficial impacts on the receipt of public assistance and self-assessed health status, but no impacts on illegal drug use; and (7) Job Corps had no impacts on fertility or custodial responsibility, but it slightly promoted independent living and mobility. (The report include numerous tables and charts, 31 references, and five appendixes concerning the study methodology.) (KC)

A benefit-cost analysis of the Job Corps program compared groups randomly assigned to either enroll in the program or to constitute a control group that did not enroll. Youth who participated in the study were those found eligible for Job Corps nationwide between November 1994 and February 1996. Interviews with participants and the assignment of dollar values to costs and benefits were among the research methods used. Benefits and costs measured included the following: (1) benefits of increased output resulting from the additional productivity of Job Corps participants; (2) benefits from reduced use of other programs and services; (3) benefits from reduced crime committed by or against participants; and (4) program costs and costs of resources used by Job Corps. Benefits and costs were measured from the perspectives of society as a whole, participants, and the rest of society (non-participants in Job Corps). The study's findings indicate that Job Corps is a good investment. The benefits to society exceed the costs of the program by nearly $17,000 per participant, assuming that the observed earnings impacts do not decline rapidly as participants get older. The researchers say evidence from other studies suggests the impacts will persist without rapid decay. The study concluded that Job Corps is a valuable program whose benefits exceed costs over a wide spectrum of student groups and for several areas of society. (The report includes 28 tables and 11 figures.) (KC)

The question of whether the Job Corps's impacts on students' employment and related outcomes differ according to the characteristics of the Job Corps center attended was examined. The study sample consisted of approximately 9,400 program group members and 6,000 control group members who were randomly selected from among the nearly 81,000 applicants nationwide who applied for Job Corps services for the first time between November 17, 1994, and December 16, 1995, and were found eligible for services by February 1996. Study participants were interviewed shortly after their random assignment and 12, 30, and 48 months thereafter. Job Corps impacts were similar for contract centers and Civilian Conservation Centers. Impacts were similar in large, medium, and small centers. The beneficial impacts of the Job Corps program overall were broadly distributed throughout the country and not confined to a few regions. Impacts were similar for centers rated as high-performing, medium-performing, and low-performing centers based on the Job Corps performance measurement system. As expected, outcomes of the program group were better among the high-performing centers. However, so too were the outcomes of the control group who would have attended the high-performing centers. (Twenty-eight tables/figures are included. Eight supplementary tables are appended.) (MN)

The National Job Corps Study is based on a national random sample of all eligible applicants to Job Corps in late 1994 and 1995. The sampled youth were assigned randomly to either a program group whose members could enroll in Job Corps or a control group whose members could enroll in all other programs available to them in their communities. Findings related to delivering services indicated Job Corps centers effectively deliver the planned services called for by the program model and Job Corps provides extensive education, training, and other services. Findings related to making a difference show Job Corps substantially increases the education and training services that youths receive and improves their skills and educational attainment; Job Corps generates employment and earnings gains; employment and earnings gains are found across most groups of students; the residential and nonresidential programs are each effective for the youths they serve; Job Corps significantly reduces involvement with crime; and Job Corps has modest or no impacts on a range of other outcomes. Outcomes regarding whether Job Corps is a good investment whose benefits exceed costs are Job Corps is cost effective despite its high costs; benefits during the study period are modest; benefits should continue; and Job Corps is a good investment. (YLB)

The Department of Labor (DOL), Employment and Training Administration (ETA), awarded its final round of Job Training Partnership Act, Title IV, Pilot and Demonstration Grant Program funds for the Youth Opportunity Area Out-of-School Youth (YOA OSY) program in April 1999. Four of the 5 programs were audited in 2000. This audit is a follow-up to the Office of Inspector General's (OIG's) March 22,2000 report on the first round YOA OSY pilot demonstration grantees' performance. The following were among the key audit findings: (1) although enrollees' participation rates had increased from the first-round grantees, nearly half the enrollees were no longer in contact with the program at the time of the audit; (2) in-school youth services and outcomes could potentially inflate performance reporting for the YOA OSY program; and (3) although performance reporting systems had improved, the documentation available to support those activities and outcomes was deficient. The following recommendations pertaining to the Workforce Investment Act-funded program Yo! (Youth Opportunity) were issued: (1) develop documentation standards and guidelines for grantees to reinforce ETA expectations; (2) assure that separate performance reporting is maintained for Yo! activities, accomplishments, and outcomes; and (3) encourage all Yo! program grantees to assess each participant's needs at enrollment, provide a wide array of quality services, and develop and implement performance incentives to high-risk program dropouts for major accomplishments. (The Deputy Assistant Secretary for Employment and Training, Raymond J. Uhalde's response to the final audit report is attached.) (MN)

The Job Training Partnership Act's Out-of-School Youth program (OSY) was audited to determine whether participants' reported outcomes for positive terminations were accurate and fully documented and what impact program interventions had on participants' post-program earnings. Program services and outcomes were audited for 499 OSY participants at 34 randomly selected Service Delivery Areas. Findings indicated that positive program outcomes that were sufficiently documented were significantly lower than those reported; a significant number of entered unsubsidized employment terminations were reported in error and others were in question; documentation supporting youth employability enhancements was seriously deficient; participants' post-program earnings were affected by program interventions and level of participants' participation; post-program earnings were directly impacted by the type of training a participant received; and almost half of the training activities to address participants' barriers were not completed. (Appendixes include primary criteria for youth employability enhancements; sampling plan for the audit; and Deputy Assistant Secretary's response to the draft report.) (YLB)

Early state and local progress toward implementation of the Workforce Investment Act of 1998 (WIA) was reviewed. Data were collected through visits to selected sites in Florida, Kentucky, Pennsylvania, Texas, Utah, and Vermont and a 90-item Workforce System Information and Evaluation (WSIE) data collection form. The following aspects of WIA implementation were examined: plan development and submittal; governance and administration; service design and delivery; program administration and support; linkages between school-to-work and WIA planning; and overall progress toward implementation. In most states, WIA's major precepts had already been incorporated into state legislation or local practice before passage of the WIA. The following key challenges in WIA implementation were identified: (1) expanding and enriching the menu of available core and intensive services; (2) clarifying relationships among one-stop service delivery partners; (3) improving federal/state guidance and state/local response; (4) improving employer services and increasing the level of employer involvement; (5) developing comprehensive youth services; and (6) developing and improving a shared workforce development management information system. (Appended are the WSIE data collection instrument, information about constructing a WSIE composite index of readiness, the Department of Labor's "Planning Guidance and Instructions for Submission of the Strategic Five-Year Plan," and highlights from the evaluation.) (MN)

Efforts to improve career outcomes for youth in the United States and Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries were reviewed. The review focused on the following topics: trends in the employment and schooling levels of youth in OECD countries; the emerging consensus on preparing all youth for careers; and approaches for dealing with disadvantaged youth. A strong consensus that close institutional links between industries and schools are critical to improving career outcomes appeared to be emerging in most OECD countries. Most countries were moving to strengthen vocational education, especially work-based programs leading to certification and involving work-based and contextualized learning. Although standard training programs for disadvantaged out-of-school youth were rarely effective, the experience with job creation demonstrations was somewhat more positive. Programs closely linked with industry sectors and programs offering realistic pathways to careers appeared promising. The following were among the guidelines presented for new school-to-career demonstrations: (1) emphasize programs to help young people develop careers rather than to simply find employment; (2) promote entry into existing apprenticeship programs and expand apprenticeship into new arenas; and (3) continue to provide options for community service employment but require sponsors to do better in linking graduates to future education, certification, and career options. (Contains 58 references.) (MN)

Since the Workforce Investment Act (WIA) was enacted in 1998, considerable efforts have been expended at the federal, state, and local levels to effect the transition to the new system mandated by WIA. Several states phased into the new system in July 1999, and all other states followed in mid-2000. Active participation by partner agencies has proved key to WIA's implementation. The regional offices of the Employment and Training Administration (ETA) have provided considerable staff training and technical assistance to state and local workforce boards and staff. Recent onsite visits and reports tracking WIA's implementation have confirmed that states and localities have generally made great strides in implementing WIA. Although some areas have thus far only met WIA's basic requirements, others have gone beyond the basic requirements and are striving for full implementation of WIA's written words and intent. The onsite visits also identified additional challenges and next steps in the following areas of implementing WIA's provisions: governance; one-stop operations; memoranda of understanding; services for adult and dislocated workers; development of a comprehensive system of youth services; WIA expenditures; and accountability. According to the recent assessment of progress in implementing WIA, there is every reason to expect that the law's implementation will eventually be completely successful. (MN)

In 1998, Canada's Social Research and Demonstration Corporation (SRDC) conducted case studies of two work-based training and skill development programs for street youth in Vancouver, British Columbia. The BladeRunners program places youth on construction sites while encouraging them to work toward an apprenticeship in the building trades. The Picasso Cafe program provides a place for young people to train and earn college credits in food preparation or food service. Because of its limited resources, the case study was qualitative and focused on lessons learned rather than on long-term tracking of participants' outcomes. Data were collected through focus groups and interviews with participants; observations of intake interviews; observation of meetings and training sessions; observations of participants' on-the-job activities; individual interviews with program staff, employers, and community supports; and reviews of program records and files. The study documented that BladeRunners provides an important second chance for some carefully selected disadvantaged young people, helping many participants start down the path to steady employment and earnings. Despite the promising characteristics that led SRDC to choose Picasso Cafe as a case study site, the cafe underwent several destabilizing changes that made evaluating it difficult. (The case study methodology and data sources are appended. The bibliography lists 43 references.) (MN)

A project used a mixed quantitative-qualitative approach, drawing from the Job Corps database and site visits at five sites, to generate knowledge that can guide policymakers and program planners as they act to increase retention in the Job Corps or similar programs. Quantitative data on 343,097 students who enrolled in Job Corps between July 1993 and December 1998 were analyzed. Of this group, 86 percent remained in the program at 30 days, and 64 percent remained at 90 days. Students were more likely to leave if they were in centers in which they were greatly in the minority by race, and younger students were much more likely to leave under negative circumstances than older students. Qualitative data showed that intrinsic unmeasured characteristics of students, such as commitment, attitude, motivation, confidence, maturity level, emotional status, willingness to change, and ability to interact with others, are of great importance in determining whether students will stay. Barriers to retention include intrinsic student factors, personal or institutional barriers, and student-staff interactions. The study concluded that although the easiest way to improve retention statistics would be to discourage youth at greatest risk of dropping out from enrolling in the program, this approach would be inconsistent with Job Corps' mission of serving the nation's most needy youth. Among recommendations for staff were that they demonstrate they expect the best from all youth; build students' self-confidence and sense of connectedness to peers and staff; learn to communicate effectively with youth from different cultures; teach stress reduction and coping strategies; foster a multicultural environment; and communicate effectively with youth at different developmental stages.. (Contains 110 references.) (KC)

This publication describes the following six programs designed to improve education and employment preparation for adolescents and funded by the Wallace-Reader's Digest Funds: (1) High Schools that Work, a national initiative that assists more than 1,000 high schools in 22 states as they upgrade their rigor and improve their quality of instruction; (2) the Career Academy Support Network that assists in the development of career academies--small, thematically-focused schools that integrate academic and career curricula, give personal support to students, and create linkages with employers; (3) Communities and Schools for Career Success builds connections between schools and communities to provide career-related experiences for young people; (4) Benchmark Communities Initiative provides project- and work-based learning experiences for students, integrates academic and career-related curricula, and helps school systems assess student progress; (5) National Youth Corps Training Program of the National Association of Service and Conservation Corps offers work experience, education, skills training and counseling to low-income young people ages 16 -25 who have left school with inadequate skills; and (6) YouthBuild Affiliated Network provides technical assistance and training to 70 local programs that voluntarily pledge to meet high standards of quality. The program descriptions include an outline of the distinctive features of the program model; a closer look at the people involved; and lessons learned. (KC)

This report describes youth employment and training programs run by the Minneapolis Park and Recreation Board (MPRB) in summer 1999. The MPRB operates the Teen Teamworks program, which helps teens acquire appreciation for connections between academic, social, judgment, and job skills. MPRB has identified changing social and economic needs as a primary reason for an expanded summer employment and training program. Teen Teamworks/Earn While You Learn allows Minnesota youth to earn money and learn appropriate work maturity skills through a combination of work experience and academic enrichment. Youth participate in daily work crews, weekly classroom sessions, and voluntary biweekly recreation. Most youth work on crews performing ground maintenance in city parks. Some youth are placed at a service center. Youth assigned to work with building and center directors learn such work as scheduling the use of park equipment, answering phones, and planning group activities. Academic enrichment involves basic skills development in reading, writing, and mathematics; exploration of personal and social issues facing today's youth; and integration of classroom topics into work experiences. Data are provided on: the profiles of youth served; program outcomes; program costs and funding sources; public and private funding sources; and comments from participants. (SM)

This document presents 1999 outcome information for Minnesota's Summer Youth Employment and Training Programs (SYETPs). The document begins with a summary of statewide outcome information for the SYETPs, which served a total of 4,644 youths under Job Training Partnership Act Title IIB and 2,993 youths through the Minnesota Youth Program at an average cost per participant of $1,088. Presented next are two tables detailing 1999 service levels to disadvantaged youth in Minneapolis and St. Paul, which provided services to a total of 630 and 440 disadvantaged youths, respectively. The next 18 sections of the document summarize 1999 SYETP outcomes for Minnesota's 18 service delivery areas (SDAs). Each summary includes some or all of the following: program outcomes in the SDA; summaries of activities in the categories of work experience/work-based learning, academic enrichment, connecting school to work, linking with youth-serving agencies, private sector initiatives, and crime prevention strategies; and findings from participating youths' evaluation of the program. Concluding the document are summaries of the 1999 activities of the Residential Conservation Work Program for Hearing-Impaired Youth and the Youth Employment Solutions Office, which is responsible for promoting Minnesota's many workforce center programs to employers and young people. (MN)

Education is the main resource for obtaining employment for young people entering the labor market. European countries differ widely in the institutional structure of their education and training systems and labor markets in that different resources are provided to school-leavers entering into working life in different countries and these new job-seekers face varying institutional and economic contexts in labor markets. The crucial role of educational qualifications for successful labor market entry in 12 European countries in the mid-1990s was analyzed, drawing on the 1992-97 European Community Labour Force Survey. The goal of the study was to gauge the extent to which cross-national differences in labor market outcomes for market entrants can be related to institutional differences between countries in qualification profiles of school-leavers and differences in the relationship between qualifications and early labor market outcomes. Unemployment and occupational allocation as two major dimensions of early labor market outcomes were analyzed, applying multilevel modeling to a database of repeated comparative cross-sectional surveys. The results indicate that institutional differences in both education and training systems and labor markets play a major role in explaining cross-national differences in the experiences of young people entering the labor market in European countries, even after accounting for the effects of variation in economic conditions and other unmeasured heterogeneity between countries and types of qualifications. (Contains 79 references.) (Author/KC)