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This article applies a constructivist perspective to the persistent transatlantic divergence over the regulation of genetically modified foods and crops. Political economy and institutionalism have so far dominated the literature. Notwithstanding their important insights, to achieve a better understanding of the nature and depth of transatlantic regulatory divergence, one must also study prevalent cultural values and identity-related public concerns regarding food and agriculture. These factors can be identified in public opinion trends and have fuelled resistance in Europe, while contributing to relative regulatory stability in the US. By conceptualizing cultural contexts as catalytic structures, the article also differs from more explicitly discursive accounts of political mobilization. Ultimately, however, an analysis of the cultural politics of agricultural biotechnology relies not only on the influence of pre-existing values and identities, but also takes account of the strategies (and material or other power resources) of political agents. © 2012 by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

Se analiza la incidencia de la política agraria en Argentina entre 1933 y 1959. Se calcula el tipo de cambio real de equilibrio a los fines de estimar tasas nominales y efectivas de protección para trigo, maíz y lino. En los años (1933-1940) y (1953-1955) hubo protección directa positiva debido a las políticas de precios; las tasas se vuelven luego negativas por efectos de la política comercial. Las tasas de protección indirectas fueron negativas en todo el período, por lo que las tasas de protección total resultaron también negativas, siendo las más altas entre los años 1946 y 1955., The impact of agricultural policy in Argentina between 1933 and 1959 is discussed. The real equilibrium exchange rate is estimated for the purpose of estimating nominal and effective protection rates for wheat, corn and flax. During the years (1933-1940) and (1953-1955) the direct protection was positive due to price policies; rates then become negative due to the effects of trade policy. Indirect protection rates were negative throughout the period, for which total protection rates were also negative, with the highest values between the years 1946 and 1955., Instituto de Investigaciones Económicas

International audience; Many countries are promoting biofuels as a substitute for scarce oil. This paper develops a dynamic model of land allocation between food and energy and shows how the model can be calibrated using standard optimization techniques. Some possible implications of the trade-offs between food and energy are discussed. Specifically, we show that the effect of mandates is mainly felt through increased land conversion, which increases indirect carbon emissions. Crude oil prices do not decrease significantly because of leakages.

Fundamental research of the coffee economy have shown that regional class alliances were established imprecisely in the territories, usually in the central mountains of Colombia (although not exclusively or only way) and organized by the State being a necessary response to the inevitable need to defend certain values as embodied and structured regional coherence. Partnerships proposals actively promoted favorable conditions.

The agricultural and food sector is an ideal case for investigating the political economy of public policies. Many of the policy developments in this sector since the 1950s have been sudden and transformational, while others have been gradual but persistent. This article reviews and synthesizes the literature on trends and fluctuations in market distortions and the political-economy explanations that have been advanced. Based on a rich global data set covering a half-century of evidence on commodities, countries, and policy instruments, we identify hypotheses that have been explored in the literature on the extent of market distortions and the conditions under which reform may be feasible. X-PublishedAs-Type: article X-PublishedAs-Journal: Journal of Economic Literature X-PublishedAs-Year: 2013 X-PublishedAs-Volume: 51 X-PublishedAs-Pages: 423-477

High and volatile food prices pose a significant policy challenge around the world, and an understanding of the dynamics of food price inflation and volatility is essential in designing appropriate policy responses. Using the panel data for 72 countries from 2000 to 2011, the paper assesses the international transmission of food price inflation and volatilities as well as the effects of various internal and external factors on domestic food price inflation and volatility. The paper offers evidence in support of the international transmission of food price inflation and volatility. Specifically, the paper finds that the domestic food price inflation in Asia is strongly associated with the lagged value of global food price inflation (using the FAO food price index), while volatility spillovers from global to domestic food prices are rather contemporaneous. The paper also finds that both national food price inflation rates and volatilities are strongly associated with both intra- and extra- regional food price inflation rates and volatilities, respectively. The findings also suggest that higher economic growth rates, greater shares of food in merchandise imports, and smaller increases in the share of food in merchandise imports lead to lower domestic food price inflation. An appreciation of local currency, greater political stability, and higher income level are also found to lower domestic food price inflation. On the other hand, higher economic growth rates lead to lower volatilities of food prices.

The present research continues a European project on “sustainable exploitation of bioactive components from the Black Sea Area traditional foods”. Known as Base Food, it was a collaborative program, funded by European Union under the 7th Framework Programme, few years ago. The initial research brought together scientists from countries situated around the Black Sea together with consultants from Italy, United Kingdom, Greece, Portugal and Serbia. Farther the medical, nutritional and technological approaches (Campos S., Doxey J., & Hammond D., 2011, pp. 1496-1506) in the initial project, the Romanian team initiated a unique and outstanding valuable contribution and extended the local research towards socio-economic tracks. Thus, specific aspects were analysed and detailed within certain doctoral programmes. The present paper is emphasizing farther elements, remained collateral, when the main research was considered.

The number of famine prone regions in the world has been shrinking for centuries. It is currently mainly limited to sub-Saharan Africa. Yet the impact of endemic hunger has not declined and the early twenty-first century seems to be faced with a new threat: global subsistence crises. In this essay I question the concepts of famine and food crisis from different analytical angles: historical and contemporary famine research, food regime theory, and peasant studies. I will argue that only a more integrated historical framework of analysis can surpass dualistic interpretations grounded in Eurocentric modernization paradigms. This article successively debates historical and contemporary famine research, the contemporary food regime and the new global food crisis, the lessons from Europe's 'grand escape' from hunger, and the peasantry and 'depeasantization' as central analytical concepts. Dualistic histories of food and famine have been dominating developmentalist stories for too long. This essay shows how a blending of historical and contemporary famine research, food regime theory and new peasant studies can foster a more integrated perspective.

The unimpeded growth of greenhouse gas emissions is raising the earth’s temperature. The consequences include melting glaciers, more precipitation, more and more extreme weather events, and shifting seasons. The accelerating pace of climate change, combined with global population and income growth, threatens food security everywhere. Agriculture is extremely vulnerable to climate change. Higher temperatures eventually reduce yields of desirable crops while encouraging weed and pest proliferation. Changes in precipitation patterns increase the likelihood of short-run crop failures and long-run production declines. Although there will be gains in some crops in some regions of the world, the overall impacts of climate change on agriculture are expected to be negative, threatening global food security. This paper provides an insight into the different climate change-related challenges that the agricultural sector will face and explores opportunities for emission reductions and adaptation. Agriculture has not figured very prominently in the climate discussion so far. This paper clearly indicates that the sector deserves more attention when it comes to both climate change threats and opportunities. Understanding interrelations and interactions in the agricultural sector and considering its implications for development cooperation is crucial for adequate development responses.

This paper summarizes a new database that sheds light on the impact of trade-related policy developments over the past half century on distortions to agricultural incentives and thus also to consumer prices for food in 75 countries spanning the per capita income spectrum. Price-support policies of advanced economies hurt not only domestic consumers and exporters of other products but also foreign producers and traders of farm products, and they reduce national and global economic welfare. On the other hand, the governments of many developing countries have directly taxed their farmers over the past half-century, both directly (e.g., export taxes) and also indirectly via overvaluing their currency and restricting imports of manufactures. Thus the price incentives facing farmers in many developing countries have been depressed by both own-country and other countriesÂ’ agricultural price and international trade policies. We summarize these and realted stylized facts that can be drawn from a new World Bank database that is worthy of the attention of political economy theorists, historians and econometricians. These indicators can be helpful in addressing such questions as the following: Where is there still a policy bias against agricultural production? To what extent has there been overshooting in the sense that some developing-country food producers are now being protected from import competition along the lines of the examples of earlier-industrializing Europe and Japan? What are the political economy forces behind the more-successful reformers, and how do they compare with those in less-successful countries where major distortions in agricultural incentives remain? And what explains the pattern of distortions across not only countries but also industries and in the choice of support or tax instruments within the agricultural sector of each country?

A study of distortions to agricultural incentives in 18 developing countries during 1960-84, by Krueger, Schiff and Valdés (1988; 1991), found that policies in most of those developing countries were directly or indirectly harming their farmers. Since the mid-1980s there has been a substantial amount of policy reform and opening up of many developing countries, and indicators of that progress have been made available recently by a new study that has compiled estimates for a much larger sample of developing countries and for as many years as possible since 1955. The new study also covers EuropeÂ’s transition economies and comparable estimates for high-income countries, thereby covering more than 90 percent of world agricultural output and employment. This paper summarizes the methodology used in the new study (pointing out similarities and differences with those used by the OECD and by Krueger, Schiff and Valdés), compares a synopsis of the indicators from Krueger, Schiff and Valdés and the new study for the period to 1984, summarizes the changing extent of price distortions across countries and commodities globally since then, and concludes by evaluating the degree of distortion reduction over the years since 1984 compared with how much still remains, according to the results of a global economy wide model.

A study of distortions to agricultural incentives in 18 developing countries during 1960-84, by Krueger, Schiff and Valdes (1988, 1991), found that policies in most of those developing countries were directly or indirectly harming their farmers. Since the mid-1980s there has been a substantial amount of policy reform and opening up of many developing countries, and indicators of that progress have been made available recently by a new study that has compiled estimates for a much larger sample of developing countries and for as many years as possible since 1955. The new study also covers Europe's transition economies and comparable estimates for high-income countries, thereby covering more than 90 percent of world agricultural output and employment. This paper summarizes the methodology used in the new study (pointing out similarities and differences with those used by the OECD and by Krueger, Schiff and Valdes), compares a synopsis of the indicators from K/S/V and the new study for the period to 1984, summarizes the changing extent of price distortions across countries and commodities globally since then, and concludes by evaluating the degree of distortion reduction over the years since 1984 compared with how much still remains, according to the results of a global economy wide model.

The author shows that although some short term factors have contributed to the recent food crisis in developing countries, the crisis is rooted mainly in agricultural support policies of developed countries, liberalization of the agricultural sector by developing countries and contradictions in the design and implementation of GATT/WTO rules. Agricultural liberalization has been imposed on lower-income countries by International Financial Institutions (IFIs) and through bilateral trade agreements between developed and developing countries. The Neo-liberal economic philosophies, as well as unequal power relations between developing and developed countries, have been main contributory factors. There is a danger that further pressure on developing countries during the Doha Round may result in an outcome undermining development of the agricultural sector of developing countries further. The result would be intensification of dependence of lower-income countries on food imports, knocked-down agriculture and economic and political dependence on developed countries. A radical change in the trading system, practices of IFIs and policies of developed countries is required. Developing countries have little power to bring about such changes, but they can try to change their own policies. To do so it is not easy to resist pressure from developed countries and IFIs, but it is absolutely necessary if they do not wish to sacrifice their long-term development and well being of their population.

At the creation of the European Community in 1957, little attention was paid to environmental concerns. It’s only in 1997, after decades of debate, that the ‘Integration Principle’ became formally engraved in European treaties. This principle, requiring all policies to take environmental concerns into account, represents a major landmark in the institutionalisation of environmental policy. Yet the effects of this integration appear unclear. So does its meaning. Does the Integration Principle ensure an effective impact of sustainable development institutions in Europe? We aim to answer this question by casting light on the origin and significance of the Integration Principle. We recapitulate the policy events leading to the formal integration of environmental concerns within EU policy since the 1970s. We highlight its gradual extension from a horizontal (cross-sectoral) to a vertical (cross-societal) dimension and stress the challenges posed by the necessary cross-societal integration of sustainable development policy. As a step toward answering the above question, our hypothesis is that the effectiveness of an institution depends on its integration not only across policy or economic sectors but also across governance levels. We derive implications with regard to the importance of learning to eco-innovation.

This paper examines the prehistoric shift from hunting and gathering to agriculture. Among hunters and gatherers, all community members were engaged in food provision. Agricultural societies, in contrast, avail themselves of non-food specialists. This paper argues that the adoption of agriculture necessitated the introduction of non-food specialists. Since the release of labour from food generating activities stimulates economic development, this implies that the shift to agriculture literally bore the seeds of later economic growth. The model shows, in accordance with archaeological evidence, that hunters and gatherers, faced with redistribution costs arising from division of labour, delay the adoption of agricultural techniques for a period of time, after which a large step forward in food procurement technology–a ’Neolithic revolution’–is associated with the shift to farming.