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The Animal Studies Journal's editorial for this issue focuses on the theme of Animal Cultures, inspired by a recent conference of the Australasian Animal Studies Association. The guest edition includes four themed papers by Laura Jean McKay, Alexandra McKewan, Clare Archer-Lean, as well as two additional papers by Franziska Trapp and Becky Tipper. Trapp's paper explores the contemporary circus's treatment of nonhuman animals in interspecies performance, while Tipper's short fiction provides a perspective on the role of nonhuman animals in human lives. The issue also includes book reviews by Ashleigh Best, Wendy Woodward, and Esther Alloun. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses the purpose and development of the journal Ethnic & Racial Studies. The journal was created to provide a dedicated space for publishing discussions about key books and articles in the field of race and ethnic studies. The current issue includes papers on topics such as the changing meanings of race and conviviality, the use of graffiti and murals as a form of resistance in Palestine, and fan racism in sports. The issue also features two book symposia, one on Michèle Lamont's book "Seeing Others" and another on Ali Meghji's book "A Critical Synergy." The journal aims to continue publishing research papers, book symposia, and book reviews in future volumes. [Extracted from the article]

In this paper, Gohar Homayounpour responds in the format of a letter to Eyal Rozmarin's paper: Belonging and its Discontents, in which he lyrically and psychoanalytically addresses the current war in Gaza, in a deeply personal spirit as an Israeli-American psychoanalyst living under its tragic and disturbing shadow. Homayounpour attempts to question our need for belonging, towards an ethics of un-belonging. The various problematics/seductions of belonging are confronted metapsychologically, but she moves beyond that into a personal/political narrative on the horrific and ongoing tragedy in Israel and Palestine. Where dreams have failed into nightmares, where Radical hope or the ethics of the social as she puts it, becomes more radically indispensable than ever. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to begin a conversation about the term "nondocument." It analyzes this term's possible concepts, components and contexts. Design/methodology/approach: This conceptual paper draws upon the work of documentation studies scholars, including Michael Buckland, Bernd Frohmann and Niels Windfeld Lund, to begin an exploration of the term "nondocument," framed within the context of the 2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace negotiations brokered by the USA. It is comprised of seven sections revolving around different questions regarding non-document. Findings: The document at the center of the 2013–2014 Israeli–Palestinian peace negotiations aimed to establish a framework for an eventual final-status peace agreement. There was skepticism, however, about the document's proposed reservations inscription permitting either party to express reservations with any part of the framework. It was claimed that this reservation inscription made the document self-negating and therefore a non-document. This document was arguably a hybrid entity: a document-non-document. It was a document in the context of the negotiations. It became a non-document in the context of the collapse of the negotiations. Research limitations/implications: The 2013–2014 peace negotiations between Israel and Palestine, brokered by the USA, revolved around a diplomatic document outlining provisions for a final peace settlement. The two parties were skeptical of a proposed provision permitting reservations to be expressed over other provisions within the document. An official involved in the negotiations stated that this provision made the document a non-document. But what exactly is meant by this term? This paper takes the opportunity to begin exploring such a notion. The aim, however, is not to definitively define non-document but instead to raise questions and provoke further discussions of this term. Originality/value: The concept of non-document is underdeveloped. This paper presents questions and conceptual tools to help develop this term whilst providing possible points of departure for further examinations of how documents are or might be non-documents. These questions and tools also point in directions for various other approaches to phenomena that could be regarded as documents in some respects but not in others, or the ways in which something could is "almost" but "not quite" a document, or even help determine what is "not document." Ultimately, this term could help expand other "conventional" approaches to documentation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research underscores the key role of ideology in shaping the Swedish public's stance towards Israel and Palestine. With the help of a survey conducted by the Surveyinstitute in 2020, this paper studies the Swedish population's attitudes toward the actions of Israel and Palestine in the Israel‐Palestine conflict. The findings reveal a distinct ideological divide along the left‐right scale in the attitudes of the Swedish population towards Israel and Palestine's actions. This ideological chasm extends to additional actors, such as Sweden, the United States, and the EU, in the Israel‐Palestine conflict. While religion does exert influence, particularly among practicing individuals, the study concludes that ideology is the most relevant factor in attitudes toward the actions of Israel and Palestina from a Swedish perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to trace some lines of understanding of the conflict between Israel and Palestine. To do so, it employs tools from Greek mythology—in the form of the goddesses Themis and Dike—to provide minimal explanations for the onset of resentment and indignation that fuel robust processes of violence and revenge. Employing the hypothetical-deductive method, the paper advances by proposing honor as a structuring element of the social status within Arab families, and ethics as the Jewish worldview of life, supported by rituals that seek purity (kashrut). The study also innovates by presenting an initial proposal for the peace process between Israel and Palestine based on the system of total exchanges, referred to as potlatch by Marcel Mauss (2016, ebook), aiming to bridge fractures and develop an ethos of trust and overcoming pain, towards a progressive agenda of dialogue and mutual concessions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at how a group of radical Revisionist journalists who assumed effective control of the newspaper Doar Ha-Yom in July 1929 attempted to fuse politics and sensationalism against the background of the Western Wall affair that, in late August of that year, evolved into the violent incidents collectively known as the 1929 riots (or massacres). Examination of the paper during the month preceding the riots shows clearly that its editors made a systematic attempt to inflame the Jewish population of Mandate Palestine. These sensationalist editing techniques, reminiscent of the pamphleteer style, were employed not only to sell more copies of the paper, as had been the case before the Revisionists took control, but also to advance Revisionist political goals. The article examines the model that the Revisionists used to shape their incendiary strategy, the provocative process itself, and the question of the editors' responsibility for the 1929 riots. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2002, Israel started the construction of a 708-kilometer wall to control the Palestinian territories. The Wall offered a massive canvas, which the Palestinians used to develop graffiti and murals. The artwork and graffiti are location-specific, ephemeral, transitory, and unstable. This paper aims to document, archive, and analyze discourse and themes emerging from the artwork that developed on the Wall between 2018 and 2022. The analysis of these images has revealed that, while the purpose of building the Wall was to curb and stifle their resistance, Palestinians turned it into a platform where they were able to express their commitment to national resistance, freedom, justice, love, poetry, business, and even personalization of their own stories. The Wall has also attracted international solidarity and sparked a new protest movement called "struggle tourism", focusing on the Palestinian presence in the region's physical, moral, and political landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the doctrine of forum non conveniens as it serves those resident in Israel with Palestinian nationality and Israeli identity cards. These Palestinians are situated under the jurisdiction of the Palestinian court, regardless of whether the plaintiff's nationality is Palestinian or foreign. It is important to note that the doctrine is less useful for a foreign plaintiff;1 however, this notation also applies to a lesser degree to Palestinian plaintiffs, as they enjoy the merits of the doctrine when instituting litigation in Palestinian courts, despite the impossibility of executing Palestinian decisions in the Israeli legal system. Thus, a "Palestinian" person, in this paper, faces the dilemma of having a Palestinian passport and nationality, but an Israeli identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text is a summary of the 3rd international conference on photography held at the University of Texas at San Antonio's School of Art. The conference focused on the theme of boundaries and borders and how photography has addressed, informed, or undone them. The papers and visual works presented at the conference were organized into six thematic sessions, including Borders and Boundaries, Transcending Boundaries, Curatorial Perspectives, Borders in Flux, Critical Memory, and Transient Ecologies. The conference aimed to explore the role of photography in shaping and challenging boundaries and borders, both geographically and socially. The text also discusses the specific context of the conference, being located near the U.S.-Mexico border, and the historical and political implications of border rule in that region. The conference sought to uncover the imperial workings of borders while also exploring photography's potential to cross divisions and create alternative forms of belonging and knowledge production. [Extracted from the article]

The confrontation between Israel and Palestine that has been continuing during many decades is embodied nowadays not only in incessant military activities, but also in the media. Those ones protecting Palestine serve as sources of aggressive propaganda that incite irreconcilable hatred toward opponents. Correspondingly, with permanent attacks against Israel the above media insistently use a specifically colored lexis that escalates the tense situation in this region. This article purposefully envisages the “topic of hatred” promoted by the Palestinian print media as an active actor of modern political transformation in the Middle East. Investigating principles of functioning these media provides with better understanding of contemporary authoritarian society and raises the question of the media dependence on the political guidelines of Palestinian authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I consider the way the as yet unrealized peace between Israelis and Palestinians has been conceptualized by Western scholarship and also by the elite Israeli peace camp. Their approach to reconciliation is liberal, in that it is secular, individualistic, looks to human rights discourse for its sense of justice and for a model for citizenship. The liberal peace culture is laden with social norms, values, and ethical demands, many of which are not necessarily inherent to "peace", but rather related to the taken-for-granted liberal social expectations of the people who run these initiatives, and often of scholars who write about peace. By contrast, much of the Israeli and Palestinian population, are far more religious, culturally traditional and community oriented, experience a sacred connection to the land, and look to their religious traditions for their sense of justice and ideas about citizenship. They are, in other words, non-liberal subjects. These non-liberal groups are also beginning to re-envision peace through their own cultural, Middle Eastern, lens. Not only do liberal approaches differ from non-liberal ones, but they also misrepresent non-liberal approaches as both anachronistic and authoritarian. This misrecognition is not mal-intentioned, but its consequences are grave nonetheless. This paper suggests that in order for academia to make a substantial or meaningful contribution to the topics of peace and conflict resolution, it needs to do far more self-reflection on the ideological assumptions inherent in its current approach, so as not to reproduce Euro-centric models and concepts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Palestinian Authority (PA), frustrated by the one-sided and zero-sum plan to end the Israeli–Palestinian conflict presented by former US President Donald Trump, has escalated efforts to diminish its reliance on Israel. In particular, the PA responded with plans to disengage from the Israeli economy and become more self-sufficient. This course of action has become known as the Economic Disengagement Plan (EDP). This paper explores the likelihood of the EDP creating development in the absence of Palestinian sovereignty and the extent to which the EDP may be capable of achieving Palestinian separation from the Israeli economy. It argues that the EDP is incapable of separating the Palestinian economy from Israeli in the absence of national sovereignty for the Palestinians over their land. However, while the EDP is not a strategy to achieve political or economic independence, it can contribute to Palestinians' somood (steadfastness) on their own land, build resilience and advance resistance against the Israeli occupation. To do so, the EDP needs to be placed within a broader national strategy of liberation and decolonisation, rather than being confined to the shackles of inequitable agreements that reflect the severe power imbalance between Israel and the PA, as is the case now. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the Europeanization of Turkey's foreign policy by examining Turkey's mediating role in the Israel–Palestine dispute. The paper assesses whether, to what extent and how the EU shaped Turkey's mediating role in the conflict. It is concluded that Turkish political actors used the EU to justify certain policies and their relations with certain actors, which would otherwise be considered unacceptable. Given its indirect impact on Turkey's mediation, the EU's role in Turkish foreign policy should not be exaggerated. There seems to be no evidence in this case that Turkish foreign policy-makers internalized EU foreign-policy norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the increased application of settler colonial theory to analyse settler colonial contexts, critical scholars have highlighted its inadequacies – primarily, that it has marginalised Indigenous knowledge and agency. Palestinian scholars have questioned the paradigm's ability to fully capture the particularities of the Israel–Palestine -context. This paper seeks to contribute to these critiques by exploring Palestinian youth's interpretations of settler colonialism in the West Bank. It draws on qualitative research that explored Palestinian youth's views on and experiences of human rights. This article suggests that Indigenous analyses of settler colonialism seem more relevant to Palestinian youth than the settler colonial analytic. These, along with consideration of the interplay between neoliberalism and -colonisation, may better assist them to understand and articulate settler -colonialism and strategise against it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last few decades, a growing number of theorists have suggested that the natural environment can be a platform for promoting cooperation between former adversaries and can perhaps contribute to peacebuilding. However, environmental cooperation has not lived up to these claims. In many cases, such cooperation has largely been ineffective and/or inequitable. Therefore, there is a growing awareness that we cannot be overly optimistic at the first signs of 'cooperation'. It is argued that this reality results from the great complexity inherent in cooperative interactions. This paper explores the nature of such cooperation in two Israeli-Palestinian case studies. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is one of the longest-running protracted conflicts in the modern era and is currently characterised by a political stalemate. However, there is also a willingness by some at the local level to cooperate. Therefore Israel/Palestine provides an ideal case study. The findings of the paper illuminate the complex nature of environmental cooperation and reveal that even with the presence of good intentions, cooperation at the subnational level is impacted by the broader socio-political structures and contexts within which it is embedded. In these case studies, this is negatively affecting both the nature and scale of the processes and outcomes. Ultimately, these factors are making such interactions limited, unstable and/or prone to collapse. The paper concludes that only by conducting in-depth multi-tiered and context-specific analyses of cooperative processes and subsequently finding ways to overcome the identified barriers can we move towards more successful environmental cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the controversies of Operation Protective Edge, which Israel launched in Gaza in July 2014, is the undepreciated gap between the high number of civilian casualties and the claim of an ethically sound military operation with an extraordinary effort put on minimizing collateral damage. This paper examines one of the cornerstones of the Israel Defence Forces' ethically polished military violence during the operation: the use of preventive warning techniques. By focusing on the technique of 'roof knocking', the paper argues that the ethical justification operates through the three thanatopolitical governmentalities: responsibilization of the subjects, reification of the targeted sites, and the calculative politics of doing 'the minimum evil necessary'. The Gaza population are hence not considered as passive victims, merely subjected to the killing power of calculative thanatopolitics, but as an inversion of biopolitical subjects who, instead of improving their own individual capabilities, are made accountable for their own deaths. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the phenomenon of military operation-naming, that is, the act of giving names to war practices. Based on the four strategies of War Normalizing Discourse theory, I argue that, like nation-states, violent non-state actors also use the tool of naming to disseminate their wartime perceptions and mobilize public opinion for their own interests. Moreover, I argue that in its war-naming efforts the violent non-state actor seeks to defy and undermine the official names of its enemy state, using its own names to expand the physical battlefield to other fields of war and to present itself as an equal and legitimate player. To establish the above arguments, the article presents the case study of Hamas—specifically, the movement's naming of rounds of fighting against Israel since the beginning of its rule in the Gaza Strip in 2007. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the legality of the land closure imposed upon the Gaza Strip by Israel. After having considered the area under occupation, the paper argues that the legality of the closure must be determined under international humanitarian law, international human rights law, the principle of self-determination of peoples, and the Israeli-Palestinian agreements. In the light of these rules, the arbitrary closure of the Gaza Strip should be considered illegal because it breaches the unity between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, and because it violates the freedom of movement of the local population. Moreover, the closure breaches the relevant rules pertaining to the transit of goods in occupied territory. The paper concludes that most of the violations caused by the closure affect peremptory rules which produce obligations erga omnes, so that any state in the international community is entitled to react under the law of state responsibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a reflection on the role of intellectuals in engaging with Palestinian solidarity movements and liberation discourses, and on the place of international lawyers specifically within that context. The paper considers ‘the question of Palestine’ as a rigorous test for intellectuals in the Global North today, and examines particular debates over free speech, civility and balance that unfolded in the wake of Israel’s 2014 war on Gaza. It considers the interventions of international lawyers in these debates with reference to Edward Said’s ‘amateur’ and ‘professional’ intellectuals, and explores ways in which anti-colonial international lawyers (as amateur intellectuals) can transcend prevailing professional orthodoxies to deploy language, arguments or tactics that rupture liberal legal processes and narratives on Palestine. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Revista de Paz y Conflictos is the property of Revista de Paz y Confilictos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Etymologically related, the concepts of terroir and territoriality display divergent cultural histories. While one designates the palatable characteristics of place as a branded story of geographic distinction, the other imbues the soil with political meaning. This paper traces the production of eno-locality in a contested space on both sides of the Green Line in Israel/Palestine. The case of the Yatir award-winning winery shows how terroir and territory are blended in the political economy and cultural politics of colonial place-making. Located on a multiscalar frontier—climatic, geopolitical, and viticultural—Yatir Winery positions itself simultaneously within the Mediterranean transnational landscape and in a biblical site of historical authenticity. Enacting strategic regimes of signification to target the increasing demand for high-end wines on both the global and local markets, it makes a claim for place, while appropriating Palestinian land and redefining ancient Jewish heritage. The result articulates a settler colonial landscape whose symbolic and material transformations are reflected in the Israeli search for rooted identity. Analytically, we explore the power of border and frontier wines to reconfigure the differences between New World and Old World paradigms. We conclude by outlining a comparative framework of the charged relations between terroir and territory that articulates the nexus between border typologies and the colonial politics of wine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of citizenship and Palestinian refugees has always been linked to their joint relationship to the right of return. Palestinian refugees were initially apprehensive towards the acquisition of citizenship, as many believed that this would be used to replace their right to return to the homes they were displaced from. As Israel insisted on resettlement as the only solution to the refugees' predicament, Arab states – with the exception of Jordan – refused to grant Palestinian refugees citizenship in order to preserve their Palestinian nationality and right to return. However, due to decades of statelessness and secondary displacement, increasing numbers of Palestinian refugees have sought citizenship elsewhere. Through a historical account as well as interviews with both stateless Palestinians and Palestinians with citizenship, this paper explores the social, political and legal implications of the acquisition of citizenship for Palestinian refugees, and the various meanings citizenship holds for those denied rights in their place of residence and return to their homes, from simply as a means to a better life to a means of resistance. It also shows that, for many, the acquisition of citizenship is not a replacement for the right of return, contrary to the views of state actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among UN human rights treaty bodies that have the competence to examine inter-state communications, only the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) has had the possibility to develop its case law in this regard (as of 2020). One of these cases - submitted by the State of Palestine against Israel - resulted in a controversy arising from the respondent state's declaration excluding any treaty relations between Palestine and Israel, the latter considering the former "a non-recognized entity." The present paper analyses the CERD's decision of 12 December 2019 in which the Committee found that it had jurisdiction to hear the inter-state communication. The author argues that while invocation of the "special character" of human rights obligations constitutes a powerful argument in judicial discourse, this should not lead to (re)opening debates on self-contained regimes and alienating human rights treaties from the norms and principles of general international law. At the same time, there are also valid reasons to perceive the obligations enshrined in the ICERD as being of a specific and erga omnes character. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent collapse of the US-brokered peace negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians and the eruption of violence between Israel and the Hamas show the enormous difficulties for reaching a two-state solution. Given the background of quite a few earlier failures, which sometimes led to bloody confrontations, the current impasse might lead to despair of the possibility of reaching a partition of the Land of Israel/Palestine between the two peoples. Despite this problematic record, this paper will argue that even though a two-state solution is fraught with numerous problems, it is the only possible peaceful solution that is both desirable and necessary. A key argument that buttresses this assessment is that in extreme nationalist conflicts, a partition, despite its numerous problems, is the most desirable solution or the least undesirable one. Over the years observers have introduced alternative conceptions of the character of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict as colonial, civilizational, religious, class, realist and civil/ethnic in nature. As I argue elsewhere none of these alternative conceptions is correct. Rather, I show in this paper that the conflict is a severe case of an ethno-nationalist conflict with numerous manifestations of what I call a ‘state-to-nation imbalance.' [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Jewish Left in Palestine/Israel has its own legacies of Palestinian-Jewish activism. I will examine those legacies with a particular focus on the thirty years from 1993 to 2023, when the Jewish anti-occupation independent Left shifted from prioritizing Left anti-colonial secular internationalist ideologies as grounds for regional and international visions of equality from the River Jordan and the Mediterranean Sea into a hermeneutical introspection of what "Jewish" might mean in Palestine/Israel through intersectional and decolonial prisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An editorial is presented which expresses the views on the current state of journalism amidst global crises. Topics include the impact of the Gaza conflict on journalists, the decline of public trust in mainstream media, and the challenges faced by journalism in verifying information during wartime. It also highlights the significance of journalism in upholding truth and democracy in an era of widespread disinformation and media manipulation.

This essay questions a key takeaway from the Ferguson/Gaza convergence that catalyzed the current wave of Black-Palestinian transnational solidarity: the idea that "equivalence," or a politics of analogy based on racial or national identity, or racialized or colonial experience, is the sole or primary grounds for solidarity. By revisiting three recent spectacular moments involving Black intellectuals advocating for Palestine-Michelle Alexander's op-ed in the New York Times criticizing Israeli policies,CNN's firing of Marc Lamont Hill,and the Birmingham Civil Rights Institute's initial decision to deny Angela Davis its highest honor-this paper suggests that their controversial positions must be traced back to the post-1967 moment. The convergence of Black urban rebellions and the June 1967 Arab-Israeli war birthed the first significant wave of Black-Palestinian solidarity;at the same time, solidarities rooted in antiimperialism and Left internationalismrivaled the "Black-Jewish alliance," founded on analogy of oppression rather than shared principlesof liberation. Third World insurgencies and anti-imperialist movements, not just events in the United States and Palestine, created the conditions for radically reordering political alliances:rather than adopting a politics of analogy or identity, the Black and Palestinian Left embraced a vision of "worldmaking" that was a catalyst for imagining revolution as opposed to plotting coalition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

J. T. Rogers' Oslo has had an extraordinary run for new 'straight' drama: sell-out performances both in New York and London, and 7 Tony nominations. But what is it? On the face of it, Oslo is a history play – a carefully imagined reconstruction of secret talks that became the precursor to the Clinton/Arafat/Rabin Camp David meetings that resulted in the 1993 Oslo Accords. The subject and the players have been thoroughly researched by J. T. Rogers, and the play's reception has been largely celebratory. This perhaps is the result of a play-going public's appreciation of some intelligence in political debate and no doubt an appreciation of the play's optimism, despite the ultimate failure of the Accords. This paper looks closely at three questions posed by Rogers' play: 1) IS it a history play, and if so, how does it apprehend/narrate history? 2) Murray Krieger once said that history is the child of myth that never altogether escapes its parentage – is Oslo, in this sense, an unruly child of myth – not so much a history play, as it is a trans-historical political lesson? 3) If Oslo is NOT a history play, to what end does it employ its very specifically researched context? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study aims at identifying the motives of Palestinian women working in Israeli colonial settlements, Al-Zbedat village as a model from the working women point of view. The study approached the literature as a multi-dimensional phenomenon, which addressed both theoretical and applied research. The significance of this recent study is the first, which dealt with the social and economic motives, and the challenges facing the Palestinian women working in Israeli colonial settlements, to the author knowledge, which in turn encourages other researchers to work on further research on this important issue. To achieve this end, the study adopted the qualitative, research approach using the case study method. The interview is appropriate for the exploratory nature of the research. A 27-item interview questions were formulated which was divided into five sub-scales as follows: the basic information of the participants (7 items); the second section dealt with the view of Palestinian women working in the Israeli colonial settlements toward themselves and their role within their families (8 items), the third section included the social and economic motives (5 items), while the fourth section addressed the challenges facing the Palestinian women working in Israeli colonial settlements (6 items), and the fifth section included the role played by the Ministry of Labor or the worker unions towards the problems faced by the Palestinian women working in Israeli colonial settlements. The sample comprised of (10) Palestinian women working in Israeli colonial settlements at Al- Zbedat village, West Bank using the convenience sampling during 2021. The collected data was analyzed manually, calculating the frequencies, percentages, the means, and standard deviations. The findings revealed that Palestinian women working in the Israeli colonial settlements have accepted, in one way or another, the harsh reality that was imposed on them in terms of their acceptance of the work itself, the low wages, and the work conditions in general. Additionally, the working women felt the dissatisfaction with themselves, had generated a feeling of fear, anxiety, and a sense of mistrust of themselves or others, social stigma, and they were unable to take care of their children. The study also identified the increasing financial burden that played a major role in forcing those women to accept such work. All those life elements contributed to changing those Palestinian working women roles and responsibilities within their families, which may be viewed as a positive role, such as the change in their stereotypical social roles, while giving them some authority, power, and control within their families. Furthermore, the study results found different motives among Palestinian women working in Israeli colonial settlements, mainly, their families’ difficult economic conditions, the highly poverty rate, in addition to their families daily urgent needs especially the health expenditures, which constituted as one of the most motives to work in the Israeli colonial settlements. Other motives were as follows, the ease of access to the Israeli colonial settlements, the short working hours, the lack of work opportunities, and the ease of obtaining a continuous annually work to supporting their families. Finally, the study revealed the challenges faced the Palestinian women working in Israeli colonial settlements, as follows, the early departure to go to work, the danger of daily movements and the process of adapting to them. In addition to the exposure to financial and health exploitation, insults and profanity forcing them to give up their rights, the un appropriate wage that suits their work, and their right to obtain health insurance. One of the major challenge was the refusal of the competent authorities to recognize work in Israeli colonial settlements, and a more serious issue, the workers themselves do not have the knowledge nor have they been advised of their labor rights, and there are no legal laws to protect these female working category. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Israeli authorities have committed a wide range of human rights violations, including direct violence, land annexation and settlement building, home eviction and arbitrary arrest and detention. Such practices have been carried out with political cover from the Israeli government. In addition to the direct confiscation of Palestinian homes and other property, Israeli authorities and organizations such as settlement associations frequently use subterfuge or bribes to transfer ownership to Jewish residents and interests. Through historical review and analysis, this paper documents the most common types of direct and structural violence practiced by Israel, along with their effect on Palestinians, and highlights the roles of the various players in Israeli society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 7 October 2023, Palestinian militants led by Hamas launched a complex coordinated attack on Israel from the Gaza Strip, triggering an Israeli ground invasion combined with an aerial bombing campaign. The Hamas fighters killed around 1,200 people and took more than 250 hostages, while the death toll from Israeli military operations in the Gaza Strip exceeded 31,600 in mid-March 2024. The Hamas attack not only shocked the whole world but also caught most people by surprise. Probably only a few could have imagined that the Palestinian organisation that controls the Gaza Strip could carry out such an attack on Israel. Following 7 October, several questions arose. Why Israeli intelligence could not predict the attack, and why did security and defence forces not react in time? The Israeli Government promised a full investigation once the Gaza ground offensive launched in response to the attack was over. But even without knowing more details of the events, we might still be able to provide a preliminary assessment of the surrounding Israeli intelligence failures based on the reports and accounts made public in the international media. Three months after the attack, the publicly available information showed that the Israel Defense Forces were unprepared and there was no battle plan in place in case Hamas militants broke out of the Gaza Strip with large forces. Clarifying what happened will be crucial not only to learn from the mistakes, but also because other actors or adversaries can learn from Hamas and copy its tactics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Oslo Accords, the two-state solution has dominated, and frustrated, the official search for peace in Palestine/Israel. In parallel to it, an alternative struggle of resistance—centred upon the single-state idea as a more liberating pathway towards justice to the conflict—has re-emerged against the hegemony of Zionism and the demise of a viable two-state solution in Palestine/Israel. This paper inquires into the nature of this phenomenon as a movement of resistance. To this end, it reconstructs the re-emergence of the single-state solution intellectually and organisationally from within a Gramscian-inspired lens—while specifically focusing upon the centrality of the anti-Oslo writings of Edward Said and the consequent role of the Diaspora within this alternative. This it does from within a de-colonial approach to the politics of resistance which centres the political practices of the oppressed themselves in its analysis. Thus, it analyses the potential of the single-state alternative as a Gramscian ‘philosophical movement’ from within its own self-understandings, strategies and maps to power. In doing so, it aims to shed light upon a largely silenced pathway of resistance to the current peace process, to question its location between the ‘local’ and the ‘global’, and to take its possibility as a more just alternative to the status quo seriously. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Luridica is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper presents a framework for discovering an economically viable water sharing plan among neighboring communities for promoting peace and environmental protection. Its application is to the Middle East in which Israel may be facing water supply obligations to address environmental requirements and for a possible a peace agreement with its Palestinian neighbors. The framework consists of integrating external factors, constraints, policy instruments, and targets. Our findings from a constrained optimization analysis of Israel's national water system show that the costs of increased deliveries are dependent on two major issues: (1) achieving integrated water resources management (IWRM) in which efficient combinations of expansion from several supply sources and reductions in demands occur over time, and (2) the cost of desalination technologies. We identify a $US 1.46 billion price tag, in present value terms, from using integrated management of demand reduction and supply expansion under current desalination costs. Adjustment costs will decline both with anticipated reductions in desalination costs and with an efficient implementation of IWRM. These adjustments can contribute to moderating regional tensions and protecting key ecological assets while addressing water scarcity in a volatile corner of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colonial states of emergency are declared and promulgated to contain the disorder of rebellion, resistance and revolt and to effect a return to an order integral to colonial settlement and occupation. The paper draws on colonial archives, analysis of emergency and colonialism evident in the literature, and the contribution of images to guide apprehension of the sites and locations of the emergency landscapes and the geographies of resistance of Kenya from the 1950s and across historic Palestine since 1948. Positing the practices enabled through Emergency regulations as intensified forms of instrumentalised colonial governmentality and violence, part of the structure of settler colonialism, the paper examines the racialised vocabularies of the British colonial administration of the Emergency over Kenya and the Zionist/Israeli state/military frames of Palestinian resistance, the technologies and architectures of subjugation and punishment through which the threat of disorder is contained in carceral zones, and the militarised violence of the colonial response to resistance characterised as catastrophic threat from an enemy located within frames of terrorism, disloyalty and illegality. Photographs taken as part of an inquiry into the architectures, remnants, material assemblages and spatial arrangements found in the emergency landscapes and the geographies of resistance of post-colonial Kenya and across the multiple geographies of historic Palestine are included as evidence of the photographic event and as provocation to thought in an encounter with the workings of colonialism and of resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An interview with Ambassador Daniel Kurtzer is presented. He discusses when he first heard of the Oslo Accords, a set of agreements between the Government of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), what he knows about Abu Ala, former Prime Minister of the Palestinian National Authority, and role for small countries to play in mediation.

The long impasse in Israeli-Palestinian peacemaking has dashed the hopes for a nearterm resolution to one of the world's most intractable conflicts. The continuous expansion of Israeli settlements in the West Bank has made the creation of an independent and contiguous Palestinian state an exceedingly difficult undertaking that has gotten farther and farther from reach. Consequently, a growing number of scholars, practitioners, and activists have shifted their attention away from the two-state paradigm to the so-called "one-state solution." The latter, however, has dramatically different interpretations by its proponents, with one version premised on full equality and another on Jewish supremacy sans equality--irreconcilable positions. Only a small minority of Israelis and Palestinians, moreover, support the one-state solution in any of its variants. Unless steps are taken by the Israeli government to keep the two-state solution alive, Israel will become a binational state with the conflict remaining unresolved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do exclusionary policies mobilize minority political participation? We theorize that the threat of exclusionary policies creates and resurfaces grievances that facilitate mobilization. To test our theory, we leverage Donald Trump's announcement of a peace plan for the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, which posed a threat to the citizenship status of Palestinian citizens of Israel residing in the Triangle area adjacent to the West Bank. First, using more than 170,000 posts from public Facebook groups and pages, we show that Trump's announcement was indeed a more salient political event for Triangle residents. Then, employing locality‐level election data as well as records detailing the origin of citizens' joining a Jewish‐Arab social movement, we use a difference‐in‐difference design to demonstrate that the threat to citizenship imposed by Trump's plan increased mobilization in the Triangle area. Our evidence from three distinct data sources suggests that threats of exclusion can mobilize minority political behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on new scholarship on the importance of health in times of conflict, this paper examines the training of Palestinian physicians in Israel from the 1990s to 2010 as a test case for the theory. It shows that although Israeli governments have adopted a passive policy towards such training, and the Palestinian Authority is officially against such cooperation; in practice, individuals and hospitals on both sides work at the grassroots level with the aid of several NGOs to increase cooperation. Thus, grassroots activities are leading to better cooperation between Jewish and Palestinian health professionals, improving Palestinian health capabilities and establishing a bridgehead for better professional cooperation when a peace settlement is achieved. Health, like other social areas, is part of the explanation why the conflict remains stable and how mutual beneficial cooperation has planted the seeds for future cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At a time when Israelis and Palestinians are gathering in Washington to consider peace in the Middle East, most attention is focused on the idea of a one-state or, more likely, two-state solution. A number of scholars, however, have recently developed a third approach which has been appropriately referred to as a ‘two-state condominialism’. This approach seeks to overcome the liabilities of the two existing approaches to solving the Middle East conflict while offering a number of its own advantages. Surprisingly, in spite of the similarities among their proposals, none of the authors make reference to, or even acknowledge each other. This article reviews these papers as a collective and considers whether they offer a realistic opportunity for peace in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses China's evolving role in the Middle East, emphasizing its shift from economic and energy interests to a more active involvement in political and security matters. It highlights China's mediation efforts between Iran and Saudi Arabia, which led to the normalization of diplomatic relations. The article explores the reasons behind China's mediation, including its interest in easing tensions for its Middle East strategy, managing relations amid US-Saudi tensions, and demonstrating a broader political and security engagement in the region. The analysis includes the views of Chinese intellectuals who see the success of the mediation as a diplomatic achievement and a signal of the end of US hegemony in the Middle East. The article also touches on China's stance on the Hamas-Israel conflict, noting China's proactive approach and criticism of Israel's actions while supporting Palestine. In a broader context, the article discusses China's historical relations with Palestine and Israel and highlights China's growing political engagement in the Middle East. However, at the same time, it also shows the limitation of China's influence in the region. The analysis suggests that China's diplomacy reflects a response to the changing dynamics in the region and its proactive efforts to shape the regional order amidst the decline of US influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose The current work aims to introduce the concept of conflict perception and construct a scale that measures individual differences in perceptions about conflicts along religious, national and material dimensions. The concept and the measure are developed in the context of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.Design/methodology/approach The research design combines three methodological elements: 14 focus groups in Israel and the West Bank, which represent diversity in place of residence, religion, age and political background; an expert panel review; and a survey of 411 student respondents that was conducted between September 29 and October 9, 2013, among university students in Israel and Palestine.Findings The findings show that conflict perception is an individual’s subjective view regarding the essence of the conflict and its central issues, the identities of the parties involved and their motivations, which may include material, ideological or symbolic motives, or any combination thereof. A novel scale consisting of five statements that can measure conflict perception that was developed, validated and implemented via a survey sample showed that Palestinians in the West Bank and in Israel have a religious perception of the conflict, whereas Jews have a national perception of the conflict.Originality/value First, the paper introduces a new concept that sheds additional light on the micro foundations of peoples’ attitudes in conflict situations. Second, it develops and validates a measurement tool for conflict perception that may be usable, with necessary adjustments, in other conflicts. Third, it demonstrates that parties to the conflict do not necessarily share similar perceptions about the conflict, a finding with far-reaching consequences for conflict resolution at both the scholarly and policy levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the surveillance apparatuses in Israel/Palestine as mechanisms aiming to secure support for the Israeli regime, and to preserve its domination over the entire territory in dispute. We analyze three layers of surveillance: "exclusionary surveillance" towards Palestinians; "normalizing surveillance" towards Jewish-Israeli citizens; and finally, "globalizing surveillance" using Zionist constituencies as agents for building a "domain of defense" for Israel in their own countries. Taking into consideration these power and surveillance dispositives, we draw insights on the global authoritarian turn and suggest a post-Foucauldian transnational approach to the study of the relations between surveillance, socialization, and subjectification processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, support for Palestine was one of the most important causes taken up by many Asian countries. The Soviet Union's collapse ushered the continent into a more realist era. Consequently, most Asian states either shifted to the right or were replaced by rightists. This shift represented a major setback for the Palestinian freedom struggle; where its major traditional supporters; leftists and Muslims, were marginalized either by realist politicians or by the engagement of people with their domestic problems. The paper tries to understand the major characteristics and motives of this approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]