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One of the most significant changes in West European politics in the past 40 years is the emergence of the new cultural divide. However, there is substantial variation in how the issues comprising this new divide have manifested themselves in party systems. This raises the question of what mechanisms bring these issues into established party systems. The literature has so far focused on new political parties and critical junctures. This article argues that the left-right structure is a key condition for the integration of new political issues into party competition. Rather than seeing their integration as a matter of the emergence of a new, second conflict, it argues that new issues become central to party competition if the existing conflict structure presents established mainstream parties with vote-seeking or coalition-building incentives to focus on them. The article uses Ireland as a 'negative case study' to develop the argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the legislative agenda in Ireland since 1922 using new data coded within the Comparative Agendas Project framework. The data, generated using the codebook of the Irish Policy Agendas Project (), show clear evidence of long-term changes in the complexity, issue focus, and Europeanisation of the legislative agenda in Ireland. The study uses the Irish case to test some existing arguments concerning the influence on the policy agenda of governments' political capacity and pressures generated by policy problems. Its findings suggest that government capacity influences the agenda, but not in the way theorised: greater capacity leads, on average, to higher stability; more specifically, this effect is evident in the absence of government turnover, as governments maintain a focus on 'their own' issues as they continue in office. There is no evidence that the pressure to solve policy problems, in the form of weak or negative economic growth, influences the stability of the legislative agenda. The article contributes to the study of agenda stability, the analysis of Irish politics and public policy, and it provides a basis for coding comparable data across other policy agendas in Ireland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Irish party system has been exceptional both for the weakness of its left-right conflict and for its long-run stability. How then can party competition on policy, and particularly competition between the main parties, be characterised? This study examines the Irish party system from an issue competition perspective, examining the party system agenda and asking whether Irish party competition is marked by differences in issue focus. New data from Irish party manifestos (1981–2020) coded within the framework of the Comparative Agendas Project show that rather than competing by focusing on different issues, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael's issue focus is very similar and has moved in parallel over time. Nor is a distinct focus on new issues evident in Sinn Féin's offering as they have emerged as a major party. Moreover, it finds that 'new politics' issues have remained marginal and it examines how this has occurred using the 'crucial case' of environmental policy. While differences in issue focus do not help us to distinguish the main parties, the politics of competence continues to have an important role and positional politics may be coming to the fore. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'two worlds of morality politics' framework suggests that the historical structure of the party system has a major influence on the politics of morality issues. This study uses the case of Ireland to examine that proposition. Ireland is unusual in that it combines the absence of an historical church-state conflict in its party system with an historically strong Roman Catholic Church. It is therefore a 'critical case' for the 'two worlds' framework, which brings to the fore the interaction of the Church and the party system. It is also a puzzling case in the timing and sequence of its reforms. Focusing on the politics of contraception, abortion, same-sex marriage, and divorce, we show that the Church had no strong secularising opponents ('enemies'); however, when public attitudes changed and when liberalising interest groups mobilised, nor did the Church have parties who were close allies ('friends'). Case studies of abortion and same-sex marriage show in greater depth how, in the presence of changing attitudes and mobilisation, the Church lacked a foothold in the party system that would allow it to obstruct reforms. The study's findings open a conversation between the heretofore separate literatures on morality politics and Church influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the general election of February 2020, Sinn Féin won a plurality of the vote in the Republic of Ireland for the first time. The party system remained highly fragmented and, with Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael refusing to enter government with Sinn Féin, government formation took a record 20 weeks. Those 20 weeks coincided with the emergence of the Covid-19 public health emergency in Europe. A minority caretaker government introduced significant policy measures to address the associated public health and economic crises. At the end of June, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael entered government together for the first time, and the Green Party joined them in a three-party majority coalition. The government faces significant challenges resulting from Covid-19 and from the UK's exit from the EU, and other policy problems including housing and healthcare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political parties are important actors in domestic climate politics. What drives variation in parties' climate policy preferences? To contribute to a growing literature on the party politics of climate change, we focus on the roles of public opinion, party competition, and parties' traditional policy preferences in shaping parties' climate policy preferences in Denmark and Ireland. In case studies that draw on in-depth interviews with policy practitioners, we show how parties respond to public opinion, accommodate issue-owners, and are powerfully constrained and enabled by their existing preferences. These mechanisms also help to explain different responses on climate policy across the left-right spectrum. Competition between mainstream parties is particularly powerful, but can constrain as much as it enables 'greener' climate policy preferences. While climate change may be a distinctive problem, the party politics of climate change features similar incentives and constraints as other domains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study contributes to the growing literature on the domestic politics of climate change by examining the climate policy preferences of Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Labour Party over 20 years. Bringing the concept of ‘policy entrepreneurship’ into the study of intra-party politics, it uses secondary data, party documents, publicly available information and a series of in-depth interviews to develop an understanding of intra-party policy entrepreneurship and political parties’ climate policy preferences. It finds that office-seeking incentives have tended to trump the activities of individuals who have engaged in policy entrepreneurship with the aim of strengthening their parties’ climate policy preferences. In instances where office-seeking incentives for climate policy have been strong, they have often contributed to changes in policy preferences, whether or not intra-party policy entrepreneurship has been present. Theoretically, the study argues that the concept of ‘policy entrepreneurship’ can be usefully borrowed from the public policy literature by researchers of party policy preferences and intra-party politics. Empirically, it adds to the small but growing body of research on climate politics in Ireland. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The domestic arena has never been so important for the politics of climate change. The 2015 Paris Agreement on climate change established a global framework that emphasises ‘nationally determined’ responses to climate change. This places national policies – and the political and institutional factors that help or hinder those responses – front and centre. In the comparative study of climate politics, Ireland is not just another understudied case. It is in many respects an interesting case, both for its peculiarities and for what it shares with other countries: its sets of opportunities and challenges; its successes and failures; and the circumstances in which policy-makers have operated. This symposium addresses some rapidly developing areas in the study of comparative climate politics. In doing so, it contributes to developing knowledge of the features that make the Irish case interesting; that make it similar to and potentially representative of other classes of cases; and that make it different from other cases and in some respects unique. Overall, the symposium highlights significant constraints on effective policy responses to climate change in Ireland. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]