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The article explores the impact of the U.S. trade war and environmental policies on the timber trade between the U.S. and Vietnam. Due to the trade war, U.S. timber exports to China decreased, leading U.S. timber companies to look to Vietnam as an alternative market. However, concerns have been raised about Vietnam importing illegally harvested timber. The U.S. initiated a Section 301 investigation into Vietnam's timber imports, which resulted in an agreement for Vietnam to improve its timber legality assurance system. The article also discusses the implications of the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership on illegal timber trade. [Extracted from the article]

Competition law enforcement is one of the cornerstones of sound business regulation; yet it faces a problem in the transnational context. Whereas transnational commerce seamlessly transcends borders, competition law has jurisdictional roots, lacking a true transnational response. Global frictions due to the enforcement of divergent domestic laws and policies seem inevitable yet are surprisingly rare. We argue this phenomenon cannot be fully explained by a doctrinal analysis of the global efforts towards policy or legal convergence. Instead, the focus should be on the competition law officials who operationalise the law in a transnational context. This ‘human element’ of the inquiry must embrace qualitative research methods, such as ethnographic studies commonly used in legal anthropology, to develop a comprehensive legal analysis in this context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International trade is a cross-border buying and selling transaction, which involves two parties and crosses state boundaries. Dumping is a system of selling goods on foreign markets in large quantities at very low prices with the aim that domestic purchase prices are not lowered so that they can eventually dominate foreign markets and regain control of prices. From the above background, the problem in this research is the role of the WTO (World Trade Organization) to limit dumping practices. Answering these problems the researchers used a normative juridical approach. Normative juridical approach is an approach that is based on the main legal material by examining theories, concepts, legal principles and laws and regulations related to this research. The results of the study show that in GATT it is clear that the position of dumping is an act of unfair trade (unfair trade practice) because it violates the principles of MFN. This is why he considers dumping as Unfair Trade Practice in GATT. Then the anti-dumping regulation in Article VI of the GATT is intended as a policy to overcome dumping. The WTO in this position is as a forum for dispute resolution and provides a conciliation mechanism to resolve trade disputes that arise. So that the position of the WTO is as a facilitator in preventing dumping disputes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trade is an essential part for economic development both locally, nationally as well as globally through the exchange of goods and services between different actors. It is an integral part of the global economy and plays a crucial role in the economic development of countries. Trade also presents challenges and problems, such as trade imbalances, unfair competition, trade barriers, environmental and social impacts, among others. That's why many countries negotiate trade agreements and establish regulations to facilitate fair and equitable trade. That is why this research is carried out to know how foreign trade develops within Mexico and the impact it generates on its economy, this will be carried out through a descriptive methodology with which it seeks to have a more appropriate approach around the objective of this work that is to be able to analyze foreign trade around Mexico, where it could be concluded that Mexico is an important country within the foreign trade environment both in its imports and exports, having an efficient and global economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Competition Law protects free market economies, guaranteeing free competition. Among the various tools Competition Authorities around the world have, the administrative sanctioning process is one of them. In these processes interim measures can be issued. The purpose of an interim measure is to intervene in a specific market in which anticompetitive behaviors are being held, ensuring the effectiveness of an eventual sanctioning decision. The objective of this article is to define and describe interim measures in Competition Law, reviewing, in first place, the legal regulation in the European Union, Spain, France, and Mexico; secondly, a detailed and complete analysis of the development of interim measures in Colombia will be presented (1992-2022). To accomplish this second goal, a full revision of the legal regime in Colombia will be presented, followed by the analysis of the five cases in which the Superintendence of Industry and Commerce has issued interim measures in administrative competition sanctioning processes. Finally, some normative challenges will be presented, which must be revised and addressed by the Congress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Quaestio Iuris (QI) is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Dünya ülkeleri arasında yapılmakta olan uluslararası ticaret işlemlerinin İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrasında hız kazanmasıyla birlikte ülkeler çeşitli düzenleme ve kurallara ihtiyaç duymaya başlamışlardır. Bu nedenle 1948 yılında Gümrük Tarifeleri ve Ticaret Genel Anlaşması (GATT), 1995 yılında ise Dünya Ticaret Örgütü (DTÖ) çatısı altında ülkeler dünya ticaretini belirli kurallara bağlamışlardır. Dünya ticaretinin gelişmesi amacıyla ülkelerin birbirlerinin ürünlerine karşı uyguladıkları tarife ve tarife dışı önlemlerin kademeli olarak azaltılması yönünde alınan kararlar başarılı olmuştur. 1964 yılında GATT’ın altıncı görüşmesi olan Kennedy Turu’nda gündeme alınan Anti-damping Kodu ile birlikte, haksız rekabete neden olduğu öne sürülen damping uygulamalarına karşı önlem alınması gerektiği konusunda uluslararası düzeyde bir görüş birliği sağlanmıştır. Anti-damping önlemleri olarak adlandırılan bu yaptırımlar geçici önlemler, fiyat taahhütleri ve nihai anti-damping vergileri olarak uygulanmaktadır. 2010 yılından itibaren dünyada sayıları artan anti-damping önlemlerine en sık başvuran ülke Amerika Birleşik Devletleri (ABD) olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Türkiye ise üçüncü sırada yer alarak yerli endüstrisini haksız rekabete karşı en çok korumaya çalışan ülkeler arasında sayılmaktadır. Bu çalışmada Türkiye’nin uluslararası ticarette karşılaştığı ve uyguladığı anti-damping vergileri incelenmektedir.

This study focuses on the effects of the United States (U.S.) anti-dumping policy targeting China's steel products, based on the HS 10-digit code monthly data from 1995 to 2015. It shows that as soon as the U.S. government implemented the affirmative preliminary ruling of an anti-dumping case, the volume of Chinese exports to the U.S. decreased regardless of the outcome of the final ruling. In the meantime, the U.S. imports of the involved products from other competing countries increased. It further finds that China's exports of the impacted products were diverted to the third-party countries, most of which were developing countries. This finding is contrary to those of studies from other industries such as textiles and agricultural products. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As one component of its mission to reduce trade barriers and encourage the liberalization of international commerce, the World Trade Organization provides states with a forum in which they can raise and resolve complaints about partners' unfair trading practices. This mechanism streamlines the process of identifying non-compliant behavior, and provides real incentives for the removal of such policies. By furnishing a form of dispute resolution, the institution should be both trade-inducing and peace-enhancing for member states. However, this very mechanism also has the potential to aggravate existing dispute for two reasons. First, it removes the opportunity for states to use economic policies as instruments of structural linkage in resolving disputes. Second, it deprives its members of powerful economic tools that could be used in lieu of militarized responses. Using the implementation of the WTO Dispute Settlement mechanism, as well as the subsequent expiration of Article 13 of the WTO Agreement on Agriculture (the so-called 'peace clause'), we examine whether the opportunity to resolve trade disputes through the organization affects the likelihood that member states engage in militarized conflict with one another. We find that membership in a trade institution facilitates peaceful interaction, but that judicialization erases these benefits. We conclude that institution building requires caution and attention to the possibility of unintended consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on interrelationship between trade policy and competition enforcement. It mentions that competition law enforcement concentrates on the elimination of private incentives to restrain competition through anticompetitive unilateral conduct, market cartelization, and merger control, while international trade policy focuses mostly on the elimination of regulatory restraints and governmental decisions to regulate international trade flows.

The characterization of the United States as a liberal hegemon seeking to uphold free-market capitalism against the illiberal state capitalism of China and other emerging powers has become commonplace, along with the attendant notion that American economic openness has been exploited by the unfair trade practices of other states. Given their dominance in US political discourse and role in shaping contemporary policy—including fuelling Trump's trade wars and aggressive unilateral trade actions against all of the United States' major trading partners, his attacks on the World Trade Organization, and talk of a "new Cold War" between the United States and China—these claims merit far greater scrutiny. In this article, I challenge the stark dichotomy frequently drawn between American "free-market capitalism" and the "state capitalism" of its emerging challengers, arguing that this forms part of a strategic narrative deployed for political purposes, including legitimating the United States' use of aggressive trade policy measures. An examination of the American hegemon's actual trade and industrial policies complicates this characterization. Despite presenting itself as a promoter and defender of free trade, I show that the unifying logic of US trade policy has always been the promotion of American economic interests: the United States has engaged in considerable state intervention and trade protectionism, both to shield vulnerable industries and support others to achieve and maintain their global dominance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the U.S. anti-dumping and countervailing duties on ripe olives imported from Spain and how it violate Article 2 of the Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (SCM). The process used by the U.S. International Trade Commission (ITC) for injury determination. An analysis of the state of domestic ripe olive industry is also discussed to determine the impact of the subject goods. Factors considered include volume, price effects and the state of domestic producers.

The aim of this study; This is being done by the World Bank Logistics Performance Index since 2007, the assessment reveals Turkey's situation and identify the reasons for the poor performance shown. While our country has a very important logistics fleet and infrastructure, unfortunately our performance has decreased since 2007. Turkey ranked 34.th in 2007 and declined to 47th as of 2018. Countries that we can consider as competing countries, Poland, Romania and Bulgaria have made significant progress. Poland ranked 40th in 2007 and 28th in 2018. In our study, the criteria were evaluated under the headings and the things to be done in order to increase the performance criteria were stated. Turkey, when viewed in terms of geographical area is in a position where it has the potential to be a very important and logistics base. Unfortunately, however, it cannot assess this potential. Today, a logistics sector that works efficiently and offers economic prices can provide a competitive advantage to our companies, especially by providing a cost advantage for our export products, while also contributing to the development of our country. The institutions of our state and logistics companies should do in order to ensure that the sector cannot work efficiently and produce economic prices and that service quality is not sufficient is explained in our article. In addition, it affects the performance of the sector negatively in the quotas imposed on Turkish trucks by the EU in contradiction with the principle of free movement of goods. In spite of everything, our sector has a very important infrastructure and is able to carry its logistics performance to the top when it eliminates its own deficiencies despite the unfair competition applied by the EU. In this study, the criteria collected under 6 headings were evaluated and the requirements and deficiencies to be made in order to rise in the performance criteria were stated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of declining degrees of vertical integration in major industries of Indian manufacturing sector during the post-reform period, the present paper is an attempt to examine how such "vertical disintegration" has affected firms' market power and its implications for competition policy. Using panel dataset of 49 majors industries of Indian manufacturing sector for the period 2003–04 to 2010–11 and applying the system generalized method of moments approach to estimate of dynamic panel data models, the paper finds that vertical integration does not cause any significant impact on average market power of firms in an industry. Instead, it is influenced by market size, and selling and technology-related efforts. While selling intensity has a positive impact on market power, the impact of market size and technology intensity is found to be negative. Notably, like vertical integration, market concentration, import to export ratio, and capital intensity also do not have any significant impact on market power. The findings of this paper, therefore, have important implications for competition law and policy in general and policies and regulation relating to technology development and international trade in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

U.S. President Donald Trump has a misguided, mercantilist view of international trade. He believes that an external (or "trade") deficit is a "problem," and that this deficit is caused by foreigners engaging in unfair trade practices. Accordingly, the president and his followers feel that the U.S. is being—and has long been—victimized by foreigners. The reality, however, is that the negative external balance in the U.S. is neither a "problem" nor is it attributable to foreigners engaging in nefarious activities. The U.S.'s negative external balance, which the country has registered every year since 1975, is "made in the USA." External balances are always and everywhere homegrown; they are the reflection and the result of the relationship between domestic savings and domestic investment. And it is the gap between a country's savings and domestic investment that is the fundamental driver and determinant of its external balance. Specifically, the current account balance, or "trade deficit," is the sum of the private savings‐investment gap and the public savings‐investment gap, or what is known as the "fiscal balance." From 1972 until the end of 2018, for example, the cumulative private sector savings‐investment gap in the U.S. was a positive $12.8 trillion; that is, U.S. companies and individuals collectively saved—that is, earned and retained—some $12.8 trillion more than they consumed and invested domestically. But this positive balance was completely overshadowed by the cumulative negative government gap—or cumulative fiscal deficits—of $24.2 trillion during this 47‐year period. And thus the U.S. as a whole experienced a savings‐investment gap of negative $11.4 trillion that is entirely attributable to the country's fiscal deficits. What's more, the fact that the U.S. recorded a cumulative current account deficit of $11.5 trillion during this period confirms that the U.S. external deficits simply mirror what is happening in the U.S. domestic economy, just as the savings‐investment identity suggests. And, of course, the savings‐investment identity holds true for all countries, even those with significant external surpluses. Japan and China have both long experienced savings surpluses, and both have run current account surpluses that have mirrored their positive savings‐investment gaps. If the U.S. mercantilists understood what causes trade and current account deficits, they would direct their ire at profligate government spending rather than at foreigners. But they don't understand. And the leader of the mercantilists, President Trump, is flying blind and presiding over ever‐expanding fiscal deficits—which will only ensure that the current account deficits not just continue, but get bigger. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Brazilian Journal of Law & International Relations / Relações Internacionais no Mundo is the property of Relacoes Internacionais no Mundo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Firms coordinate their actions with industry peers, thereby affecting product market competition. Using the cartel setting, we investigate how financial reporting transparency affects industry coordination. Economic theory predicts that transparency might either prolong cartel duration through increased contracting efficiency, or destabilize cartels due to earlier detection of deviating members. We test these predictions on firms indicted by the European Commission for anticompetitive behavior between 1980 and 2010. Using reporting under internationally recognized accounting standards (IFRS or U.S. GAAP) as our measure of reporting transparency, we find that following a transparent accounting framework decreases cartel duration. We show this finding is partly explained by transparent segment disclosure, which provides a means for the verification of agreed-upon sales for a product or region. Consistent with the view that transparent reporting leads to earlier detection of deviating members, we further show that transparency lowers cartel duration when the likelihood of cheating is high. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Controls are useful to combat unfair competition, protect consumer health, combat illicit trade and promote development. On the other hand, controls or inefficient processes may affect the flow of trade and may compromise the competitiveness of economic operators. This paper aims to analyse performance indicators related to international trade and cross-border operations from the economic operator perspective. The method compares the analysis of the indicators found in literature to the indicators at the regulatory level. As a result, our study provides a useful opportunity to unveil the authorised economic operator (AEO) indicators in an implementing country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses some key substantive issues of the new Trade Secrets Law. Specifically, it considers the definition of a trade secret and the requirements to be complied with for certain information to be protected as a trade secret. It also addresses the practices that qualify as an infringement of trade secrets, including both the relevant behaviour and the circumstances under which there is considered to be an infringement of trade secrets. Likewise, there is a previous analysis of the additional elements that the new Law has inserted into the Spanish legal system in comparison with the previous regime of the Unfair Competition Law, which reveals that it is still necessary to supplement the legal protection with robust contractual protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "globalizing" of corporations and economies, the shifts in world trade to regional trading blocs, and the uneven distribution of the fruits of trade require the operation of a new regime of fair trade. This, in turn, necessitates changes in the debt program of the IMF and World Bank and the full development of the new, post-GATT World Trade Organization to foster this fairness. If the necessary reforms are not made, the author warns, the result will be political instability, economic disadvantage, and ecological perils that will engulf the prosperous as well as the poor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with free trade policy of the International Trade Commission (ITC) under the Trade Act of 1974. The ITC, armed with the more stringent provisions of the Trade Act of 1974, is in the process of demonstrating that interested opponent of free trade are more vocal that are the beneficiaries of unfettered international commerce. Under the act, the ITC investigates allegations of dumping and determines whether imports represent a substantial cause of serious injury of the threat thereof. The pressure for import relief, however, will continue, and it is doubtful that expedient alternatives to tariffs and quotas will be found in most of the cases brought to the attention of U.S. President Jimmy Carter. Consumer interests are not the only ones affected by the Trade Act of 1974. If anti-dumping situations result in heightening protection, then prices of important industrial inputs will be distorted and investment decisions will be seriously altered. The U.S. will, in the future, produce products which ought to be produced elsewhere, and once vested interests are created, great difficulty will be encountered in setting things right. The cost of pursuing protectionist policies has been well documented. Yet it is widely accepted that dumping is not a model behavior, even under the regime of free trade.

This article examines anti-trust doctrine saying that often doctrine fails to respond in a timely way to changes in society. Of particular interest to the authors is the doctrine of "barriers to entry" which they believe is outdated, decrepit and irrelevant in the society of the time. The authors refute the belief that the removal of all barriers will result in a successful marketplace saying that natural barriers will always exist and business will defeat the barriers if it is good enough. Further, the authors maintain that government involvement in reducing barriers only serves to uneven the playing field and create additional problems.

Circumvention (or evasion) of anti-dumping duties, though widely debated during the Uruguay Round negotiations, led to nothing but a three paragraph long Ministerial Decision acknowledging the problem. Nevertheless, the European Union (EU), USA and India have gone on to incorporate anti-circumvention rules in their domestic regulations. However, principally against the Free Trade Theory and leaving excessive scope for protectionist abuse, these rules seem to protect the domestic industries even from fair trade. This is especially true considering the difficulties faced in differentiating between legitimate commercial activities and intentional cases of circumvention. Apart from highlighting the potential inconsistencies of these rules with the Anti-Dumping Agreement, the present paper explores the theoretical aspects of Indian law on circumvention in detail. In the absence of any judicial interpretation on it, reference to the EU law has been made to clarify various principles considered as grey areas that are yet to be settled. This comparative analysis helps give an idea about the quantitative and qualitative tests that can be borrowed from EU jurisprudence to make the law less ambiguous. However, a better alternative might be to deal with such cases with the help of already existing anti-dumping laws and other simpler solutions. Such alternatives become especially important when the cost of protectionist abuse and the risk of protection from even 'fair trade' outweigh the burden of fresh investigations in the long run. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the degrowth movement's main ideas, policy proposals, and examples of noncapitalist organizations and socially embedded economic networks compatible with degrowth ideas, namely, the Catalan Integral Cooperatives in Spain and Solidarity Economy Networks in Italy. It also explores degrowth's relevance to developing countries that have lower levels of material living standards compared to the European countries where it originated. The main argument of this article is that degrowth has significant potential to advance progressive socioecological transformation. Its advocates have also implemented some interesting alternative economic practices, such as nonmonetary exchanges and recreations of the commons, which prioritize socioecological sustainability over profit maximization. However, the degrowth movement has so far paid little attention to the structural hierarchy of the global political economy and hence has not made sufficient suggestions about how to address uneven development within and between countries, which will likely hinder progressive and ecologically sustainable transitions across the globe. Unfair global trade practices and concentrated control over advanced technologies are contentious points that might prevent widespread support for degrowth ideas in developing countries. Some developing countries and subnational local groups also face more constraints than others if they want to scale-up noncapitalist initiatives that are compatible with the degrowth vision, not to mention that some might lack financial means to drive transformative change. These issues cut across the spheres of production, consumption, trade, and finance, which suggests that structural reforms of the global political economy are called for to address unequal relations between developed and developing countries and also inequality within countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an integral part of the WTO trading regime and in line with the international trend of antitrust control, TRIPS harmonized intellectual property protection with competition in mind. However, diverse national FRAND enforcement practices that take either a contractual or an antitrust approach challenge TRIPS integrity. While personal property recognition for SEPs lends constitutional support to the contractual approach to FRAND enforcement, private property's in-built limitation warrants a balance with the antitrust approach for needs from others. A critical examination of the TRIPS conclusion and the analytical structure of TRIPS provisions reveal that TRIPS obligation against anticompetitive practices is imperative. The imbalance of harmonized TRIPS with un-harmonized FRAND practices reflects TRIPS birth defect and challenges TRIPS integrity. To improve balance of rights and obligations in international trade and to ensure innovation and technology dissemination that is conducive to social and economic welfare, the paper calls for a contract–antitrust balanced approach to FRAND enforcement and the resumption of WTO's competition negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regulation 1/2003 does not explicitly address the question whether national competition authorities (NCAs) have the power to prosecute and sanction infringements of Article 101 TFEU beyond their own national borders. This has allowed wide differences to exist between NCAs in respect of the territorial scope of their fines imposed under Article 101. A legal assessment reveals that there is much uncertainty as to the legality of NCAs taking into account foreign effects in sanctioning cross-border cartels. Many of the legal arguments used to either support or object to the right for NCAs to do so are unsatisfactory, at least in the context of the current legal framework. As such a right can significantly enhance the effectiveness of decentralized enforcement of Article 101, it may well be desirable to further explore this new frontier of extraterritorial cartel enforcement within the Union. However, it is submitted that this will require legislative action, so that legal certainty can be provided in accordance with the common views of Member States. Either as part of the new ECN+ Directive or through an amendment of the Regulation, the necessary procedural rules and safeguards can be put in place to give NCAs the right to fine foreign effects in a way that ensures effective enforcement and proportionate sanctioning while still allowing for sufficient prosecutorial discretion at the national level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some empirical studies have attempted to clarify the mechanism of illegal dumping by examining the degree to which per-bag pricing plays a role. However, previous research on the behaviour of avoiding paying a charge for waste collection has tended to neglect so-called ‘immoral disposal,’ which is less risky than illegal dumping because there is no legal penalty. In this study, we define immoral disposal as the dumping of waste in a manner that is immoral but not illegal. To detect the existence of immoral disposal, we apply a spatial econometric approach, namely an extended panel spatial Durbin model, to identify the actual spillover effect of garbage pricing in neighbouring municipalities on immoral disposal from the total waste. A major finding of this study is that immoral disposal exists in unit-based pricing, two-tiered pricing, and fixed pricing. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The author discusses a report of the World Trade Organization's (WTO) Dispute Settlement Body on China-Measures Imposing Anti-Dumping Duties on High Performance Stainless Steel Seamless Tubes ( HP-SSST). It informs that the report concludes that the Chinese antidumping duties, imposed on high performance stainless steel seamless tubes violated the Agreement on Implementation of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 1994 and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 1994.

Sanitary requirements for international trade in animals and their products are regulated by World Trade Organization (WTO) and World Organisation for Animal Health (OIE). None of them requires exported animal commodities to be of full sanitary quality, i.e. to be free of pathogens causing mass suffering and premature death of immense numbers of animals and humans. Both organizations using different methods try to avoid requirements of importing countries for pathogen-free animal commodity. They support the exporting countries at the expense of health in the importing ones that are not self-sufficient in animal production and thus contribute to worldwide man-made spreading of pathogens through 'legal' trade. They ignore the global irreparable consequences of their common 'trade over health' policy. They also deprive the importing countries of freedom to reject goods having no sanitary harmlessness guarantee. They ignore pathogen reproduction/spreading/resistance abilities and the fact that every case is different. Admitting pathogen spread is in stark contrast to the only duty of the OIE. It is therefore recommended: Documents and provisions supporting pathogen spread through 'legal' international trade to be immediately abolished; to use and apply normal free market fair trade principles for animal commodities, i.e. full quality requirements based on demands of the importing country to avoid pathogen introduction and on bilateral agreement without any external interference. State animal health services must be significantly strengthened to be able to control international trade on-the-spot and organize infection control/eradication programmes. Modern action-oriented epizootiology methods have to be used. All intergovernmental anti-epizootic agenda should be concentrated in United Nations Organization and dealt with as a priority programme to protect global health and life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the implication of globalization in the flow of goods and services in the economy, industries, and workers. Topics include fundamental misconceptions of globalization and required conditions for a perfect competition which include, the presence of buyers and sellers, homogeneity of goods, and knowledge of market sellers and prices. The effect of free trade and globalization to workers and environment, and the issue of social dumping is also presented.