Search

Ovaj rad pokušava da odgovori na pitanje u kakvom su odnosu percipirani nacionalni interesi Srbije i inicijative Otvoreni Balkan. Rad počinje teorijskim okvirom i objašnjenjem koncepata nacionalnih interesa i regionalnih integracija Zapadnog Balkana. Zatim se predstavlja kratka istorija pomenutih integracija i njihovim odnosom sa procesom pristupanja balkanskih država Evropskoj uniji. Centralni deo rada je usredsređen na ekonomske, institucionalne i međunarodnopravne aspekte inicijative Otvoreni Balkan i kako percipirani nacionalni interesi Srbije određuju ove aspekte. Osnovni zaključci su da su politički lideri Srbije, Albanije i Severne Makedonije birali međuprezidencijalni model regionalnih integracija, da su svesno izbegli institucionalizaciju Otvorenog Balkana, kao i da su gotovo isključivo koristili neobavezujuće instrumente međunarodnog prava. Dodatno, ekonomski dometi inicijative su do sada bili ograničeni.

The article explores the conceptual landscape surrounding national interests. It posits that the identification, safeguarding, and advancement of national interests serve as the bedrock upon which state policies in the domain of national security are formulated. The article traces the origins, evolution, and contemporary interpretations of national interests. Special emphasis is accorded to interpretations espoused by proponents of the political realism. The author conducts an in-depth examination of Russian perspectives on national interests during the 19th and early 20th centuries, as well as throughout the Soviet era, presenting an original periodization of conceptual approaches within Soviet Russia and the USSR. In addition to its historical inquiry, the article critically assesses the implications of national interests of contemporary Russia’s foreign policy. Through analysis of strategic policy documents, the author discerns instances where policy objectives are conflated with the national interests, diverging from their realization.Given Russia's distinctive geopolitical position and security challenges, the author defines the paramount Russia's national interest – establishing a secure periphery characterized by cooperative relationships with neighboring states and ensuring unimpeded access to global maritime routes.

Copyright of Public Administration & Civil Service / Memlekettìk Basķaru Ža̋ne Memlekettìk Ķyzmet is the property of Academy of Public Administration under the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan / Akademiya Gosun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The political processes taking place in the Caucasus in the last decades of the XXI century have set new goals in the foreign policy of the Centers of power and the countries of the region. It is fully justified that this process has realized a new political acting factor determined by the rational power of Azerbaijan. Because the most reliable concept of development and cooperation was established precisely with the political will, ideological wisdom, progressive ideas, starting from Azerbaijan, and finally with solid foundations of statehood. Therefore, both in the South Caucasus and in the Caspian region, Azerbaijan has played an important role in the development strategy of the states by gaining political actorship. In this regard, the article is of particular relevance and importance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the place and role of the Chinese National Knowledge Infrastructure (CNKI) in the development of international cooperation and scientific and technological potential of China. The English-language resources of the CNKI are disclosed. The importance of the English version of the CNKI website as a tool for promoting CNKI in the international arena is shown. With the help of the google trends web statistics service, the information needs of foreign users of the Chinese National Knowledge Infrastructure are studied. The most promising options and scenarios for cooperation between the Chinese National Knowledge Infrastructure and the Russian academic and scientific community are presented. It is explained why the primary task is to pay for full-text access to journals on social sciences and humanities in Chinese. It is suggested that the experience of CNKI may be useful for the formation of a similar national knowledge infrastructure in Russia itself, and integrating the entire Russian-speaking scientific and information space in the world. The role of the Institute of Scientific Information for Social Sciences of the Russian Academy of Sciences in promoting Russian scientific results abroad and expanding access to foreign resources is shown.

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'International Relations & Regional Studies' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although previous studies have separately discussed the Oslo Accords and Israel–Africa relations, there has been little discussion of how and why relations between Israel and African countries evolved during the Oslo process and after its collapse. This article addresses these gaps, arguing that although the Oslo Accords did contribute to the establishment of diplomatic relations with many African countries, the contribution was minor and short-lived, and that common and national interests were more central motivations. It describes the complex nature of more recent developments in Israel-African relations and raises questions about the quality and consequences of bilateral relationships rooted mainly in national and common interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author implements the constructivist approach to study the discourse of imaginary geography and its main concepts based on the analysis of the facts of the discourse – the main ideological texts that form the imaginary geography of Turkey in the 19th-21st centuries, and significant events like the publication of maps. The author considers the imaginative geography as a representative and performative discourse of power connected with historical memory and nation-building. The article demonstrates how Turkey, relying on the Turkic and Islamic ideological dominants, uses the technologies of force (G. Fields). State and media mapping is going along with the construction of architecture in territories inhabited by Turks and Muslims, which is carried out at the state level. The analysis showed that at this stage imaginative geography becomes a tool for promoting Turkey’s national interests not only in the post-Ottoman, but also in the post-Soviet spaces. It justifies Turkey’s active foreign policy and legitimizes it in the eyes of people inhabiting this imaginative geography. The inclusion of a religious component expands this geography to a worldwide reach. Through an imaginative geography, relying on the political ideas of Turkism that developed in the twentieth century and underwent Islamization, Turkey projects a new regional configuration, where its role becomes the leading one. Turkey’s active foreign policy includes maintaining its central position through a set of tools, such as humanitarian policy, constructing an imaginary geography and fixing it through the concepts of “geography-destiny” and “geography of the heart”, visualization through mapping. The author comes to the conclusion that although the example of Turkey in the use of imaginative geography is not unique, it demonstrates an example of the successful implementation of the technologies of force and should be taken into account when developing Russia’s foreign policy strategy.

The global security system is undergoing a profound transformation. In this process, the international community is seeking the shape of a new security architecture and international order. At the same time, the Bulgarian state is characterised by a lack of clearly articulated strategic interests. This circumstance is reflected in the weak role of the Bulgarian state in regional and international affairs. In this regard, it is necessary to formulate Bulgaria's main foreign policy interests that will position the country in the new global system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As part of their "Look East" foreign policy, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries have been focusing on enhancing their relations with several Asian countries, including Indonesia, which is the largest economy in Southeast Asia. The adoption of this policy has resulted in an apparent increase in cooperation between these Arab Gulf nations and Indonesia. There is a visible trend of growing cooperation between GCC countries and Indonesia, particularly during the first term of President Joko Widodo, covering areas from diplomacy, energy, and trade to investments. Although the expansion of diplomatic, energy and economic ties between both sides has been widely discussed in the literature, little attention has been paid to the public diplomacy strategies used by the GCC countries in their interactions with Indonesia. Realizing the limitations of their newly developing relationships with Indonesia and the importance of promoting a positive image to secure their political and economic interests in the region, the GCC countries are fully aware of the need for effective public diplomacy strategies. This research, therefore, aims to examine the public diplomacy strategies employed by the GCC countries towards Indonesia. These strategies can be arguably divided into four distinct groups: educational initiatives, cultural activities, religious studies and practices, as well as humanitarian aid. This study argues that while public diplomacy has increasingly become an integral part of the GCC countries' strategies in establishing relations with Indonesia, the application of these strategies has been prevalent only among a few GCC countries in which extensive political and economic relations are already well forged with Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the political trends in the African region in the context of Ukraine's national security, and provides recommendations to improve the situation. According to the latest version of Ukraine’s National Security Strategy, the priority in the African region has been placed on diversifying markets and strengthening Ukraine’s political support in the face of Russian aggression. A significant threat is the growing presence of the Russian Federation in the African region with its extensive usage of both force and soft power tools, which was particularly evident at the Russia-Africa summit in October 2019 and the rapid spread of demand for the Russian “Sputnik V” vaccine against COVID-19 in 2021. Another related issue is the low level of support for Ukraine’s declarations in the UN General Assembly condemning human rights violations in occupied Crimea. The UN vote on occupied Crimea is one of the main factors in assessing relations with African governments, which Russian experts clearly point out. This reality highlights the need to increase Ukraine’s diplomatic presence and political weight in the African region in order to better contain the influence of the Russian Federation. Another important task is to monitor the destructive activities of the Russian Federation often aimed at fueling chaos, which could encourage local governments to establish closer bilateral relations with Moscow. At times, Russian policy has gone as far as supporting military coups that help to increase the level of Russian military and political presence in some states (for example, the cases of Mali in May 2021 and Sudan in October 2021).Strengthening the diplomatic level of representation in the region is a priority of Ukrainian foreign policy. In addition, the separation of economic and military-political factors is a problem for Ukraine. Trade is developing mostly with the stable countries of the eastern and southern parts of Africa, while the turbulent landscape of the west and center (except Nigeria) is poorly covered by the activities of Ukrainian enterprises. However, Ukrainian peacekeeping contingents have been active in these countries for a long time (primarily in the DRC).

As part of their “Look East” foreign policy, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries have been focusing on enhancing their relations with several Asian countries, including Indonesia, which is the largest economy in Southeast Asia. The adoption of this policy has resulted in an apparent increase in cooperation between these Arab Gulf nations and Indonesia. There is a visible trend of growing cooperation between GCC countries and Indonesia, particularly during the first term of President Joko Widodo, covering areas from diplomacy, energy, and trade to investments. Although the expansion of diplomatic, energy and economic ties between both sides has been widely discussed in the literature, little attention has been paid to the public diplomacy strategies used by the GCC countries in their interactions with Indonesia. Realizing the limitations of their newly developing relationships with Indonesia and the importance of promoting a positive image to secure their political and economic interests in the region, the GCC countries are fully aware of the need for effective public diplomacy strategies. This research, therefore, aims to examine the public diplomacy strategies employed by the GCC countries towards Indonesia. These strategies can be arguably divided into four distinct groups: educational initiatives, cultural activities, religious studies and practices, as well as humanitarian aid. This study argues that while public diplomacy has increasingly become an integral part of the GCC countries’ strategies in establishing relations with Indonesia, the application of these strategies has been prevalent only among a few GCC countries in which extensive political and economic relations are already well forged with Indonesia.

Copyright of Human Review is the property of Eagora Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After the collapse of the USSR, the region of Central Asia attracted a lot of attention from politicians and entrepreneurs of Western countries, including France. The priority of the national interests of the Fifth Republic in the region is the establishment of political, economic, cultural relations with the largest Central Asian state, Kazakhstan. The purpose of the article is to analyze the history and current state of French-Kazakh relations, to study the entire complex of French interests in Kazakhstan during 1991-2021. The article proves that over the 30 years of its independence, Kazakhstan has built relations with France, observing the foundations of its traditionally multi-vector foreign policy, and France has all this time considered Kazakhstan as the main bulwark of regional stability and security. An indicator of the level of relations between the two countries was that France became the first EU country with which Kazakhstan signed a Strategic Partnership Agreement in 2008, and in 2021 - the Roadmap for Economic and Investment Cooperation until 2030. The results of the analysis of the study indicate that the most dynamic relations between the two countries are developing in the economic sphere, and the key interests of 170 French companies are mainly associated with the joint development of large oil, gas and uranium fields. It has been proven that the COVID-19 pandemic, which negatively affected the global economy, led to a significant drop in French investment activity in Kazakhstan. Another factor that will spoil bilateral relations is the pressure of the Kazakh authorities on the opposition, facts of human rights violations in Kazakhstan. The analysis presented in this article, the study of the positive and negative experience of these bilateral relations will be important for the development of appropriate strategies of international interaction for other post-Soviet countries, in particular, Ukraine.

Ever since Canada failed to be elected to the United Nations Security Council as a non-permanent member in June 2020, there have been calls for Ottawa to realign Canadian foreign policy with the national interest. It is hardly the first time that such a plea has been made: critics advocated similarly in the 1870s, the 1930s, the 1960s, and the 2000s. Yet, in each case, they recommended a different policy solution. Having reviewed these episodes, this essay concludes that the real debate in Canadian foreign policy has never been about the national interest, per se. To borrow from the language of strategy, Ottawa's critics have merely privileged different "ways" of achieving the same "ends," while everyone yearns for the "means" to do more. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article identifies Germanys position on the Greek-Turkish dispute in the Aegean Sea from the point of the intergovernmentalist and neofunctionalist theories. The relevance of the research topic is due to the constantly emerging contradictions between Turkey and Greece in the Eastern Mediterranean, as well as the need for the third parties to intervene in this dispute. The subject of the study is the German position, which is explained by the desire of the country to become a mediator. In addition, in European historiography on the integration there is an ongoing debate as to whether countries are guided in their foreign policy decisions by a common European set of norms, principles and values, or still by their own national interests. The aim of the study is to identify the principles that Germany follows in determining the political vector of its foreign policy, using the example of the dispute between Turkey and Greece in the Aegean Sea, and correlate them with the theories of intergovernmentalism and neofunctionalism. The research methods are comparative analysis for defining the correlation of the postulates and selected theories with the practical steps taken by Germany to resolve the Greek-Turkish dispute, as well as the institutional method, which allows determining the role and place of the state in the system of pan-European decision-making. The results of the study are presented in the form of a correlation of the main criteria of the theories of intergovernmentalism and neofunctionalism with the identified practical steps of Germany to resolve the dispute between Turkey and Greece in the Eastern Mediterranean. The conclusion identifies Germanys commitment to one of the two theories for each of the selected criteria.

Introduction. Under the influence of global transformations in the world, both economic processes and the system of international relations are undergoing changes. Accordingly, modern diplomacy acquires new features, its forms and methods of conduct change, the way of presenting information about one's intentions or rejection of certain phenomena, despite the obligation to comply with protocol requirements. Therefore, the current issue is the scientific substantiation of the conceptual foundations of economic diplomacy and its role in implementing the strategic priorities of the countries' development and ensuring their economic progress. Methods. The research methodology is based on a systemic approach, according to which the tools and methods of economic diplomacy and the economic progress and strategic development of states are considered in a close relationship and causality. To solve the research tasks, both general scientific and special methods of scientific research were used, in particular: the method of going from the abstract to the concrete, analysis and synthesis, generalization and analogy, conceptual and logical analysis, the historical method in combination with the methods of empirical research and international comparative studies. The results. The role of economic diplomacy in the economic development of countries is substantiated. Conceptual approaches to the concept of "economic diplomacy" are defined, and its role in the implementation of the strategic priorities of the countries' development is revealed. It is argued that economic diplomacy acquires a new character and covers wider areas. It is substantiated that the processes of economic integration force more active use of the tools of economic diplomacy. The peculiarities of the experience of some countries in the implementation of strategic development priorities using the tools of economic diplomacy are revealed. The strategic vectors and goals of economic diplomacy in promoting the national interests of countries are outlined. As a result of the conducted research, the conceptual foundations of economic diplomacy were scientifically substantiated; its role in implementing the strategic priorities of the development of individual countries and ensuring their economic progress is argued; the strategic vectors and goals of economic diplomacy in promoting the national interests of states are outlined. Discussion. The obtained research results can be used for further scientific developments regarding the improvement of the theoretical basis of economic diplomacy and its influence on economic progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains Vietnam's recent proactive approach to multilateral diplomacy, defined as diplomatic performance in multilateral institutions. It argues that Hanoi's embrace of multilateral diplomacy is best explained through the lens of national interests. Vietnam has consistently placed its foreign policy in the broader dynamics of international politics. Since Ho Chi Minh, the founding father of the nation, started his struggle for the national liberation of Vietnam, multilateral institutions have been perceived as one important direction to raise Vietnam's voice and gather supports from the international community to serve the country's utmost interest of gaining national independence. After the independent state of Vietnam was established, Hanoi continued to pursue multilateral diplomacy to advance Vietnam's national interests of defending the country's security, advancing socio-economic development, and improving its role and stance in the international community. This approach is particularly hailed in recent years as a way to avoid becoming a proxy to big power competition, to mitigate significant security challenges, and to sustain economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the study is to identify the role of the People's Republic of China in the activities of the organisation, based on the Chinese vision of its role in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation as one of the ideological and philosophical leaders that determine its focus and ideology. In particular, China implements the principle of polycentrism in Eurasia and interstate partnership and promotes the idea of state-regulated economic globalisation. The methodology of this scientific research is based on the analytical method of studying the issues related to the topic of the scientific research. China proceeds from the concept of ensuring full sovereignty by the member states of the organisation, but against the backdrop of low development rates of national economies (up to 2–2.5%) and lack of awareness by countries of their national interests in the region, Chinese business will strengthen its expansion, relying on both the World Trade Organisation rules and using protectionist measures by absorbing ineffective business entities. China is guided by the principles of non-interference in the internal affairs of other states, while maintaining its socio-political model based on the fusion of the communist ideology and the traditional philosophical doctrines of China and the mentality of the country's population, excluding the democracy export policy, denying the desire for undivided hegemony and to rule the world community. This is confirmed by the main key elements of the People's Republic of China's foreign policy, determined by the Chinese leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the true goals and benefits of China’s assistance to the South. A hypothesis reveals the relationship between China’s transition to an innovative development model and its interest in the industrialization of the least developed countries. The tasks of modernizing the economy and the national interests of China in the context of the modern international labor division are analyzed. To ensure the growth of incomes of the population to the level of developed countries, the creation of a post-industrial structure of the economy is required. This means that a number of industrial functions must be transferred to such backward countries that, without Chinese capital and technology, are not able to industrialize. In addition, for China, the problem of equilibrium of the balance of payments is urgent, the solution to which is to increase imports of simple goods and make direct investments within the Chinese Global Value Chains. Analysis of directions and first results of Chinese development assistance confirmed its important contribution to solving these problems, as well as its systemic nature within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative. The Initiative coordinates the construction of power plants, all types of infrastructure, and on their basis the development of industry and consumption under the control of Chinese companies. Therefore, all types of grants or concessional assistance to the South can be considered as investments into the development of the Chinese economy, which has gone beyond national borders. At the same time, participation in the Initiative brings benefits and growth prospects up to the level of the modern PRC for the most backward countries, but does not create growth opportunities for countries with already developed industry and an average standard of living, on the contrary, it reduces their space for post-industrialization.

Why does the Chinese economic modernization strategy include transnationalization of Chinese enterprises, the creation of numerous Small and Medium Foreign Affiliates (SMFAs)? The research hypothesis suggests that in the context of globalization, modernization requires influencing other participants in the global economy beyond national borders. SMFAs are able to transform the structure of the economy of the PRC and host countries to ensure demand for national innovations and highly skilled labor. The literature review highlights the challenges of modernizing the national economy in the context of globalization, as well as the advantages of TNCs and participation in global value chains (GVCs). However, the question of the connection between catchup development and transnationalization of local business, especially small and medium-sized ones, has been understudied. The novelty of the study is in the analysis of the sectoral and geographical structure of the foreign activities of Chinese TNCs and the analysis of the problems of the participation of Chinese TNCs in Western global value chains (GVCs). The main findings reveal that the creation of SMFAs is a response to the challenges of globalization, which impede the modernization of the Chinese economy. Powerful state support to SMFAs makes them dependent, and thus the government is able to direct the goals of private enterprises in accordance with the national interests. The major field of Chinese SMFAs is the promotion of products manufactured in the PRC in the American and European markets, and it contributes to the development of the national innovation system, redistributes the added value in favor of national manufacturers, and stimulates the development of hightech industries of the PRC. In developing countries SMFAs are represented by trade and manufacturing outlets within the “Belt and Road Initiative” They come after the infrastructural projects of large business, grouped in clusters, have strong coordination with other Chinese TNCs, and create Chinese GVCs. The main role of Chinese SMFAs in the modernization of the PRC economy is to ensure national interests, including industrial sovereignty and the growth of wellbeing of citizens as the basis of innovative demand. In the modern international labor division, this is achieved by a shift to high valueadded operations, accompanied by a struggle for the markets of developed countries and for sites for the low valueadded operations inside Chinese GVCs in developing countries.

The world faces a strategic challenge of reforming the governance basis of international politics, which is displaying the symptoms of significant destabilization, searching for new ways of crafting nuanced equilibria of interests and capacity at the global, regional, and domestic levels. Developing intricate and adaptable formulas to manage individual facets of international engagement is becoming increasingly complex and volatile. The effects of instability vary in different countries, but the global operational and political space is increasingly determined by problems within countries, where external stress becomes a result of domestic discrepancies, aggravating them and producing a set of contradictions. In the context of profound global transformations, what explains Russia’s status and positioning in the world? This article argues that as states are struggling to adapt to new realities and acquire capabilities in an effort to survive or gain more influence, Russia’s standing will depend on how adequately it can respond to the challenges and how effectively it will be able to use its advantages. Russia should not simply take in the results of global turbulence, but rather employ and actively develop areas of leadership and collaboration, by tying foreign policy firmly to the priorities of domestic development. While Russia conducts an active foreign policy consistently defending its interests and combining efforts to find optimal solutions to many contemporary problems, it has not yet arrived at a coherent security strategy or produced a vision of a future world order. The success may depend on understanding of the current trends, recognizing opportunities and demonstrating leadership, willingness to share in responsibility for results, as well as conducting essential domestic reforms.

This paper identifi es and explains key changes in the U.S. aid policies towards Arab countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) under Donald Trump. It seeks to validate two widespread arguments — the one about the current administration’s revision of pivotal principles of providing foreign assistance, and the other one — about an accelerated disengagement of the United States from the MENA region since 2017. The paper consists of four sections. The fi rst section explores the transformation of the U.S. strategic thinking and regional context under the Trump administration and then posits fi ve hypotheses about possible changes in the volume and composition of the U.S. assistance to the MENA region (in comparison with the fi nal two years of the Obama administration), as well as the diff erences in the executive branch and the Congress’s positions. The second section explains particularities of the statistical data and the methods of its exploration, the third section presents the results of hypothesis testing using aggregated data on aid fl ows to the region, and the fi nal section explains these results, sometimes unexpected, using the data disaggregated by country. Three of fi ve hypotheses proved wrong based on the aggregate data. First, the Trump administration did not cut assistance to the MENA more substantially than to other regions of the globe. Second, it did not ringfence aid accounts which helped yield direct dividends to the U.S. businesses. Third, the Republican Congress was clearly less willing to support the executive’s aid chocies under a new Republican President than during the last years of a Democrat Barack Obama’s second term. Only two hypotheses proved correct — one about a prioritization of security and military assistance under Donald Trump and the other one — about disproportionate cuts of democracy promotion assistance. Such an unexpected result calls for refi ning both aforementioned arguments and taking into account the dissimilarities in the dynamics of assistance to diff erent countries. The United States tends to practice a diff erentiated approach in dealing with two largest Arab aid recipients (Egypt and Jordan) and with other Arab countries. The assistance to Cairo and Amman is ringfenced and protected, while aid to other recipients, including security assistance and FMF grants, is prone to quite drastic cuts. This diff erentiation is explained by the fact that cooperation with Egypt and Jordan rests not only on more solid strategic foundations but also on a strong support within the United States — both from the defense contractors interested in large export contracts and from an infl uential pro-Israel lobby. The U.S. will not abandon this highly diff erentiated approach after the 2020 elections but the structure of assistance to the MENA region might undergo quite a dramatic transformation.

A sheer volume of multibillion concessional flows from leading international donors makes monitoring and evaluation of aid projects a sine qua non of development discourse and practice. The assessment criteria vary significantly and depend on the objectives and interests of donor countries promoted through development cooperation.This paper examines national systems of monitoring and evaluation of aid effectiveness established by leading donors. Among the most noticeable recent trends the author emphasizes a transition from aid effectiveness to development effectiveness paradigm and an inclusion of indicators of diplomatic engagement and security provision in evaluation matrices.Special attention is paid on the hierarchy of goals in national systems of development cooperation, which is illustrated with an example of the United States. The US case shows key principles of ensuring policy coherence at different levels of goal-setting — from the National Security Strategy to planning individual projects and programs. In conclusion the author shares his view on the applicability of foreign experience in evaluating development assistance projects in the Russian Federation.

Geopolitical triangles play an important role in changing the balance of power in the international arena in the context of competition between traditional and emerging powers. In political discourse, there are several different interpretations of the concept of “triangle”. The formation of triangles occurs under the simultaneous influence of two factors - the political strategy of the states and the geopolitical situation. The article explores the configuration of triangles in the post-bipolar world. Particular attention is paid to the selection criteria for countries lying at the top of triangles: these are either the most powerful states (both traditional and emerging powers), or pivot countries.In comparison to 1970-s with one strategic triangle (US-China-Russia) currently there are many regional geopolitical triangles, representing predominantly ascending centers of power, which affect not only regional security and maintain balance of power in the respective regions, but also have global impact. The article presents a theoretical overview of triangles based on an applied analysis of the US-China-Russia strategic triangle, as well as of two regional interaction schemes that are important for the Russian foreign policy strategy – Russia-India-China and Russia-Iran-Turkey.The interaction in the strategic triangle of the RF-China-USA is analyzed in an article in the political sphere (within the framework of the UN, international institutes BRICS, SCO, EAEU, Belt and Road Initiative), in the economic and financial fields, infrastructural, scientific potentials are compared, as well as military potential and military technologies. For applied analysis of this traditional triangle, the theoretical scheme of L. Dittmer is used.The conclusion is made about the ideal configuration of geopolitical triangles and the redistribution of the power potential of traditional and emerging centers of power within the strategic triangle of the RF-PRC-USA.

CMEA evolution is considered using the concept of a life cycle. Entry into individual stages of the life cycle depends on the compliance of integration institutions with internal and external development factors of the participating countries, the ratio of integration and national identity. The CMEA analysis allows us to assess the dynamics of modern integration projects important for Russia. The main reasons for the collapse of the CMEA were the overestimation of the role of planned instruments and the underestimation of the role of monetary instruments, collective import substitution (autarky) and technological weakness, primarily the USSR, as a leader in the integration process. To modernize their industry, the CMEA countries, under conditions of detente, increased imports of equipment from Western countries. The country’s budget deficit arising in connection with the growth of external debt was forced to solve by raising prices for consumer goods and services, which caused social discontent. Delays in market reforms exacerbated the situation. The “perestroika” that began in 1985 in the USSR, brought about drastic changes in domestic and foreign policy and gave a “green light” to market transformations in CEE countries. Despite the failure, CMEA made a significant contribution to the development of global regionalization processes. It was part of the bipolar world order and supported strategic stability in the world, contributed to the improvement of European integration institutions, especially in terms of planning the integration process and creating mechanisms for converging the levels of development and welfare of the participating countries. The CMEA experience has shown that in order to meet the growing complexity of the international economic, it is necessary to create the corresponding integration and national institutions of the participating countries. The central issue of the effectiveness of integration is the acquisition by the participating countries of such specialization, not only within the framework of the integration association, but also of the global economy as a whole, which will ensure their sustainable income. In the course of evolution, modern integration associations will change functions and institutions, the composition of participants, enter into larger alliances, but are unlikely to disappear from the world economy as CMEA.

On the 16 of June, 2020 B. Johnson announced that the Department for International Development (DFID) is to merge into a new Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office which will deal with the identification of priorities for international assistance and financial management. The reform has drawn strong criticism from the public. In a bid to align its international aid with the foreign policy objective, the UK government pursues spending optimization and seeks to redefine decision making processes and strategies of its foreign policy in a new highly competitive environment. The author concludes that the discourse caused by the reform about «Global Britain» whole new mission on the global arena is attributed to the ambition to bolster its international influence after exit from the EU. The closure of the Department of the International Development highlights the end of the 10-year's inter-party consensus on the place and the role of international aid in the UK foreign policy. In light of the new developments, the international aid is to contribute, in the first place, to the achievements of international interests in security, trade and investment. The latter becomes a hot issue due to the negative economic effect of Brexit and the coronavirus pandemic for the UK.

The article reviews India's contested role of a great power in global politics. Although showing tangible results across all the aspects pertaining to the great power status, in international relations India is still largely underestimated and even overlooked. Politicians and scholars generally mention three main reasons behind that phenomenon: weak social and economic figures, the country's relatively narrow global impact and the absence of strategic culture. We argue that the latter is key, and that it is in the process of being remedied. In fact, India already has all the prerequisites for being recognised as a 'great power', since it has political, military, economic and cultural capabilities corresponding to the status. It is simply a matter of time and coordinated efforts of the government to formulate and implement a consistent foreign policy and economic strategy as well as a change in Indian elite's strategic thinking which will enable untapping India's existing potential and successfully meeting the objective of increasing its influence in global politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article considers the situation in the economies of the European Union countries before the European elections in 2019. The increased activity of nationalist forces in Europe, their intention to use the economic arguments for their political aims are highlighted. The cases illustrate the States’ participation in the capital of largest industrial companies and the problems arising in this connection in interstate relations, on the one hand, and between States and the EU supranational bodies, on the other. The possible consequences of the disagreements for the international economic relations of the EU and its leading countries are named. The destructive role in some cases of the EU supranational bodies in strengthening European industrial potential in the face of other economic blocs and individual economic actors is emphasized. The aspiration of the leading EU countries to unite their efforts in bilateral and multilateral formats to maintain the competitiveness of European industrial enterprises in key areas of the economy is highlighted. Conclusions on strengthening the positions of nationalist parties and political movements in the EU countries and on increasing in such conditions their chances of success in European elections were made. Strengthening positions and increasing the number of nationalist seats in the next European Parliament are predicted.

To define the conceptual vision of the unified development of Georgia, it is necessary to understand it as a systemic process against the background of continuous historical and civilizational progress, which emphasizes the main features of the dynamic picture from time immemorial to the present. These visions have largely led to the development of the Georgian National Security Concept. The geo-economic strategy of the country is an important part of it. Geoeconomics as a separate science emerged in the late twentieth century and studies the interaction between the man and the space. The formation of geoeconomic science is linked to the emergence of global economic problems. A characteristic feature of modernity has been the shift of the center of gravity of the struggle against the government to the economic sphere. Problems that have been solved by force of arms for centuries are finally being solved on the basis of finances and information. Economic wars have largely replaced conventional warfare. According to the American Scientists, Robert Blackville and Jennifer M. Harris's three-component definition, geoeconomics is the use of economic tools: to pursue and protect national interests; to achieve positive geopolitical results. Currently, in theory, geopolitical applications have seven economic instruments: trade policy, investment policy, economic and financial sanctions, cyber attacks, economic development assistance, financial and monetary policy, energy and commodity policy. They may be very different from each other, but it still makes sense to discuss them together. Geoeconomics is an interdisciplinary subject. It allows you to study and connect the best of different subjects around one topic. Therefore, the role of geoeconomics in the preparation of undergraduate, graduate and doctoral students of economic profile is important. It allows to strengthen the interdisciplinary academic approach which will facilitate the optimal use of geo-economic instruments and the country's geo-economic potential for the interests of Georgia. The National Security Concept of Georgia, in order to realize and dispute the national interests of Georgia, analyzes the threats, risks and challenges facing Georgia and defines the main directions of Georgia's security policy. The use of geo-economic instruments plays an important role in the implementation of this policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the Trump administration’s trade policy, characterized by: attempts to rewrite the rules of international trade according to the regulations established by the American side, “skepticism” with respect to the international regulatory institutions of foreign trade, a course on the renegotiation of the existing agreements. In a relationship with a number of countries, manifestations of “ultimatizm” – the desire to negotiate with them from a position of strength are becoming increasingly evident. Relapses of economic isolationism under the slogan “Restore the Greatness of America” periodically are being transformed into concrete protectionist actions. The number of imposed import restrictions is growing, and their arsenal is expanding. It is concluded, that tightening of the market access to the domestic market for foreign suppliers is unlikely to lead to a significant reduction in the US trade deficit. Bet on abandoning multilateral arrangements in favor of bilateral trade agreements, conscious downplaying of the role and importance of the WTO and other international institutions can also be counterproductive. Focus on dominance in the sphere of foreign economic activity apparently will remain the main direction of Trump trade policy until the end of the term of his administration. However, under pressure from competitors, and because of the lack of real allies, the United States will be forced to demonstrate greater flexibility and pragmatism, the propensity to compromise and to establishment of temporary or permanent blocs with their main trading partners. The idea of “normality”, refraining from populism, will gradually begin to return to the trade policy of this country. If, however the Trump government will continue to act in isolation, without taking into account the opinion of the world community, an increasing number of partners of the United States will perceive it not as a leader, but as a violator of the rules of international trade. Under certain circumstances, such a policy can provoke local and global trade conflicts. In addition, the United States not necessarily will have to be the winner in them.

Along with economic development of a country, the sphere of the national interests are automatically cultivates. China, with the rapid economy development, has been undergoing military modernization in order to protect their national interests better. Indo-Pacific region as one of the most crucial region in the world, dynamically, has been evolved into major powers countries’ favorite region particularly the maritime sector. Australia, which located inside the Indo-Pacific region as well as the one that puts most of the national interests in the region, has been aware that China’s military modernization can not be fully perceived as “peaceful rise” due to uncertain future circumstances. The purpose of this research is to examine the maritime defense strategy response of Australia regarding China’s military modernization in Indo-Pacific region. This research provides further explanation regarding Australia’s standpoint in Indo-Pacific region, China’s military modernization and the sphere of influence in Indo-Pacific, and most importantly—the analysis of Australia’s implementation of the maritime defense strategy in responding China’s military modernization in the region

Foreign policy articulates and gears the process of pursuit of national interests. The research aims at looking into the diverse foreign policies of various states in the Southern region of Africa. It brings out the nature of Namibia and Zimbabwe interaction with other countries in Europe, America, Asia (China in particular) and even other African countries through what is being induced in their respective foreign policy agenda. African countries, belonging to the «global south» are characterized with under development due to long experience of war which renders them dependent on the «core» or «global north» for co-operation and interaction. A country’s foreign policy is peculiar to it, as it represents the interests of a country which is usually distinctive in nature. It is safe to say that foreign policy can be likened to an organizational set of objectives. Basically, an organizational set of objectives entails the processes of goal attainment. Based on this, foreign policy is an agenda that enlists national interests, and ways to attaining them. It is noteworthy that Zimbabwe and Namibia hold strong ties with their colonial masters. Both countries have strong foreign relations with the country that colonized them far more than with other countries. Zimbabwe has got strong ties with Britain and Namibia has got strong ties with Germany. Over the years, the efficiency of Zimbabwe and Namibia foreign policy has been undermined by conflict. The study reveals the development in Namibia and Zimbabwe is attributed to their relations with other countries of the world. Mainly, in the areas of finding market for locally made products and in the aspects of attracting foreign investors. A major issue that jets itself into the foreign policy agenda of both of these countries is the issue of security both domestically and internationally. However, the reason is no foreign policy can be successful in area of chaos, unrest and hunger. A potent foreign policy is that which is flexible, versatile and serves the interest of all, the formulation of policies based on these criteria will ensure efficiency and ultimately development.

International relations are determined by systemic and structural factors at the global, regional and state/domestic levels. Inter-state relations require common interests, shared goals, inter-related threat perception and eminent security challenges. Indo-Iranian relations have been on a progressive trajectory since the beginning of current century; their relations are focussed on political, economic, security and strategic spheres. As an emerging major power, India intends to enhance its influence across regions. This paper attempts to examine how Indo-Iranian relations have shaped up over the years. How convergence of interests by these two far-off neighbors have developed to join and cooperate in economic, political and social domains. For Pakistan, any development on its eastern and western borders holds important bearing on its national security; therefore, what new challenges are posed by Indo-Iranian relations in the changing regional environment of South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his article written in 2004, David Rapoport examined the waves of international terrorist movements in the historical process and explained what terrorism means in terms of international relations theoretically and conceptually. Today, at the point where international terrorism has come, a new wave of terrorism represents a process in which states use terrorism for the sake of their national interests in the anarchic structure of the field of international relations, and attempt to legitimize cooperation with terrorist organizations and groups as a different form of war. In this article, the causes and possible consequences of the process in which terrorist organizations are openly supported and even armed by states as partners, starting with hybrid warfare methods will be examined. As a fifth wave after the four waves of modern terrorism, the states' open cooperation with terrorist organizations and terrorists for the sake of their national interests and their application of terrorism as a form of conflict other than general war is the biggest obstacle to the continuation of the fight against international terrorism in international cooperation. It is assessed that terrorist movements, which were previously claimed as the Fifth Wave, can actually be considered within the first four terror waves defined by Rapoport, but the process in which states try to protect their national interests through terrorist organizations is a real new wave of terror. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under the Goldwater-Nichols Defense Department Reorganization Act of 1986, the President of the United States must submit to Congress each year a report on the national security strategy. This report under the name of “National Security Strategy” is intended to be a comprehensive statement anticipating the worldwide interests, goals and objectives that are deemed crucial to the national security of the United States. The new “National Security Strategy” (December 2017) lays out the strategic vision of the Presidential Administration under Donald Trump about ways and means by which the US seeks to deal with internal and external threats. The authors of the Strategy set themselves the main task of proving that American security is based on the realization that American principles are: “a lasting force for good in the World.” The authors of the Strategy prioritize the protection of the American way of life and American interests all over the world. In that aspect, they see the main danger from the hostile states and non-states actors who are “trying to acquire different types of weapons”. In addition, the administration is demonstrating concerns about the activity of international terrorist organizations (jihadist), transnational criminal organizations, drug cartels and cybercrime. Different from previous similar documents, Trump’s Strategy makes an evident accent on economic security as an important part of national security. The task in that area is “to rebuild economic strength at home and preserve a fair and reciprocal international system.” In a rather confronting manner, the Strategy assesses the role of China and Russia in the international affairs. It underlines that between the main sets of challengers – “the revisionist powers of China and Russia and the rogue states of Iran and North Korea”, the United States will seek areas of cooperation with competitors but will do so from a position of strength. The Strategy pays great attention to restoring military capability of the US. It is stressed that military strength remains a vital component of the competition for influence. In a certain sense, the authors of the Strategy demonstrate a new approach to the role of diplomacy, and especially in regards to the tools of economic diplomacy, intended to protect the US “from abuse by illicit actors”. Pillar four of the Strategy outlines considerations for expanding US influence on a global scale and for supporting friendly partners. As stated in the Strategy, American assistance to developing countries should help promote national interests and vice versa. The US will use all means, including sanctions, to “isolate states and leaders that pose a threat to the American interests.” The Strategy pays much attention to the regional aspect of national security, and, from these positions, the situation in various parts of the world (the Indo-Pacific region, Europe, the Middle East, etc.) is assessed. The authors emphasize that changes in the balance of power at the world level can cause global consequences and threaten American interests and US security. On the contrary, “stability reduces the threats that Americans face at home.”

The article examines the current state of and prospects for cooperation of the Russian-Bahraini relationship in the context of the formation of a regional security system. The author analyzes the bilateral agenda between Moscow and Manama in the broad context of the legacy of the USSR in the region, the wide-ranging course of the Russian Federation towards the Middle East in general and the states of the Persian Gulf in particular. Also, the study takes into account the factor of other extra-regional presence in this subsystem, special attention in this context is paid to the role of the United States. As a result of the analysis, the author formulated his own characteristic of the general trends of Russian policy towards the countries of the Persian Gulf. At the same time, relations with Bahrain were considered in the framework of several “baskets” - the most relevant problems for both states, whose influence could be extrapolated from the bilateral agenda to regional and subregional security issues. To such “baskets” the author included problems: Arab-Persian contradictions, terrorism and extremism, Shia-Sunni confrontation, interstate relations in the format of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf. The subject of the study was concentrated on the compatibility of Russian and Bahraini positions on these issues in the context of the formation of a regional security system.

Book review: Oleg Pichkov, Evgeniy Rakov. Foreign Direct Investment and National Interest of the State. Moscow: MGIMO-University, 2016. 214 p.

The Author analyzes the regulatory structure proposed by the President Putin’s strategy of «Great Eurasia» in Russian official and economic policy frameworks and development programmes, Examines internal and external factors affecting the Eurasian Union, as a base for building relationships within the «Great Eurasia». The emphasis the author makes the EAEU’s interest in the development of economic relations with the countries of «Great Eurasia» with the use of the Union. He also analyzes the dynamics of the negotiation process for conclusion of trade and economic agreements between the EEC and China and the challenges and opportunities of member countries in economic relations with China. Considered the level of compatibility of the Eurasian Union and the initiative «One belt and one road». A separate part of the article devoted to economic cooperation of Russia and China and their possible interaction in the construction of the Grand Eurasia.

The article attempts to outline the main challenges and threats to the national interests in the late XXth – early XXIst century on the example of the USA and Canada. A review of the period from the end of the Cold War to the present day in two major dimensions, axiological and geographic, has been carried out. The former is focused on identifying the basic and essential features of those threats and challenges which are distinguished for the American and Canadian foreign policies. This dimension has been analyzed within the context of core values to which American and Canadian politicians appeal on both domestic and international arenas. The latter outlines those major regions detached as menacing the United States and Canada. Both leading democratic states combine “national” and “international” values in substantiating of their foreign policy. The basic democratic and universal human values are subject to special attention. It is generalized that the main modern dangers for both countries represent mostly axiological, not geographic dimension. That is why among the main threats to the American and Canadian national interests one can distinguish those as follows: terrorism, climate change, proliferation of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction, challenges to the cyber-security, uncontrolled migration, international crime, failed states etc. It is concluded that the universal nature of the values, the protection of which is the basis of the current foreign policy of both states, is coherent to the universal nature of the dangers that arise for the American and Canadian national interests.

This paper first assesses the salience of academic theories in the realm of security and defense policy, from the fields of both International Relations and European Studies. Theory is of relatively little assistance in understanding the phenomenon of a strictly—or even autonomously—European Union foreign and defence policy—in part precisely because of what I call negative differentiation. The second part homes in on the empirical reality of the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). In this particular policy area, differentiation has always been the norm, or the negative starting point—rather than a developing trend or a potential solution. The third part evaluates the current (post-2016) "re-launch" of CSDP and the widely discussed dynamic behind the EU's quest for "strategic autonomy". This section analyses the depth and sustainability behind what is widely seen as a new attempt either to break away from or to positively embrace differentiation and to engineer an unprecedented marshalling of the collective security and defense resources of the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The South China Sea has witnessed an array of global power projections given the huge amount of potential resources there. There are at least sixcountries who committed to be claimant states; China, Taiwan, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, and the Philippines. Despite its role as the external actor, the United States claimed that their presence is needed in order to preserve stability in the region. This vexing situation has led to security dilemma which brings about power competition thereby maintaining peace and security would be critical. Therefore, Indonesia as one of region‘s rising powers who commits to be a non-claimant state, iterated the importance of establishing cooperation to preserve regional security under maritime vision albeit its national interests at stake there. This research examined the extent to which Indonesia maintains neutrality while pursuing national interests in the South China Sea under the maritime vision. Cooperation could therefore become the tools for (1) stabilising regional security given the increase of interdependence among states, (2) forging the immersion of regional unity, and (3) lessening the global power projections.

Why has constructivism emerged as an important force in the field of international relations and politics in the end of the 20th century? Why constructivism and not any other theoretical approach? The constructivist perspective of international relations appeared as a counterbalance to rationalism that was entrenched in US Political Science throughout the last decades. Analyzing the contemporary state of world affairs through the prism of social constructivism provides us with a unique understanding of how intersubjective perceptions lead to unique epistemic interpretations of reality, which form the ideological framework within which social constructs are being generated. Constructivism succeeds not only in identifying the motives behind the behavior of international actors, but also in unfolding the mechanism through which those motives are being envisaged and accepted through the process of social construction – here lies the greatest value of the constructivist approach in IR theory. Culture formation, nation building, imagined communities, security complexes – the constructivist approach remains an invaluable tool in the arsenal of political analysts, seeking to understand how culture, history, social order, religion, and language project their infl uence on the international arena and ultimately: why international players behave the way they do?

The article attempts to analyze and consider implementation of foreign policy strategy of America on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations; highlights the geopolitical relations of the USA and ASEAN. Also examines the main trends of political and economic relations and international security in that region. In the article the expression policy, diplomacy, the second administration of President Barack Obama’s ASEAN countries. Showing realities relations of Southeast Asia and the United States identified the prospects for further cooperation. The interaction processes of regional and global interstate agreement cooperation are studied. It’s proved a significant role of the USA in the relations and regional security of Southeast Asian countries. The analysis highlighted a number of issues which remain as the subject of forecasting and researching of experts in history and international relations. It’s scientific reasoned that the hedging strategy of the United States are relative. For the states of Southeast Asia the US role was crucial and only on these countries depend whether they can’t or not bring to life their strategies. Strategies are a significant pragmatic alternative way to include a number of activities aimed to preventing and contrasting the destabilizing power. If Washington wants to support them, it will help to focus on the most effective diplomatic and economic aspects in the expansion of its influence on these regions.

The article discusses problems and contradictions associated with the attempt of the Labour Party under the leadership of Tony Blair to start a 'new era' in international relations by putting the 'ethical dimension' into the heart of their foreign policy. Indeed, having come to power and possessing great credibility among the British society, New Labour undertook a number of actions, which marked the formal break with the practices of the previous governments. Thus, they shifted the focus from the foreign trade interests to human rights considerations on the international arena, introduced innovations in the field of international aid and development of poor countries, declared the priority of so-called 'advanced' national interests. These solutions, however, have led to some ambiguous results. The author argues that, on the one hand, the Labour Party 'new' foreign policy was a tribute to the historical tradition and continuity and on the other - the spirit of the times, as other Western countries leaders claimed similar statements, and that, in fact, it contributed to the moral authority of the government in the eyes of the British society. The article contains examples proving how ambiguity and contradictoriness of certain decisions have been the conscious choice made by politicians, when declared altruistic goals actually proved to protect interests of certain business structures and direct opposite of the stated ethical principles. It is suggested that the divergence between word and deed had been initially present in the New Labour international doctrine and that the 'ethical foreign policy' can be considered as one of the tools of Realpolitik. The author concentrates on such aspects of the New Labour foreign policy as development, aid, debt relief, and arms trade, rather than on Blair’s just wars’ that are widely discussed in the Russian language historical literature and press.

Abstract: The article discusses problems and contradictions associated with the attempt of the Labour Party under the leadership of Tony Blair to start a 'new era' in international relations by putting the 'ethical dimension' into the heart of their foreign policy. Indeed, having come to power and possessing great credibility among the British society, New Labour undertook a number of actions, which marked the formal break with the practices of the previous governments. Thus, they shifted the focus from the foreign trade interests to human rights considerations on the international arena, introduced innovations in the field of international aid and development of poor countries, declared the priority of so-called 'advanced' national interests. These solutions, however, have led to some ambiguous results. The author argues that, on the one hand, the Labour Party 'new' foreign policy was a tribute to the historical tradition and continuity and on the other - the spirit of the times, as other Western countries leaders claimed similar statements, and that, in fact, it contributed to the moral authority of the government in the eyes of the British society. The article contains examples proving how ambiguity and contradictoriness of certain decisions have been the conscious choice made by politicians, when declared altruistic goals actually proved to protect interests of certain business structures and direct opposite of the stated ethical principles. It is suggested that the divergence between word and deed had been initially present in the New Labour international doctrine and that the 'ethical foreign policy' can be considered as one of the tools of Realpolitik. The author concentrates on such aspects of the New Labour foreign policy as development, aid, debt relief, and arms trade, rather than on Blair’s just wars’ that are widely discussed in the Russian language historical literature and press.

Coexistence of structurally different modernities with various historical backgrounds and systemic/structural organizations leads to the coexistence of different traditional and new actors within the same spatial-temporal continuum of international relations, with macroregions and nation-states differentiating in accordance with structural principles of their organization. The type of political access in particular nation-states and the combination of different types of political access in macroregions of different structural organizations and historical phase, ultimately determine a development strategy, the tone and priorities of foreign policy of states which still have powerful infl uence on further evolution of world politics space. Identifying such interrelations helps to analyze the impact of the type of social and political access within states, coalitions of states and global regions on the evolution and features of world politics space as well as to employ social engineering of national and global space to maximize benefi ts in the process of social development. Theoretical and empirical conceptualization of interdependence between external and internal processes, including political component, makes it possible to develop applied theories of competitive regional and national development patterns based on higher cooperative trends in national strategies for modernization and development while defending adequately national interests.

The paper discusses possibilities of development of youth parliamentarism on the platform of Siberian Insitute of Management (city of Novosibirsk). The examples of certain activities are proposed , they could be regarded as regional cooperation within SCO.