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Indian and Pakistani competition in Afghanistan long precedes the advent of the Hamid Karzai regime. Both states, since their emergence from the break-up of the British colonial empire in South [...]

The Spirit of Democracy: The Struggle to Build Free Societies Throughout the World Larry Diamond New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2008 On January 20, 2005, President George W. Bush [...]

At the end of the 1972 Hollywood political comedy The Candidate, Robert Redford--in the role of Bill McKay, the telegenic but politically vacuous senatorial candidate--turns to his campaign manager after [...]

In a joint statement with India's prime minister, President George Bush announced in July 2005 a commitment to attaining 'full civil nuclear energy cooperation and trade with India.' (1) The [...]

In March 2005, Condoleezza Rice visited India for the first time as secretary of state. Her visit, though not widely noticed in the American press, received a great deal of [...]

The end of the Cold War and of the Soviet experiment shattered the long-cherished assumptions of India's foreign policy establishment and forced a radical realignment of its foreign policy. During [...]

IN THE EARLY HOURS OF MARCH 24, A GROUP of armed men dressed in Indian Army fatigues entered the mountain village of Nadimarg, in Indian-controlled Kashmir. They ordered the village's [...]

Last May, Indian commandos and American Special Forces took part in a joint military exercise, 'Balance Iroquois 02-1,' in the city of Agra, the home of the famed Taj Mahal. [...]

On December 8, 1989, members of the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front kidnapped Dr. Rubiya Sayeed, the daughter of the Indian Minister of Home Affairs, as she left a government [...]

The early stages of nuclearization in South Asia have resulted in the existence of the stability/instability paradox. South Asia, which has been witness to internal strife and interstate conflicts, may be further prone to crisis with the presence of nuclear forces. The acquisition of ballistic missiles by India and Pakistan may further destabilize the region.

India and Pakistan have already fought three wars and remain in a seemingly perpetual adversarial state. The status of Kashmir, the issue in the first two wars, remains a point of conflict. Still it is unlikely the two sides will war again soon as both realize the next one may not be limited.

US foreign policy in the post-Cold War era needs to focus on South Asia as the region contains 1/4 of the world's population, is strategically located and conflict-prone. The US can play a significant role in promoting democracy and economic liberalization in South Asia. It can also help prevent nuclear proliferation in the region. South Asian countries, especially India and Pakistan, need to reconsider their foreign, economic and nuclear policies to effectively adapt to the changed international order.

The Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan remains at the core of one of the most intractable conflicts in modern history. This article provides a plausibility probe into the dynamics of this South Asian rivalry that is conceptually based on the dynamic understanding of "frozen conflicts" introduced in this special issue of Asia Europe Journal. We lay out the key features of the conflict vis-à-vis the redefined notion of frozen conflicts, situating the rivalry in the broader category of unresolved protracted conflicts with a looming threat of violence renewal. In turn, we examine the three transformational dynamics as they operate in this particular case: peaceful thawing, violent thawing, and conflict withering. We conclude that despite the ongoing developments within the conflict dynamics, the possibility of conflict transformation through any of the suggested pathways remains unlikely in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debating New Delhi's Nuclear Decision To the Editors: Sumit Ganguly's article 'India's Pathway to Pokhran II' is a relatively dispassionate effort to rationalize India's May 1998 nuclear tests and nuclear [...]

The Prospects and Sources of New Delhi's Nuclear Weapons Program On May 11 and 13, 1998, India set off five nuclear devices at its test site in Pokhran in the [...]

Every conceivable form of conflict has stalked India since its emergence from the breakup of the British Indian empire in 1947. The country has faced external aggression from two of [...]

Sino-Indian relations, which have long been fraught, took an especially adverse turn this summer with a military-to-military confrontation on the Doklam Plateau near the India-Bhutan-Tibet trijunction. After several weeks, Indian and Chinese forces withdrew from the region. However, neither side resiled from their respective territorial claims. This episode exemplified the troubles that have come to characterize the Sino-Indian relationship, especially since Prime Minister Modi assumed office in 2014. His regime, which is more nationalistic and reposes greater faith in the utility of force in international politics, had initially sought to diplomatically court the PRC in the hopes of improving their bilateral relationship. However, these efforts did not prove successful. Instead, the People's Liberation Army, as in the past, continued to undertake limited probes along the Himalayan border, while the PRC continued to make diplomatic, commercial, and strategic inroads into India's neighbours, trying to reduce India's influence in those countries. The Modi regime, in turn, sought to counter these initiatives through various efforts of its own in the neighbourhood. Beyond South Asia, India has also sought to enhance its ties with Australia, Japan, the United States, and Vietnam in an attempt to hedge against the PRC's growing economic and military assertiveness in Asia. These endeavours, however, have elicited hostile reactions from Beijing, which sees New Delhi as the only significant potential hurdle to the expansion of its influence in Asia. Despite Beijing's adverse reactions it is unlikely that the current regime in New Delhi will scale back its efforts to cope with what it deems to be significant threats emanating from its behemoth northern neighbour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign policy belief systems have received much attention. Yet nearly all work examines attitudes in western democracies, chiefly the United States. The current security environment requires that we ask whether the foreign policy views of individuals in other nations--particularly regional powers--are similar in structure to those found in the US case. This article does so for the Indian case. Drawing on studies of US opinion, we develop a set of claims and test them on an original data set on Indian elites. We make four contributions. First, we show that Wittkopf's framework applies to the Indian case. Second, we demonstrate how this framework can be made more generally applicable by revising its emphases on different types of internationalism and on rethinking the meaning of isolationist preferences. Third, we place the Indian case in comparative perspective. And last, we model the dimensions of Indian attitudes as a function of domestic ideology. Results of our analyses provide insights into the structure of foreign policy belief systems outside the Global North. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the withdrawn of the U.S. troops from Afghanistan. The war has been cost the U.S. 300 million dollars a day. The U.S. forge a status of forces agreement (SOFA) and a bilateral security agreement (BSA) with Afghanistan. In the absence of the SOFA and BSA, the U.S. and NATO forces would have not remained in the country after 2014.