Search

Why do states arm? And why do they, sometimes, do so together with other states? International relations and security studies scholars have long explored the causes that propel states to arm. However, the extant literature has yet to provide a coherent theoretical framework to explain arms production and collaboration. Drawing from work in eclectic theorizing, this article contributes a systematizing, integrative perspective. States arm, and sometimes arm together with other states, for a variety of reasons, often with very diverse theoretical roots and origins; frequently, causes mix, mingle, and intertwine. Two case studies serve as building blocks for our eclectic theory, illustrating and buttressing our framework. A study of Brazil's KC-390 military transport aircraft demonstrates the value of eclectic theorizing in explaining arms production. European (fragmented) collaboration to develop a sixth-generation fighter aircraft documents the benefits of applying an eclectic theory of arms collaboration augmented with a "domain of application" approach. That is, explanations rooted in particular theoretical traditions apply and play out strengths in specific domains, and may thus complement one another to generate comprehensive explanations. Among numerous other promising domain differentiations, we distinguish here between "high-end" and "low-end" arming. Our findings have important policy implications. If states' arming, alone or with others, is multicausal, then no single policy alone will suffice to channel, control, limit, or reduce the proliferation of weapons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The events produced at the international level today demonstrate and track the recent evolution of the security environment of each member state of the European Union and beyond. The direct and indirect threats to regional and global security and stability require the taking, by the bodies empowered in this regard, of some precautionary measures and the improvement of the already existing military equipment at the level of each structure representing the military force of the states. In order to increase the sustainability and production capacity of the European Union, it is essential not only to increase, but also to optimize national and international investments in this field. This approach is necessary to achieve a significant change in strategy and to strengthen the joint capability to respond to critical needs.

This article delves into the crucial issue of the formation and evolution of the defense strategy of the Central region of the Alliance from 1949 to 1968. This region, being one of the most priority areas of NATO’s defense throughout the Cold War, holds significant importance for understanding the overall defense strategy. The article aims to evaluate the North Atlantic Alliance’s defense strategy in relation to its eastern borders, trace its evolution during the first decades, and discuss the means used to increase its effectiveness. The scientific novelty of the study lies in creating a holistic picture of the evolution of NATO’s defense strategy in relation to the Central region of a certain period of the Cold War, its components, and methods of strengthening. The article’s methodological basis is general scientific (logical, synthesis, and analysis) and special historical (comparative-historical, chronological, periodization) methods. The following general scientific methods of research were used: historical analysis, comparative analysis, complex analysis, generalization, and systematization. Conclusions. Over twenty years, the defense strategy of the Central region has undergone a significant transformation. At first, in the early 1950s, it relied exclusively on conventional forces, which had the task of delaying the invasion troops at the line of enormous water obstacles. But later, at the end of the decade, the strategy evolved to rely on nuclear forces, which were supposed to cause irreparable damage to the enemy. Which, as it became known later, did not live up to expectations. This factor forced the military leadership of the Alliance to balance both components of defense and change the strategy to be able to respond to a wide range of threats, from regional crises to military invasions. These threats could be solved by a large arsenal of means, starting with conventional defense forces and ending with strategic nuclear weapons.

Copyright of Conjuntura Austral is the property of Conjuntura Austral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Russia’s attack on Ukraine was a shock to both the international security architecture and global energy markets. This article examines Japan’s response to these shocks. It finds that the Ukraine War spurred dramatic policy changes in Japan’s defense policy, but only moderate ones in its energy policy. The war has so far had a particularly weak impact on Japan’s green transition despite the potential renewable energy has for Japanese energy security. We argue that the main reason for the discrepancy between Japan’s responses in the defense field and energy field is found in its increasingly strong tendency to securitize “the China threat”. Strengthening Japan’s defense policy as a response to Russia’s aggression is seen by Japanese policymakers as compatible with counterbalancing China. However, a full-blown transition to renewable energy is not, due to the Japanese fear of becoming further trade-dependent on China, which dominates renewable energy markets.

Although it has declared itself a neutral state, the Republic of Moldova is compelled to consider potential sources of military threats. Defense is a fundamental and distinct field of national security, aiming to achieve national interests and the processes of political, economic, and social development of the state. According to international law, the Republic of Moldova has the right to defend and ensure its military security by all means at its disposal. It is legal to maintain Armed Forces, built on the principle of defensive sufficiency, for the defense of sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity, as well as for the annihilation of armed conflicts and other acts of violence within the country that endanger the constitutional order.

Copyright of Universitas, Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanas is the property of Universidad Politecnica Salesiana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Security terminology is a contentious and unclear topic in Romania. By analyzing the public speeches of politicians or national strategy texts, we often notice the presence of confusion regarding the correct use of the terms: security, defence, and safety. This confusion gives rise to both theoretical and practical problems, manifested in misunderstandings at the institutional level regarding their respective roles, society’s misconceptions about the functions of certain organizations, and the failure to harness the collaborative potential between society and the military sector. The appropriate solution to address these issues is the cultivation of a security culture that fosters a grasp of fundamental concepts in this field. To achieve this objective, it is considered essential to have adequate knowledge and usage of the main concepts related to security terminology. This will bring order and enhance understanding of the processes involved in achieving security, defence, and safety.

The study focuses on NATO’s nuclear policy in the face of Russia’s aggressive policy and threats from the Kremlin. The author examines the history of the nuclear policy of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization since the founding of NATO, as well as key aspects of the implementation of NATO’s nuclear deterrence policy. Part of the study focuses on the geostrategic aspects of NATO’s nuclear triad and covers the three components of the nuclear triad: strategic bombers, intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs). It also examines specific aspects of the use of nuclear systems by the three main nuclear powers of NATO, namely the USA, the UK, and France, and the main geopolitical rivals of the Alliance, specifically the Russian Federation, taking into account Russian aggression against Ukraine, and the People’s Republic of China.

Japan’s security policy appears to be undergoing a qualitative change. Policymakers, however, have not provided sufficient explanation to the nation regarding such a shift. What is the qualitative change in Japan’s security policy premised on US extended nuclear deterrence? To answer this question, this article first analyzes changes both in Japanese policymakers’ understanding of US extended nuclear deterrence and the concept of nuclear deterrence, and the shift of Japan’s defense policies. Next, a comparison of deliberations in the National Diet of Japan during the Cold War and after the Cold War, and Japan’s defense policies during the Cold War and after the Cold War, respectively, reveals that while policymakers’ understanding of US extended nuclear deterrence and the concept of nuclear deterrence have not really changed, the security challenges surrounding Japan have shifted in focus from deterrence to response in the recognition of policymakers. With that, Japan’s policy premised on US extended nuclear deterrence has shifted from the stage of mere reliance to the stage of engagement with the United States. This is the qualitative change in Japan’s security policy premised on US extended nuclear deterrence. The implication of the shift is that the use of nuclear weapons itself is a potential policy issue, yet it remains unexamined. The final section points out that Japan’s engagement with the United States in extended nuclear deterrence advances the move toward solidification of US extended nuclear deterrence for Japan. It also discusses Japan’s security challenges associated with the ongoing solidification.

The purpose of the article is to research basis, experience, and practical ways of the implementation of U.S. security (defense) assistance to Ukraine. The current study considers the institutional and legal framework for providing U.S. defense support to Ukraine; explores the preconditions for strengthening U.S. military assistance at modern stage; analyzes the possible consequences of such support for the United States; gives an overall assessment of U.S. security assistance to Ukraine since 2014. The methodological basis of the study includes a set of general and special research methods. The systematic method allowed to consider the process of providing military assistance to Ukraine by the United States as a multilevel system. First, military support to Ukraine is considered in the format of mechanisms that promote comprehensive military assistance to Ukraine. Second, it is observed as an element of foreign policy strategies of the U.S. administrations since 2014. Third, the overall impact of U.S. assistance to Ukraine is studied in the format of a security environment at the regional and global levels of international relations. The comparative method helped to compare the volumes and effectiveness of security assistance under Obama, Trump, and Biden administrations. Statistical methods were used as the basis for the objective study and allowed to consider features and scope of assistance in the period from 2014 to 2022. The scientific novelty lies in one of the first attempts among Ukrainian authors to make an overall analysis of current situation in Ukraine, – active phase of Russian aggression against our state, – given the fact that domestic scientists are just beginning to study comprehensively foreign military and defense assistance that Ukraine receives from international partners, including the United States. In this regard, the authors pay special attention to reviewing American and British sources as well as current news and analytical reports. Summing up, the authors confirm significance of American security support for effective military counteraction to Russia and restoration of Ukraine’s territorial integrity.

Pakistan's defence diplomacy has undergone significant changes in the past decade. With the evolving global and regional security environment, Pakistan has adapted its strategies to protect its national interests and ensure regional stability. This research article aims to provide an analysis of Pakistan's defence diplomacy from 2013 to 2022. The study examines the key factors that have influenced Pakistan's defence diplomacy and how it has evolved over the years. The research article employs a qualitative research approach, utilizing secondary data sources such as academic articles, policy papers, and government reports. The data is analyzed through a thematic approach to identify the key trends and developments in Pakistan's defence diplomacy. The analysis reveals that Pakistan's defence diplomacy has been shaped by a range of factors, including its relationship with key allies like China and the United States as well as its ongoing conflict with India. The study identifies the major shifts in Pakistan's defence diplomacy strategies, including its efforts to diversify its defence partnerships, increase defence diplomacy, and pursue a more proactive role in regional security initiatives. The research article also highlights the key challenges faced by Pakistan's defence diplomacy, including the impact of domestic politics on foreign policy, resource constraints, and the need to balance its relationship with competing powers in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to investigate if the European security context and, particularly the evolutions of the Russian war of attrition on Ukraine are external factors of change with an impact on the way in which the Court of Justice of the European Union adopts foreign and security -related decisions, which are constitutionally silent matters. The study case of the ruling in the Case Russia Today France v. Council demonstrates that the Court of Justice of the European Union is strongly influenced by the foreign, security and defense policies of the European Union (EU), as well as by the actions and measures undertaken by the Union in the context of the Russian illegal invasion, proving that the war going on in Ukraine impacts highly on the entire European construct. Taking into consideration this landmark ruling empowering the role of the Court, the European debate makes an extremely important step in advancing constitutionalization at the EU level, including in the foreign, security and defense dossiers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a methodology that enables one who has actual cost figures to perform the calculations for benefit-to-cost, strictly from the tactical and logistical standpoints, on the performance equivalence not of nuclear vs. air-independent-propulsion (AIP) submarines, but of nuclear v. AIP submarine fleets. With that in hand, it becomes possible for whomever might have sounder figures than what we could find about the complete life-cycle cost of either alternative to figure out, given our results about the benefit assessment, what would be the result of a benefit-to- cost analysis. We didn't perform the latter, due to uncertainty about the methodology by which the public available cost estimates were calculated. By providing a method for benefit calculation of the military worth of alternatives to support an assessment of the SSN/SSP fleet alternatives, we hope to have provided a sounder point of departure for debate, both in general terms, a method, and for the Brazilian case in particular, an application.

In recent years, the EU's ability to mobilize European citizens in its favor and counteract such phenomena as nationalism, populism, and "sovereignism" has significantly decreased. Consequently, the suggestion has been made that the EU's social dimension should be enhanced and its citizenship be made more salient in that regard. Such a suggestion has become even more topical after the COVID‐19 outbreak and the strain it has placed on the health‐care systems and economies of EU member states. Starting from a debate which addresses that suggestion, in this article I argue that, before attempting to enhance its social dimension, the EU should first try to strengthen its still weak political foundations in order to cope with its predicament. The article also shows that this move would be consistent with the rationale behind the European integration process, where economic issues were originally regarded as only means to achieve an ever‐closer political union. Related Articles: Barrault‐Stella, Lorenzo, and Thomas Douniès. 2021. "Introduction to the Special Issue: Citizenship as a Tool of Government in Europe." Politics & Policy 49(4): 824–41. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12423. Ewert, Benjamin. 2021. "Citizenship as a Form of Anticipatory Obedience? Implications of Preventive Health Policy in Germany." Politics & Policy 49(4): 891–912. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12421. McBeth, Mark K., Donna L. Lybecker, and Kacee A. Garner. 2010. "The Story of Good Citizenship: Framing Public Policy in the Context of Duty‐Based versus Engaged Citizenship." Politics & Policy 38(1): 1–23. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2009.00226.x. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad is the property of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of URVIO - Revista Latinoamericana de Seguridad Ciudadana is the property of FLACSO - Ecuador (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article delivers a novel economic analysis of US dependence on China for rare-earth elements and sheds lights on how Western nations may exploit "limit pricing" to break China's global monopoly in rare-earth element production and refinement. This analytical framework, supported by a comprehensive literature review, the application of microeconomic and industrial organization concepts, and two case-study scenarios, provides several policy recommendations to address an important foreign policy challenge for the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the middle of the 20th century a unique subsystem of international relations emerged in the Northern Europe, which has turned it into one of the stablest and most peaceful regions during the Cold War period. Nowadays, rising international tensions bring new relevance to the history lessons of World War II, its origins and aftermaths. The paper examines the evolution of the Nordic countries’ views on the issue of neutrality from mid-1930s to the end of 1940s. The first section considers the approaches of the Scandinavian countries to the establishment of a collective security system in the region in the interwar period. In that regard, the paper focuses on the Swedish project of the Northern defense alliance, which was aimed at deepening military cooperation between the states of the region and strengthening their ability to jointly deter any aggression as the best way to guarantee their neutrality. However, this project had not been implemented, because it faced both cool reactions from the leaders of Norway and Denmark and suspicion from the leading powers. According to the author, the fundamental reason for the failure of that project was that Sweden, Norway, Denmark, and Finland sought support and protection from different, opposing great powers. The latter circumstance had also to a large extent predetermined the fate of the Scandinavian countries during the war years, when almost all of them were in one form or another involved in the conflict. The victory of the anti-Hitler coalition both opened new opportunities and posed new challenges for the states of the region: in the emerging bipolar world they rapidly turned into the subject matter of dispute of the superpowers. In these conditions, Sweden once again put forward the idea that in order to preserve peace in the region, the Nordic countries should be able to defend their neutrality and proposed the establishment of a Scandinavian Defense Union. In the final section, the paper examines the reaction to this project of the Scandinavian countries, the Soviet Union, the United States, and Great Britain. The author shows that although this reaction was more than restrained, and the project was not implemented, Sweden’s initiatives contributed to the creation of a unique security architecture in Northern Europe, where each state of the region had its own role with the neutral Sweden serving as a balancing force.

In recent years, the history of World War II has transformed into a battlefield in its own right in the ‘war of memory’. Besides the clear fact that the current attempts to revise the results of this war reflect the contemporary international tensions, yet another factor should be noted. The ‘shadow’ of the Second World War appears to be very long. It manifests itself not only in the contemporary system of international relations, but also in the fact that we still view the world around through the prism of concepts that appeared during the state of war and still bear its mark. Particularly, the concept of national security. This paper examines the emergence and development of this concept in the United States. The author notes that although the concept of national security existed throughout the 20th century, before World War II it was identified primarily with the defense of the state. The paper examines how lessons of the Second World War led to a rethinking of this concept, and how approaches to national security evolved during the war and immediately after it. Special attention is given to discussions that preceded the adoption of the National Security Act of 1947, as well as to its initial results. The author demonstrates that the national security concept was based on a fundamental recognition of the existence of a special state between peace and war. For successful functioning within this state, the government needs to rely on a wide range of tools of both economic and military-political and ideological nature. Based on the lessons from the war, national security was viewed as an ‘overarching structure’, aimed not only at integrating various components of the state’s policy, but also at eliminating any contradictions that may arise between them. On the other hand, the author emphasizes that from the very beginning the national security concept had a pronounced proactive, offensive and expansionist character. Being considered as an antipode to the concept of collective security, this concept reflected the will of the US elites not only to get integrated in the existing system of international relations, but to create a new one, which would be based on the American values and would ensure the stable functioning of the US economy. The author concludes that it is precisely the multidimensionality of the national security concept caused by the multidimensional nature of the challenges of World War II that explains its continued relevance for the study of world politics.

Today countries participating in space activities, share serious concerns about militarization of space. The defense of space can become an important issue in the international arena, because counteracting emerging threats will probably be associated not only with the development of technology and operational capabilities, but also with the creation of political alliances or attempts at international agreement on certain “rules of the game” for space operations. Ultimately, the growing importance of “space for defense” creates the need for “defense of space”. Individual countries remain the main actors in the field of space defense. Military strategies are defined at national level, and the development and exploitation of military space assets are managed by national organizations. Today, most European countries recognize space as a strategic area, next to land, sea, air and, increasingly, cyberspace, but they have adopted different policies and doctrines depending on their sensitivity, priorities and concerns. European space forces also have different governance structures with significant differences in the distribution of roles and responsibilities, including space agencies and private entities.

Is the Eastern Mediterranean emerging as a new geopolitical region? During 2021, the region of the Eastern Mediterranean occupied the international news and its scholars. This policy brief attempts to provide a concise and comprehensive analysis of the main events, which took place and marked with particular energy the diplomatic route for the defense, security and cooperation of the states in the region. The present analysis draw conclusions about the future of the region, especially in regard to Turkey's difficult position, culminating in the apparent imperative for the completion of the E.U.'s EEZ. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A key concept and problem in international relations, the security dilemma obtains when one state's attempts to increase its security decreases the security of other states. The security dilemma's consequences are said to include unnecessary armament and conflict spirals. Described herein is an in-class exercise that challenges students to role-play government decision-makers in a stylized international system of states with no explicit revisionist aims, nor incentives for aggression. Decisionmakers must choose how to allocate resources between "guns" and "butter", which seems a straightforward decision problem until uncertainty is amplified by defecting spies, who share information about neighboring states' armament plans. The ensuing dynamics typically include arms racing and conflict spirals, thus illustrating the operation of the security dilemma, and providing the class with an opportunity to experience firsthand an emergent security dilemma, and to discuss its operation and implications for world politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkish-African relations have consistently exhibited strong growth since Ankara declared 2005 as 'the year of Africa.' Turkey's growing economic, political, and security involvement in Africa re- flects Ankara's need to establish new markets for its manufactured goods and its defense and armaments industry and present itself as a relevant regional and global actor different from traditional western players on the continent. African countries have been astute in their engagement with Ankara in terms of exercising leverage in the evolving Turkish-African partnership. They seek to attract Turkish foreign direct investment, diversify economic and political partners to reduce dependency and fuel their state-building projects. Ankara's domestic economic woes notwithstanding, Turkey's growing footprint in Africa will likely continue to produce positive results for both sides. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to reaffirm itself as an uncontested global actor, the Russian Federation aspires to „new horizons” where the „Putinist” ideology could be easily adopted by authoritarian/dictatorial elites and moves the eff ort’s centre of gravity towards projecting the doctrine away from Europe and into Africa, the Middle East and Asia-Pacific. In this context, the EU and NATO enlargement process in Eastern and South-Eastern Europe and the resilience consolidation of the states in the respective areas have determined the Russian Federation to reconsider their eff ort on the Western Strategic Direction (defence consolidation, harassment and interests promoting through third parties) and to capture the initiative on the South-Western Strategic Direction. The newly created and consolidated outpost (the Crimean Peninsula) was quickly transformed from a territory that was conquered, estranged, leased and then reclaimed into a stronghold on the South-Western Strategic Direction and use as a natural extension of the territorially -expansionist foreign policy of the Russian Federation Crimean Peninsula’s return to the „motherland” was followed by ample programmes meant to easily connect the Peninsula to the Russian continental land from economic, transport infrastructure and especially military standpoints. The latter was carried through overcrowding the newly acquired land with personnel and equipment [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artigo tem como objetivo primário a análise exploratória do documento da Política Declaratória de Defesa de Israel, divulgada ao público pela primeira vez na história do Estado (2015). Como objetivo secundário, busca-se analisar o reflexo da aliança histórica de Estados Unidos e Israel na Política de Defesa israelense, objetivando o recorte analítico quanto à interpretação do país no que tange a definição do inimigo. Em face deste cenário parte-se do seguinte problema de pesquisa: Qual o papel dos Estados Unidos na construção da atual política declaratória de defesa de Israel no que tange a identificação de ameaças? A hipótese inicial considera que as ameaças identificadas por Israel são produto da aliança histórica e congruência de interesses de ambos países para o Sistema Regional do Oriente Médio. Argumenta-se que a congruência de interesses de Estados Unidos e Israel se traduzem na estratégia de alinhamento de balanceamento regional. Para melhor compreensão ao leitor, a estrutura do texto se divide em duas seções que correspondem aos objetivos do trabalho: inicialmente analisam-se as mudanças estruturais do período Pós Guerra Fria e o arcabouço teórico de alinhamentos sistêmicos; na segunda seção apresenta-se o estudo da Política Declaratória de Defesa israelense, atentando-se para os seguintes fatores: i) caso de Israel como Regional Power; ii)histórico da aliança com Estados Unidos, e iii) análise do documento “The Israel Defense Forces Strategy” (2015). A metodologia empregada consiste na adoção de fontes primárias (análise do Documento de Defesa Nacional) e fontes secundárias (revisão bibliográfica sobre o tema).

The Paris Peace Conference and the treaties signed by the winning powers, allied and associated countries with the defeated states of Germany, Austria, Hungary, Bulgaria and Turkey did not constitute a conclave of peace and continental reconciliation, reinforced by documents containing clear provisions , effective procedures and mechanisms meant to forever prevent the repetition of the horrors of the Great War. It was a great peace of great illusions that did not bring peace to Europe. In this context, it was accepted to create a centurianism that would emerge in France, in particular, by Germany and Soviet Russia without building a common defense system to make it functional. The three decades that followed the outbreak of World War II were only a period when states dissatisfied with the results of the Paris Peace Conference to reorganize.

Thе article analyzes the concept of strategic stability and its contemporary development in domestic military-political thought. The authors note that the expansion of the meaningful content of the concept of strategic stability in the Russian Federation occurred as a result of the development of strategic non-nuclear deterrence forces and the US policy to reduce the dependence of American foreign and defense policy on the factor of nuclear deterrence. These changes in the military-political situation in the world have led to a reduction in the stability of the relations of key states, despite some proliferation of nuclear weapon technologies in Asian countries.The article attempts to prove that the Russian Federation is able to withstand the new challenges associated with qualitative changes in the relations of mutual deterrence with the United States. As to this, the authors consistently analyze the historical context and conceptual foundations of deterrence policy, including recent documents adopted at the highest level in Russia. In addition, the authors analyze the recently adopted cruise missile systems in Russia and the United States, as well as anti-missile defense systems that alter the balance of power for a guaranteed response to strategic nuclear forces. Taking into account the current technological developments and the timeline for their implementation, the authors conclude that Russia has been able to achieve significant results in the field of aerospace defense, while naval defense and the introduction of new means of nuclear weapon delivery need additional attention from authorities. Finally, the authors believe that the development of the domestic military-industrial complex directly depends on the country's economic development, which means that the degree of effectiveness of Russian strategic weapons system must remain significantly higher than that of foreign counterparts.

By the end of the las decade, a new “nuclear” status quo was asserted in Europe as a result of deep reductions of non-strategic weapons of Russia and the US, the elimination of Russian and American intermediate-and shorter-range missiles, and the reduction of the arsenals by Great Britain and France. The commitment of NATO states not to station nuclear weapons on the territory of new members and the mutual commitments of Russia and the members of the alliance to exercise restraint in stationing of conventional forces are important elements of this status quo. Twice during the past decade, different options of amending this status quo were on the NATO’s agenda. In 2010–2012, proposals were put forward to unilaterally completely or partially withdraw the remaining American nuclear bombs from Europe. In 2014–2016, in the context of NATO’s returning to the policy of deterring Russia, debates concentrated on the expedience of returning to a fully-fledged nuclear deterrence that would imply an increase in the stockpile of non-strategic weapons and a different geography of their deployment in Europe, including the option of deploying them in the East-Central European countries. However, both rounds of the debates resulted in a draw. The nuclear status quo established in Europe after the end of the Cold war was preserved. Against the background of the Ukraine crisis, the option of a full or partial withdrawal of American non-strategic weapons is off the agenda for a foreseeable future. The option of mutual negotiated further reductions of Russian and American non-strategic weapons is currently not considered either. At the same time, the proponents of strengthening nuclear deterrence in Europe failed to convince their opponents within the alliance of the expedience of returning to the Cold war time strategy. It is premature to conclude, however, that the testing of the nuclear status quo is over. Ongoing debates are further affected by the critical status of the 1987 INF Treaty and the continued erosion of the conventional arms control regime in Europe.

This paper aims to discuss defense diplomacy efforts by TNI to strengthen the country existence. The world multipolarization put foreign policy into new challenges of world power distribution, non-boundary and not centered on two classical blocs (East and West). This condition requires the TNI to have an adaptive capacity related to the role and ability in responding to challenges in defense diplomacy tasks. There are 3 conclusions related to defense diplomacy in strengthening the existence of country. First, world multipolarization creates challenges to provide an opportunity for Indonesia to use it as an opportunity to build more constructive relationships in developing the country interests from the economic, socio-cultural and defense sectors. Second, actualization of defense diplomacy as a national policy must be consistent with country interests, especially in effort to maintain domestic stability which is closely related to regional situation. Third, several strategic partner countries of Indonesia need to receive comprehensively a systematic and programmed treatment in according with character of defense diplomacy, namely Confidence Building Measure (CBM), enhancement of defense capabilities and development of defense industry. Therefore, government needs to develop its relevance by exploring defense diplomacy as the spearhead to strengthen the existence of Indonesian nation and country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In international law, the doctrine states that countries are autonomous and sovereign. However, reality shows that relations between countries are often unequal. There is a proportional relationship between a country's military strength and its influence on international relations (diplomatic, economic, commercial, and political), depending on its capabilities of cooperation, subordination, conditionality, or confrontation with other countries. Here, the relations between the United States, the European Union, China, and Russia are analyzed, as well as the Latin American context. This analysis describes the influence of a country's available military strength on its national policies in the current context of the so-called gunboat diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper shows the main areas of work of the Department of justice in the Stalingrad region of the People’s Commissariat of Justice of the RSFSR in 1941–1942. These included the restructuring of the activities of the Department to the emergency regime, manpower policy, synthesis and analysis of judicial practice according to the Decrees of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR to strengthen labour discipline at enterprises, collective farms and state farms, to fight against speculation, embezzlement of socialist property, the failure of defense measures – blackout, passport regime, non-payment of fines and duties, taxation of public supplies. The research relevance is associated with the lack of works devoted to the People’s Courts in the period of the Great Patriotic War in the modern historiography. The Stalingrad region is illustrative in this aspect, since during the war it represented rear, frontline and front areas. It is noted that in the conditions of the rear region, the Department of People’s Commissariat for Justice and the people’s courts of the Stalingrad region performed their activities on a relatively stable basis. The directives and explanatory guidelines of the Department of People’s Commissariat for Justice of the USSR and the RSFSR were timely and helped to reorganize the work of the Department. In 1942 in the situation at the frontline and front areas the activities of the Department of People’s Commissariat for Justice and people’s courts was hampered. The evacuation led to a reduction in the number of judicial districts, separation of judicial practice from existing laws because of the lack of timely codification and the special literature. The Battle of Stalingrad caused the significant damage to the Department, both material and personnel. In 1943 the Department of People’s Commissariat for Justice was forced to start its activities with organizational issues.

The dynamics of the international security environment, marked by instability, multiple risks and threats, violent confrontations and manifestations, generates a change in paradigm in approaching the new types of conflicts. The model of ”frozen conflicts“ is the approach of the Russian Federation in response to the actions of regional and international actors in its neighborhood, the European Union, the North Atlantic Alliance, and implicitly the United States of America. In this context, developing A2/AD capabilities in Crimea is Moscow's solution for maintaining its strategic game in the Extended Black Sea Region and strategic military rebalancing in Eurasia. A long-term solution to these security challenges for the states in the region is likely to belong to alliances or political-military organizations that represent their foreign policy interests and ensure their security and territorial integrity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last decades have witnessed a remarkable surge of interest in studying the influence of science and technology on world politics. However, not all channels of such influence have been examined with equal rigor. Whereas numerous researchers have explored meticulously the impact of technologies on warfare, the issues of using military-technological breakthroughs to achieve political goals have been addressed less frequently. This paper seeks to fill this gaping niche by decomposing the Third Offset Strategy (TOS), a recent initiative of the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) aimed at ensuring military-technological superiority of the United States in the XXI century, predominantly, by offsetting the new capabilities of the Russian Federation and the Popular Republic of China. The first section unveils a conceptual framing of the TOS, the second section examines a variety of technological priorities, and the final section identifies key uncertainties around implementation of this initiative in the mid-term and long-term perspective. The conclusion postulates that the emergence of the TOS was determined by both an erosion of the U.S. military superiority and budget constraints, and, therefore, its content might change if budget austerity imperatives will stop dominating the DoD strategists' thinking. The launch of the third offset strategy has also important international-political aspects. First, the TOS fits in the context of the U.S. rebalance to the Asia-Pacific. Second, the American allies in Europe might face a threat of a widening technological gap with the United States and a need to boost their spending on defense research and development, which might be unfeasible in the current fiscal environment. Third, the concentration of the United States on countering high-end opponents might lead to a further marginalization of the Middle East. Fourth, the TOS is likely to contain a disinformation component and aim at dragging the peer competitors of the U.S. into an exhaustive arms race.

El autor analiza e identifica el contexto que fundan las bases del Consejo de Defensa Suramericano (CDS) de la UNASUR, interpretando que su creación ha hecho surgir en la región un sinnúmero de interrogantes acerca de sus perspectivas. En tal sentido, se plantea dos escenarios: si el CDS constituye una iniciativa para tener una nueva plataforma política para entenderse y conversar, en cuyo caso cabe entender que dicho escenario es positivo o, por el contrario, si se espera que de allí emerja una institución que ayude a resolver problemas y unifique a los países en un camino común frente a la problemática de defensa, opción que cuenta con muy pocas posibilidades de éxito. The author analyzes and identifies the context that provides the basis for the South American Defense Council (Consejo de Defensa Suramericano, CDS) and the Union of South American Nations (Unión de Naciones Suramericanas, UNASUR) and reaches the conclusion that the creation of such organisms raises countless questions about their furure. Based on this analysis, the author presents two alternare possibilities: if the CDS is an attempt to create a new political platform for mutual understanding and discussion, it can be seen in an optímistic fight. If, on the other hand, it is expected to become an institution thot will help solve problems and lead countries down a common path as regards the problem of defense, the possibilities of success are much more limited.

El artículo comienza con una breve descripción de los procesos de democratización del sector de la Seguridad y la Defensa en Ecuador, con respecto a la redefinición del concepto de seguridad que responde a nuevos desafíos y amenazas no tradicionales, los cuales son enfocados de una manera integral. Además, se revisa, la conducción civil de la seguridad y de la defensa, la participación de civiles, la inclusión de remas de género y etnia en la elaboración de políticas. This paper offers a brief description of the procces of democratization of the Security and Defense sectors in Ecuador, regardin the redefinition of the concept of security in the face of new challenges and non-tradicional threats, which are approached in an integral way. In addition, it offers a review of the civil administration of security and defense, the participation of civilians, and the inclusion of gender and ethnic issues in the elaboration of policies.