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Russia and Turkey have been involved in remarkable redefinitions of their foreign policies while navigating through turbulent times in the Post-Cold War era. This has manifested in a search of being recognized as a great power. The tragic civil war in Syria has been the theatre of these ambitions of these two states in highly controversial ways. They have been on the opposite sides until recently on the essential question of the regime change in that country. The risk of a direct fight has even been observed when Turkish air force got a Russian jet down. However, a rapid rapprochement started due to Turkish priority shift from the regime change to the prevention of Kurdish autonomy and the alienation from US; and Russian enthusiasm to get the cooperation of an ardent anti-regime NATO member like Turkey. It can be said that Russia and Turkey have been more process-oriented than result-oriented because they have been compelled to see the limits of their power and influence. As a result, they seem to prefer to focus on the process since they seem to reach their primary objective of showing their salience. All in all, one can only hope for a peaceful and democratic life for Syrians whom tremendously suffered also as a result of an imbroglio of all these global and regional powers' policies. Keywords: Russian Foreign Policy Turkish Foreign Policy Syria, Activism Rusya ve Turkiye Soguk Savas sonrasi calkantilarda seyrini surdururken dis politikalarinda dikkate deger yeniden tanimlamalara giristiler. Bunun tezahuru buyuk guc olarak kabul edilme arayisi oldu. Suriye'deki trajik ic savas, bu iki devletin bu hedeferinin gayet ihtilafi tezahurlerle gozlemlendigi bir alan oldu. Asal sorun olan bu ulkedeki rejim degisikligi uzerine yakin zamana kadar zit tarafardaydilar. Hata, Turkiye bir Rus askeri jetini dusurdugunde dogrudan catisma riskinden bile bahsedildi. Ancak, daha sonra hizli bir yakinlasma gozlemlendi. Bunun nedenleri Turkiye'nin onceliginin rejim degisikliginden Kurt ozerkliginin onlenmesine kaymasi ve ABD'ye karsi duyulan yabancilasma ile Rusya'nin atesli bir rejim karsiti ve NATO uyesi olan Turkiye'nin isbirligini saglamak hevesiydi. Rusya ve Turkiye'nin, guclerinin ve etkilerinin sinirlarini gormek zorunda kaldiklarindan, sonuc odakli olmaktan cok surec odakli olduklari soylenebilir. Dolayisiyla, surece odaklanmayi tercih etikleri izlenimi veriyorlar cunku oncelikli amaclari olan vazgecilmezliklerini gostermeyi basarmis gorunuyorlar. Nihayetinde, butun bu kuresel ve bolgesel guclerin siyasetleri nedeniyle de korkunc acilar cekmis Suriyeliler icin bariscil ve demokratik bir yasam ancak umut edilebilir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Rus Dis Politikasi, Turk Dis Politikasi, Suriye, Aktivizm, Russian Federation and Republic of Turkey have been through a striking redefinition of their foreign policies in the Post-Cold War era. In the 2010s, within the framework of the global [...]

Energy security could enter NATO's security agenda as one of the main issues just during the last decade. NATO leaders recognize that the disruption of the flow of vital resources could affect Alliance security interests. There is no agreement on the definition of energy security in NATO as it differs based on each country's needs; however, there is a paragraph in the NATO concept from 2010 that states the importance of energy security, and in 2012 there was further agreement that NATO wants to be involved in energy security and energy efficiency of military forces. This article is focused on the issue and analyses the importance and the meaning of energy security for NATO in the light of NATO summit declarations and the various NATO's strategic concepts. Keywords: Energy Security, NATO, Russia, Critical Energy Infrastructure. Enerji guvenligi, ana amaci Ittifak uyelerini askeri tehditlere karsi savunmak olan NATO'nun oncelikli konu basliklari arasina ancak son on yilda girebilmistir. Bu calismada, NATO'nun Soguk Savas sonrasi donemde duzenlenen zirvelerinde yayinlanan zirve bildirgeleri ve stratejik konseptler ile cesitli NATO zeminlerinde yapilan tartismalar isiginda, enerji guvenliginin NATO icin tasidigi anlam ve onem uzerinde durulmaktadir. NATO'nun enerji guvenligi kavramina yaklasimi degerlendirilerek, onumuzdeki surecte enerji guvenligi konusunun NATO cercevesinde ne yonde sekillenebilecegi ortaya konmaya calisilmaktadir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Enerji Guvenligi, NATO, Rusya, Kritik Enerji Altyapisi., Giris Enerji guvenligi, ana amaci Ittifak uyelerini askeri tehditlere karsi savunmak olan NATO'nun oncelikli konu basliklari arasina ancak son on yilda girebilmistir. Bunun baslica nedeni, ozellikle Almanya ve Fransa gibi [...]

During the last decade, billions of dollars have been spent to increase security measures in the United States. New institutions, including a department for homeland security, have been established, new security tools have been developed, and surveillance of Americans has been increased. However, despite the creation of 'safety zones,' neither the level of the Americans' feeling of security from further terrorist attacks, nor their confidence in the ability of US governments to prevent attacks, has seen an increase. According to Beck, who introduced the concepts of 'world risk society' and 'reflexive modernity', terrorism is one of the products of reflexive modernity which cannot be addressed by traditional security measures. Within this framework, this paper analyzes the case of the Americans since 9/11 attacks. In this vein, it is argued that the gap which has arisen as a result of addressing non-territory and non-state-based terrorism through state-based security measures has caused a continuation of a high level of insecurity, fear, and anxiety among the Americans. Public opinion surveys conducted in the United States since the 9/11 attacks by various institutions are used to analyze Americans' thoughts about security and the terror risk in the United States. Keywords: World Risk Society, Reflexive Modernity, Security, Fear, 9/11 Attacks. Amerika Birlesik Devletleri'nde son on sene icinde guvenlik onlemlerini arttirmak icin milyar dolarlar harcanmistir. Yurtici Guvenlik Departmani da dahil olmak uzere yeni kurumlar olusturulmus, yeni guvenlik araclari gelistirilmis ve Amerikalilarin gozetlenmesi artmistir. Cesitli 'Emniyet bolgeleri'nin olusturulmasina karsin, ne Amerikalilarin olasi teror saldirilarina karsi daha guvenli hissetmeleri saglanabilmis, ne de muhtemel teror saldirilarini onleyebilme konusunda Amerikan hukumetlerine olan guven artmistir. 'Dunya Risk Toplumu' ve 'Refleksif Modernite' kavramlarini gelistiren Beck'e gore, refleksif modernitenin bir urunu olarak terorun geleneksel guvenlik tedbirleri ile engellenmesi mumkun degildir. Bu cercevede, bu calisma 11 Eylul saldirilarindan itibaren Amerikalilarin durumunu incelemektedir. Bu baglamda calismanin temel argumani, devlet merkezli guvenlik onlemleri ile devlet ve ulke merkezinden yoksun terorun hedeflenmesi sonucu olusan boslugun Amerikalilarda yuksek duzeyde guvensizligin, korku ve endisenin devam etmesine neden olmasidir. Bu calismada, Amerikalilarin ulkelerindeki guvenlik ve teror riski konularinda dusuncelerini analiz etmek icin farkli sirketler tarafindan 11 Eylul saldirilari sonrasindaki on yillik donem icinde Amerika'da yapilan cesitli kamuoyu anketleri kullanilmistir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Dunya Risk Toplumu, Refleksif Modernite, Guvenlik, Korku, 11 Eylul Saldirilari., Risk Society and Reflexive Modernity German sociologist Ulrich Beck introduced the thesis of 'risk society' in 1986 with his book Risikogesellschaft: Auf dem Weg in eine andere Moderne, which was [...]

The Black Sea region is increasingly becoming a priority on the international agenda. In fact, a regional approach is emerging as actors understand that common problems need to be addressed jointly. Nevertheless, cooperation efforts are hampered by a number of factors, such as uneven economic and political development within and among countries, nationalist forces and longstanding animosities between regional players. In this context, it is imperative to foster sound policies aimed at strengthening dialogue and cooperation so as to contain and ultimately resolve conflicts with peaceful means. However, there is little policy-oriented research on the challenges and opportunities for cooperation in the Black Sea region. This study is primarily devoted to exploring and understanding the security environment and the main threats to security and stability in the Black Sea region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]