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This article deals with the assumptions and implications of the Malaysian policy for "learning from Japan". The article explores the ways in which this policy has effectively been operated in drawing a new geography of "Asia", dislodging colonial legacies in the region and countering the consolidation of other regional blocs. Cross-national educational interaction has increasingly been a key issue in international relations. After the end of the Cold War, the traffic of people, commodities and information is blocked less and less by the barriers of state political ideologies, and has begun to hinge on new notions of boundaries. Free trade blocs are formed by agreements among "neighbours", sharing economic advantage and the quality of basic values, such as "democracy" and "human rights". Such communal values play a powerful role in the redefinition of "us" and the legitimisation of regional societies. The vigour of cross-national educational transfer in the past two decades, as will be argued, has effectively been used for the formation of new identities of individual nations and for the promotion of new aspirations for the regional alliances. (Contains 3 tables.)

The bio-medical model of 'mental health' and 'mental illness' that relates to the relationship between wellbeing and distress informs psychopathology and dominates conceptualisation in many Western Educated Industrialised Rich Democratic (WEIRD) populations. This paper aims to critique the model, questioning the appropriateness of psychopathology as a conceptual framework when working as a Western trained clinician with populations such as in China, Japan, Asia, the Middle-East and Africa. The paper also considers the cultural appropriateness of western notions of psychopathology when working inter-culturally in relation to the Inter-Agency Standing Committee (IASC) Guidelines on Mental Health and Psychosocial Support in Emergency Settings, and the Review of the Implementation of the IASC Guidelines on Mental Health and Psychosocial Support in Emergency Settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of 'the rise of China' on the Asian Development Bank (ADB), and its implications for Japan. Japan has traditionally enjoyed a dominant position in the Bank, as it has enjoyed a dominant position in Asia. However, with the balance of power in the region tipping in China's favour, one might expect that this would be reflected in the ADB as well. This paper argues that despite the worsening Sino-Japanese relationship, the ADB has facilitated the development and maintenance of shared expectations between the two parties over the future direction of development assistance, representing an oasis of liberal institutionalism in a relationship increasingly characterised in realist terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade, essentially since the Asian crisis of 1997-98, the economic integration of Northeast Asia has been marked by three overarching trends. Economic relations have become: 1) more institutionalized; 2) more "Asian;" and 3) more China-centric. These macro-trends are demonstrated and analyzed in the paper. But by way of anticipation, numerous counter-cutting facts need also to be kept in mind. In essence, recent trends, notable as they are, have by no means reversed three counter-realities: 1) economic ties are still largely driven, less by governments and formal arrangements, than by corporations in search of profits and production efficiencies; 2) despite growing economic interdependence across Northeast Asia and between that sub-region and Southeast Asia, Japan, China and South Korea remain heavily linked to global, and particularly US, markets; and 3) though China is an ever important hub in Northeast Asian trade and investment, Japan remains by far the most powerful economic player in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Asian financial crisis, which violently thwarted the east Asian miracle in the summer of 1997, has subsequently led east Asia to the building of a new financial architecture. This paper argues that the new financial architecture, modelled after the globally influential, market-centred US system, clashes with Japan's regionally active, state-centred financial system. And it explores the implications of these two financial systems for urban development in Asian capital cities. The paper concludes that Asian capital cities will do better with the state-centred financial system than with the market-centred financial system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Baseball is not only a popular sport, but also a central cultural and social symbol in Japanese, Korean and Taiwanese societies. These nations have produced some tremendous performances internationally, from the World Little League Competition to the Olympic Games. Most significantly, in the recently instituted World Baseball Classic, Japan won all previous tournaments – 2006 and 2009 – with South Korea winning Silver in 2009 and Bronze in 2006. Baseball in the region has, however, always been embroiled in the maelstrom of domestic politics, international relations and economic difficulties. Exchanges at all levels between these three nations have rarely been congenial, proactive or stable. As the world and baseball enter into a new era of globalisation and internationalisation, this triangular sporting relationship appears to be awkward and clumsy, even though player mobility, media exposure and international competitions continue to grow. This paper overviews the historical development of baseball in these powerhouses of Asian baseball, with an emphasis on the inevitable and fragile relationships between them, discussing the social and political factors underpinning these relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Security cooperation between Japan and the ROK has unfolded just within Northeast Asia, rather than extending beyond the region. However, this does not mean that Japan-ROK cooperation beyond Northeast Asia is meaningless or impossible. In fact, such cooperation can play significant roles. First, the differences in attitude toward regional security cooperation do not come from conflicts of interest, but from differences in priorities. Since both countries depend on overseas trade in the Asia-Pacific region and energy supplies from the Middle East, the stability of sea lanes is a shared concern and cooperation in this regard will serve both countries' national interests. Second, with the "normalization" of Japan's security policy and modernization of the ROK navy and air force, both countries may have concerns about each other's strategic intentions. Japan-ROK cooperation beyond Northeast Asia, based on strategic consensus on the importance of sea lanes, can reduce such suspicion on both sides. Third, faced with the rising China, the coordination of both countries' policies toward China to increase the "partner" aspect will serve the interests of long-term stability of the Asia-Pacific region. The Six-Party Talks play such a role now, but regional security cooperation beyond Northeast Asia will have broader effects on the Asia-Pacific region. This paper argues that there is a way forward for Japan-ROK security cooperation beyond Northeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Strategic links between Japan and Europe during the Cold War were limited. During this period the IISS helped bridge the gap between the two, exposing its membership base to the international affairs of Asia and Japan and providing Japanses scholars, strategists and diplomats with a platform from which to amplify their voices in the West. Analyses by these experts often appeared in IISS publications, but the Institute also gained key insights through its well-established conferences and lecture series. These initiatives illuminated Japanese strategic thinking and perspectives on contemporary critical issues in Japan's and Asia's foreign, security and defence policy. This Adelphi book, through its collection of earlier analysis, helps the reader to understand the evolution of Japanese strategic thought from the 1960s until today, and shines a light on the continuities and changes in this thinking. New, original analysis of the material seeks to identify areas where such thinking was prescient and remains relevant to the contemporary strategic environment, and other areas where predictions failed or assumptions were proved wrong. These new essays were also informed by interviews of Japanese senior scholars and diplomats who spent time with the IISS. This book seeks to frame, educate and guide strategic thinking on the most pressing issues of today, both in and outside Japan and Asia, and will be of great interest to analysts, practitioners and students of international affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Strategic links between Japan and Europe during the Cold War were limited. During this period the IISS helped bridge the gap between the two, exposing its membership base to the international affairs of Asia and Japan and providing Japanses scholars, strategists and diplomats with a platform from which to amplify their voices in the West. Analyses by these experts often appeared in IISS publications, but the Institute also gained key insights through its well-established conferences and lecture series. These initiatives illuminated Japanese strategic thinking and perspectives on contemporary critical issues in Japan's and Asia's foreign, security and defence policy. This Adelphi book, through its collection of earlier analysis, helps the reader to understand the evolution of Japanese strategic thought from the 1960s until today, and shines a light on the continuities and changes in this thinking. New, original analysis of the material seeks to identify areas where such thinking was prescient and remains relevant to the contemporary strategic environment, and other areas where predictions failed or assumptions were proved wrong. These new essays were also informed by interviews of Japanese senior scholars and diplomats who spent time with the IISS. This book seeks to frame, educate and guide strategic thinking on the most pressing issues of today, both in and outside Japan and Asia, and will be of great interest to analysts, practitioners and students of international affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japanese textbooks have caused extensive controversy and international antagonism both inside and outside Japan, particularly in East Asia. The textbook issue has become one of the major sources of diplomatic friction between Japan and other countries and has provoked widespread anti-Japanese demonstrations in Korea and China. How is it that teaching materials for schools in Japan have become a serious problem for diplomatic relationships? Is it the content of the textbook that really matters? What fuels the dispute over the textbooks, and how does it affect people and the society in these countries? This paper will answer these questions by examining the historical development of Japanese history textbook controversies in Japan, China and Korea. Focusing on the interactions between domestic political factors and international relations, it will show first, that the controversy over textbooks was determined by both domestic and international political factors as well as by the contents of the history presented in the books; second, that the media played a significant role in the process; and finally, that the number of the actors concerned with the issue increased to become an international force through the emergence of an international civil society coalition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores issues related to economic integration among countries in Asia. It relates the proposals of the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI) of Japan in its "Asian Economic and Environmental Community" (AEEC) paper. It discusses the ability of Japan in matters concerning conservation and sustainable lifestyles. It describes how Japan can share its technology yo help India in addressing its water supply shortage. India can lend its expertise in the use of information technology (IT) for ensuring the safety of electronic commerce.

The Asian Women's Fund's atonement project for former comfort women set a new vision of Japan in which the people along with the Japanese government proactively participate in performing the moral responsibility for the suffering of former comfort women in cross-boundary and cross-generational ways. This article argues that the Fund's imperfect reconciliation with former comfort women particularly in Taiwan and South Korea was due to the misunderstanding about moral responsibility as an evasion of the Japanese government's legal responsibility and due to the inadequate exercise of political and administrative leadership. Underneath these factors lie the intertwined root causes of the limited availability of facts on the issue of comfort women and the ideologically driven discourse. The article suggests the following measures as a further atonement project: strong political leadership to present the clear meaning of moral responsibility, cooperation with the governments and support groups in the victims' countries, and an international truth investigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan’s postwar contribution to international political affairs is often described as limited, primarily due to Japan’s focus on reconstructing and expanding its economy. However, this article argues that since the 1970s, Japan has played an active role in shaping the post-Vietnam War order in Southeast Asia. The Japanese actively sought to address the regional power vacuum that had been left by the diminished American presence and the Sino-Soviet attempts to fill it. To do so, in 1977, Japanese Prime Minister Fukuda Takeo announced a foreign policy initiative, the so-called Fukuda Doctrine. One of its pillars was Japan’s commitment to promoting coexistence and cooperation among ASEAN nations and their communist Indochinese neighbors. Based on declassified documents and other primary sources, this study demonstrates the strategic nature of the Fukuda Doctrine and sheds light on its political, geopolitical, and security objectives. This includes the realization of a Southeast Asian order in which Japan could maintain a position of influence and, through it, enhance its international political role. The strategic implications of this approach explain why Japan continued to pursue the doctrine despite increased regional and global tension following the 1979 outbreak of the Cambodian conflict and renewed Cold War tensions in the early 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Japanese government faces many competing challenges as it seeks to balance its multilateral and bilateral relationships within and beyond the region: whilst addressing its rapidly changing contentious domestic politics, there is pressure for it to realign relations with the USA, manage the rise of China, strengthen links with its region and continue to deal with its lingering historical legacy. All of these demands are now set against the backdrop of a so-called 'lost decade' of economic woes and global economic recession. This article demonstrates how the Japanese government is apparently adopting a de facto multilevel foreign policy, attempting to engage in a range of bilateral and collective initiatives simultaneously and to assume a regional leadership role whilst having to manage difficult bilateral relations, notably with the USA and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan is geographically located on the fringe of Asia. Japan's location is often divided between those arguing that Japan is inside Asia and those arguing it is outside Asia. Japanese ideas of Asian regionalism are thus immensely varied. This article details a number of Japanese ideas on Asian regionalism with author/agency, scope and method specified. Special mention is made of weak integration of government agencies, thus causing proliferation of many Japanese ideas within Asia. With the increasing self-assertiveness of China, the apparent peaking out of American hegemony, and the steady rise of non-Chinese Asians, Japan tries to maintain enduring alliance with the United States, to invigorate interdependence with China, and to reinvent new relationships with the countries of the East Asian Summit. Japanese ideas of Asian regionalism take those templates as guidelines to develop new ideas of Asian regionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is the much hyped 'rise of Asia' translating into global public good? The leading Asian powers, China, India and Japan, demand a greater share of the decision-making and leadership of global institutions. Yet, they seem to have been more preoccupied with enhancing their national power and status than contributing to global governance, including the management of global challenges. This is partly explained by a realpolitik outlook and ideology, and the legacies of India's and China's historical identification with the 'Third World' bloc. Another key factor is the continuing regional legitimacy deficit of the Asian powers. This article suggests that the Asian powers should increase their participation in and contribution to regional cooperation as a stepping stone to a more meaningful contribution to global governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article argues that an important part of the future contributions Asia can make to world affairs is the strategic relationship between Japan and China. It discusses the key dynamics of the evolving order in East Asia, including regional economic integration and its spillover effects and China's peaceful and comprehensive rise. The author proposes a framework to help improve the relations between China and Japan.

After examining different theoretical expectations of how Japan might respond strategically to the rise of China, this article analyzes the evolution of Japan's policy toward China from 1972 to 2006. It argues that Japan has shifted away from the 'friendship diplomacy' paradigm to a mixed strategy that involves both positive engagement and realistic balancing to hedge against the potential threats that China may pose in the future. Japan is engaged in a vigorous domestic debate about China policy that centers around four options: cooperative engagement with a soft hedge, competitive engagement with a hard hedge, balancing and containment, and strategic accommodation. The current mixed strategy of engagement and hedging is consistent with different theoretical traditions such as offensive realism, defensive realism, and liberalism. Future developments such as Japan-China interactive effects, shifts in the military power balance, and changes in US strategy, however, could steer Japan to make choices that point in a certain theoretical direction as opposed to others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the ingredients of the affinity between Japan and Taiwan. Implication of the multifaceted relationship for regional stability in East Asia; Discussion of the Japanese colonial legacy; Reasons for the reluctance of Taiwan to criticize Japan on historical issues.

Analyzes three models that explain for the peace in East Asia since the end of the Cold War. Discussion on the notion of geographic balance of power in the region; Examination on the notion of complexity of national interests in the post-Cold War era in the region; Nuclear deterrence in asymmetric power structure; Power relations between China and Russia and Japan and the U.S.; Regional security policy adopted by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.

Examines the impact of the failure of the Japanese model on the Asian economic crisis and the continuation of cold war politics in the Pacific Rim. Characteristic of the Japanese model; Relationship between Japan and Asia.

One of the twenty-first century's great challenges will be to fill Asia's security vacuum. The US maintains a heavy military presence and an important set of bilateral security arrangements, and the region's great powers cooperate on an ad hoc basis. But there is no developed security system embraced by Asia- Pacific's leading powers. Meanwhile, the 'Asian way' of consensus-based diplomacy has suffered greatly -- in coherence and prestige -- from the financial crisis which started in 1997. What the region needs is a limited and informal concert, based on the classical principles of European concert diplomacy. Such a framework would satisfy China's quest for enhanced international status, help US efforts to 'engage' China, and address the fear of Japan and Russia being marginalised if the Sino-US relationship develops into a true 'strategic partnership'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the thesis that Japan is beginning to identify itself more with its Asian neighbours. The direction of a country's economic and foreign policy is shaped by the dictates of both its economy and political system. It was necessary to review the development of Japan's diplomacy towards the United States and ASEAN countries. The major currents of thought in Japan concerning the integration of the Asia-Pacific economies were also examined. The article concludes that it is in the interest of Japan to remain within the ambit of its special relations with the United States. Despite their burgeoning trade with, and investment in, Asian countries the Japanese value very highly the huge market and security umbrella which the United States provides. The present trade dispute is not enough to disturb these special relations, especially with the threat posed by North Korea. ASEAN-Japan relations will continue to develop within the framework of the U.S.-Japan alliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article shares the author's insights on the containment effort of the U.S. to retain its position as a major power in Asia which results to a struggle with China. The author points out that the U.S. containment of China depends on the chain of military bases in China's periphery. Vietnam on the other hand, represents the chain's anchor in Southeast Asia with its vast ports and airfields and its commitment to the American troops. The author cites that the U.S. military bases in Japan are responsible for the country's defense, yet the U.S. failed to link Japan to the containment policy. He suggested that the U.S. should refrain from military maneuvering in order to force Japan into a deeper commitment with its interests and to encourage increasing contacts between Japan and China.