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Both the financial crisis of the first decade of the 21st century, as well as the deterioration of trade relations between the European Union and the Russian Federation were events that significantly affected the functioning of the largest listed companies on the food market: on the one hand, aggravating the conditions of economic functioning, on the other hand creating a stimulus to seek new innovative solutions to help companies survive on the market. The aim of the work was to present the impact of crises on the intellectual capital of WIG-Food index companies, which is an indirect measure of innovation. The MV/BV and q-Tobin index were used for the study, as well as selected quantitative methods: multiple regression, Ward's method and seasonal additive decomposition. The results of the work indicate that the companies are divided into two groups, within which similar trends in shaping intellectual capital are observed. In addition, one of the groups clearly noticed the impact of the financial crisis and the introduction of an embargo on the shaping of intellectual capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the evolution of bilateral trade relations, registered over the last 20 years, between the Republic of Moldova and the Russian Federation, revealing the existing impediments to their optimal development. Trade relations between these two countries entered the uncertainty zone in the last decade. They are significantly affected by the political tensions between the Republic of Moldova and the Russian Federation, which generated the application by the Russian Federation of embargoes, prohibitions and import taxes on Moldovan products. The high share of Moldovan exports oriented to a single market destination - the Russian Federation, revealed the Moldova's commercial dependence on it until 2014, when exports have been reoriented to the EU following the signing of the Association Agreement. However, taking into account the dependence of the Moldovan economy on the Russian Federation's mineral resources and the Russian market size, which cannot be neglected, Moldova must strive to normalize economic relations with this country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2009, Syngenta created two new insect‐resistant corn varieties known as Agrisure Viptera and Agrisure Duracade, which contain the MIR162 biotechnology‐enhanced genetic trait. These varieties were approved for commercial release in North America in 2010 and were planted in spring 2011. China imposed an embargo on corn imports from North America beginning on November 20, 2013, because of its zero‐tolerance policy with respect to unapproved genetic traits in imported crops. The embargo was not lifted until December 14, 2014. The embargo led to increased availability of North American corn and a reduction in the price of corn realized by Canadian producers. The relative price of a substitute method was applied to weekly data on Ontario corn prices and Saskatchewan feed barley prices. The Chinese embargo against MIR162 corn caused the corn price received by Canadian farmers to drop by an estimated 1.24% or 5.32 cents/bushel. But for the Chinese embargo against MIR162 corn, Canadian corn producers would have realized an estimated additional $29.7 million in revenue in 2013/2014. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As interdependence grows, economic issues are increasingly political in their nature and impact, and political issues are increasingly economic. Th e interdependence is acute in issues that relate to international trade, and especially in the case of landlocked countries. Nepal is one such landlocked country, being between India and China, whose economy depends on the trade relations with its neighbouring countries. Two-thirds of Nepalese trade depends on India. Th e article presents a summary of Nepal-India trade cooperation, primarily the Nepalese dependence in trade and transit route to India and its eff ects. It also presents an overview of the trade pattern between the two countries and focuses on the trade embargoes by India. Th e article analyses the reason behind the embargoes of 1969, 1989 and 2015 and how the situations have been resolved. Th e embargoes imposed by India on Nepal seem to be more political in nature and their impacts are both political and economic. Th e Indian embargoes in Nepal follow an objective of compliance, deterrence and subversion. By analysing India's pursuance of trade embargoes against Nepal, the article reaffirms that landlocked nations such as Nepal are susceptible to manipulation by geopolitical threats since neighbouring countries adjust trade ties or use trade ties to fulfil their political, security and economic interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interdependence stands to lose its viability unless the industrialized democracies work collectively, through their governmental institutions, toward an efficient management of the international economy. The author emphasizes that intergovernmental coordination of economic policies is imperative to a vital foreign policy; and interdependence can function only as effectively as the industrialized democratic nations manage their own administrative machinery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the spring of 1917 the United States entered the First World War. Switzerland and the other neutral European countries came under increasing pressure as the US wanted to embargo their economies. Switzerland had to adapt quickly to the new political order and sent a diplomatic mission to the United States to secure its food and commodity supply. Even though an agreement with the US authorities could be concluded, the policy outcome was strongly influenced by the economic and political agenda of the belligerents. Thus the scope for Swiss foreign policy was limited. The Swiss case shows the increasing influence of the United States and sheds light on the politics of neutrality during the First World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is the golden age of economic statecraft—and the study of economic statecraft. This is in large part due to the evolution of economic coercion from trade embargoes to targeted financial sanctions. Targeted financial sanctions are attractive because they can generate economic costs similar to those of more comprehensive sanctions, with fewer negative externalities. Over time, however, the intersection of economic sanctions with globalized capital markets will provoke three interesting research questions. First, do financial sanctions spare a target country’s population from negative humanitarian and human rights outcomes? Second, to what extent are financial sanctions an exercise in learning by both targets and senders? Third, will the United States’ use of financial sanctions trigger blowback against US primacy in the international financial system? These last two questions offer the prospect to linking research on economic statecraft with larger questions of international security and global political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article deals with the implementation of British blacklists in Spain, leading to a case study not widely seen before in the international historiography of the First World War. It shows how British intervention in the southern and eastern Spanish markets set a de facto model for the operation of the embargo system. Under the strong stimulus of economic nationalism, the British actions regarding the commercial vetoes were tested against Spanish local interests during the short war (1914–15). The initiative was supposedly fuelled by a sense of revenge against pre-war Germany’s commercial progress as well as the desire to control a very appetizing market share, for the British and French alike. In a climate of inter-Allied commercial rivalry, this study focuses on the key role played by members of the consular service. It explains the spurious motivations that in many cases underlay the practical implementation of the blockade from below, and analyses how partisan procedures which lacked homogenized and clarified criteria for collecting and applying commercial intelligence challenged British strategies and the inter-Allied united front in Spain until well into 1917. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the U.S. sanctions and embargo against Cuba as of March 2014. The role that U.S. sanctions have on the Cuban economy, including the author's contention that they have a greater negative impact on Cuban economic conditions than the country's political system of communism, is discussed. The United States' goal of causing economic change in Cuba through its sanctions, including that of liberalizing its economy and developing a democratic system of government, is also discussed.

The article discusses China's Qing dynasty from 1789 to 1806, considering its domestic and foreign policies by focusing on two historical events, the 1789 trade embargo against Russia and the interrelationship between the trade relations of Canton, China and Kiakhta, Russia. Topics considered include the organization of China's government administration, the impact of European wars on China, and China's borderlands or frontier regions.

This article argues that trade embargoes toward illegal settlements in occupied territories are an obligation under general public international law, when such trade primarily benefits the occupant. In this case, the self-executing duty of non-recognition applies. There is no need for an explicit trade embargo imposed by the United Nations Security Council. For, transferring parts of an occupant's civilian population to occupied territories, and gaining economic benefits from occupation, both violate peremptory norms of public international law. Equally, withholding trade is also permitted under the law of the World Trade Organization (WTO). This article shows that according to Article XXVI.5.(a) of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), the GATT does not apply to illegal settlements. A WTO panel could reach this conclusion, either by denying jurisdiction through finding that the occupying State has no legal standing or by scrutinizing Article XXVI.5.(a) on its merits. However, if a panel would, erroneously, decide the GATT does apply to settlements; trade sanctions could still be allowed in a dispute settlement. This can be done by either accepting the relevant rules of public international law as an independent defense or by using it in the interpretation of public moral and security exceptions under GATT Article XX and XXI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an examination into the history of the strategic embargo established and enforced by the United States and its European allies against the Soviet Union during the Cold War. An overview is presented of the specific 1980 grain embargo as well as the larger isolation policy supported from 1945 to 1992. Various changes in the U.S. enforcement and rhetoric surrounding the policy over the period are then described and analyzed in turn, centering on the questions of its ideological significance and logistical purpose.

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The article discusses trade sanctions between the U.S. and Myanmar and shows that these sanctions have had a stronger impact on small businesses than on the government of Myanmar. In 2003, U.S. President George W. Bush and Secretary of State Colin Powell created an executive order barring all trade with Myanmar. This embargo had a significant effect on the textile industry, which accounted for about 80% of Myanmar's exports. Statistics of exactly how many factories were closed as a result of this embargo are not available, but it is likely that the middle class of Myanmar was most impacted.

Copyright of Estudios Gerenciales is the property of Universidad ICESI and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Arms embargoes are often said to be ineffective but mandated fairly often. A sample of 74 arms embargo cases between 1990 and 2005 is analysed in order to assess effectiveness. The analysis shows that such embargoes had notable effects on arms import patterns in about 30 percent of all cases. However, effects on targeted policies are much more limited. The link between arms embargoes and targeted policy change grows stronger over the lifetime of arms embargoes. The paper also uses a third measure of arms embargo success, initiator satisfaction. Arms embargoes are comparatively cheap for senders, and thus even only partially enforced embargoes may be seen as a success by the initiators of such a sanction. The analysis confirms the hypothesis that multilateral arms embargoes are more successful than unilateral ones. Multilateralization increases supplier satisfaction with an embargo, it raises the likelihood that there are significant changes in arms import patterns and even increases the possibility that there is policy change in the target. Related to multilateralization is arms embargo implementation. A higher degree of participation of countries and a stronger effort at implementation by participants increase the effectiveness. Arms embargoes are more effective when they are embedded in consistent policy packages. Arms embargoes in and of themselves will rarely affect target policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay provides an account of the erratic and troubled history of the relations between Italy and the People's Republic of China since the 1950s. After reaching their highest point in the two years immediately following the Tiananmen events - when Italy, more than any other Western country, worked to break China's international isolation - they have considerably frozen for a long time. The reason has to be found not only in the crisis that, since 1992, has overcome the Italian political system, but even more so in the structural limits of Italy's economic foreign policy and in the lack of a coherent strategy aimed at promoting Italian goods in world markets that provide huge opportunities - opportunities mostly neglected by the political-economic Italian establishment. The Berlusconi government replaced this negligence with fear-mongering behavior and recurring and outspoken protectionist remarks of various centre-right leaders, who feared the potential damage caused by China's increased competitiveness (which represented, in their opinion, an unfair trade practice) to the national industry. Though too recent to say if it will bear fruit, Prodi has made a desperate attempt for Italy to make up lost ground by leading to China what has been emphatically defined 'the greatest institutional and business mission ever organized by Italy' just a few months after his comeback to Palazzo Chigi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the status of political and economic relations between the U.S. and Cuba and the efficacy of economic sanctions imposed by the former on the latter. Since coming to power in Cuba in 1959, President Fidel Castro has overcome around five decades of sanctions and diplomatic isolation by the U.S. Questions are being raised as to why Fidel did not take any action against the embargo. He seems to be pursuing his personal interests, presenting them as that of the state.

Within Social Sciences, the study of the colonial subject in terms of analysis and the disclosure of the mentalities (perception mechanisms, assessment and conceptualization of the other ,) have gathered strength in the last few years. At the end of the XV century and the beginning of the XVI, Latin America underwent the vicissitudes of the expansionistic force of the European world carrying along multiple consequences for its indigenous inhabitants, their descendants and for those who occupy that territory nowadays. The different points of view about how this first encounter was carried out have generated multiple viewpoints, some of them somewhat in discordance. Nevertheless, what is unequivocal is that the study of the minority groups (natives, mestizo and other marginal groups) has barely begun research on. Many have taken on the task of revealing such mechanisms through historical investigation and research. The Mexican writer Antonio Sarabia with his work, El cielo a dentelladas registers this tendency: he delves to these imaginary logics and reveals to us through literary realism that other anti-hegemonic discourses that began to develop from the earliest point of this encounter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Points out that there is a need for a new paradigm for analyzing the issues of security and trade as well as restrictions on the transfer of technology between China and the United States. Need to maintain the embargo on the sale of military items and a small but very crucial handful of dual-use items; Relaxation of controls on most advanced commercial technologies; Further integration of China into the international system.

Adverse health effects of social inequalities are obvious in wealthy countries, and are matters of life and death for vulnerable populations in many least developed countries, where life expectancy has dropped in these same decades. During the early 1990s, with Haiti under military control after a violent coup d'état, the United Nations imposed a trade embargo on Haiti to push forward the restoration of the nation's first democratically elected president, Jean-Bertrand Aristide. On Aristide's return to office in 1994, the U.S., other "donor nations", and multilateral organisations promised U.S. $500 million dollars over 2-3 years in development aid to rebuild Haiti's battered health, education, and sanitation infrastructure, and to stimulate what had become one of the weakest economies in the world. An important difference between Haiti and countries such as Iraq and Cuba is that severe poverty is pervasive in Haiti.

It is a well known fact, of course, that Iraq has been under a UN Security Council system of comprehensive embargo for the past 10 years. The consequences of the embargo have been catastrophic for the people and the economy of Iraq. Yet our understanding of the humanitarian emergency in Iraq will be enhanced if we examine the impact not only of the embargo but of other factors as well. This paper identifies four such factors: (1) the decision by the Iraqi government to initiate the 1980-88 war against Iran; (2) the militarisation of the Iraqi economy; (3) Iraq's invasion of Kuwait and the ensuing 1991 Gulf war; and (4) the sanctions regime which has been in place since August 1990. The paper argues that, while all the non-sanctions factors played their different roles, it is, in the last analysis, the force of the intensity and the open-endedness of the sanctions regime which bears the major share of the responsibility for the current conditions in Iraq. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growing literature on international economic sanctions has focused primarily on their use to influence the foreign or domestic behavior of a target state. Trade controls, however, can also be used for strategic purposes: to weaken the military capabilities of a target. An analytical framework for understanding this category of sanctions is presented by developing distinctions among three export control strategies—economic warfare, a strategic embargo, and tactical linkage. These strategies are placed in the context of current American trade policy toward the Soviet Union. The United States has attempted to practice all three strategies simultaneously. In view of existing domestic and international constraints, however, only a strategic embargo has the potential to be effective; economic warfare and tactical linkage are likely to fail. If the U.S. continues to attempt to carry out the latter two strategies, it may jeopardize the effectiveness of its strategic embargo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a study on the 1807-1809 Embargo imposed by the United States against Great Britain. Reason for the failure of the embargo; Relative price of agricultural products in Great Britain.

Examines the impact of the Byrd Amendment on U.S. foreign policy towards Rhodesia in the 1970s. Imposition of an American embargo on Rhodesian chrome exports; Economic and political effects of the embargo; Congressional intervention in the formulation of foreign policy.

The reopening of trade relations between the U.S. and Cuba seems to he around the corner. Several steps modifying the total U.S. embargo have already been taken; however, many important hurdles to normal trade remain. It is worthwhile to place Cuban trade patterns in a twenty year perspective and to evaluate recent developments in Cuban trade with the West., with the intention of shedding some light on the prospects for and the impact of U.S.-Cuban trade. U.S.-Cuban trade was promptly replaced by Cuban trade with the Soviet Union and other socialist nations. In February 1960, the Soviet Union and Cuba signed a bilateral trade agreement providing for a mutual exchange of most favored nation trading status, a Soviet commitment to purchase at least one million tons of Cuban raw sugar a year through 1964, and a $100-million, 12-year Soviet credit to the Cubans at 2.5 percent interest, with repayment in merchandise. Cuban trade with communist nations grew to 75.9 percent of her total trade in 1961 and remained at approximately this level throughout the sixties.

The article presents an economic evaluation of the issue on national security for agricultural protection. It aims to assess the economics of staging for an embargo of imports, the possibility of an effective embargo, the production of food under a general embargo, and the purpose of stocks. Some of the arguments highlighted by the author include the flexibility in the number and composition of food consumption, the small chances of a complete embargo of food in Great Britain and Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries, and the capability of an import embargo to divide the agricultural output of Great Britain. Apart from these, he also stresses that the major key to strategic security is stock-holding and not current output.

Copyright of International Political Science Review is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Evaluates Japanese response to agricultural export embargoes instituted by the United States (U.S.). Description of the response of Japan after the 1973 soybean embargo; Impact of the moves on Japanese agricultural imports from the U.S.; Effect of the embargo on Japanese farm policy.

The article explores the U.S.-led trade embargo on China to understand the history of the China Committee (CHINCOM). The trade relationship between the U.S. and China had played an essential part in incorporating U.S. involvement in the Cold War, where China's export products were restricted to the U.S. allies including Great Britain, Japan, and Germany. The creation of CHINCOM aims to maintain U.S. influence and surveillance on the international trade with its former undeclared enemy. Moreover, CHINCOM has already banned 400 items from export to China while 264 items were made up the control list for the Soviet Union.