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Nationalists believed that Ireland had not thrived economically under the Union. This article explores economic policymaking under the 1922 Provisional Government which administered the 26 counties during the one-year transition phase from British to Irish Free State jurisdiction. It is a case study which examines the fate of pre-independence economic programmes; the reorganisation of the economic portfolios of the civil service; the handling of immediate economic problems; as well as the formulation of plans and priorities for Ireland's future. The Provisional Government faced an unprecedented array of internal and external problems, in particular the economic depression and deflation in the wake of the First World War (1914–1918); the economic damage of the Irish War of Independence (1919–1921); and the divisive and violent Irish Civil War (1922–3) - the result of rupture in the main nationalist political party, Sinn Féin, over acceptance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty settlement, which provided for the creation of the Irish Free State as a dominion rather than as a fully sovereign republic. Depspite these setbacks, the Provisional Government needed to enforce its authority and demonstrate its ability to govern by being seen to competently address economic issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Strategic Universe Journal / Univers Strategic is the property of Dimitrie Cantemir Christian University, Institute for Security Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to analyze the composition of the provisional councils in the captaincy of Bahia, when Salvador was the seat of the provisional government, between 1549 and 1763. In this sense, the study asks: how were the provisional governments constituted? What were your assignments? What were its members? Methodologically, the chronological limit is the period from 1581, institution of the first provisional government, to 1766. We consider that the provisional governments were responsible for administering the captaincy when the governor was absent, either because of the vacancy of the position or because of his removal. Methodologically, documents contained in the Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, present in the "Projeto Resgate Barão do Rio Branco", were used, as well as a theoretical and bibliographical discussion on the government and its characteristics in the Kingdom of Portugal during the first Modernity. A subject still little studied, the analysis of the actions and characteristics of the provisional regime tends to indicate a better understanding of the dynamics of power, laws, politics and society existing in the captaincy of Bahia in the colonial period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to analyze the troops of the Provisional Government that fought in the civil war in 1932, better known as the "Constitutionalist Revolution of 1932". To do so, it will initially focus on the formation and structure of troops, analyzing how they were built based on the option of the federal government and the action of state interveners. The "Varguista" troops were assembled from members of the armed forces, state police and volunteers, similarly to the troops recruited by the state of São Paulo. In a second moment, the article analyzes how the troops of the Provisional Government were portrayed in the historiography, academic or not, about the event. In this regard, it is clear that the discourse constructed by São Paulo's opponents about these forces, marked by disqualification and depreciation, was strong and broad and is still recurrent in most analyzes of this event today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Constitucional is the property of Revista Historia Constitucional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Postcards, long used to mark significant occasions in the lives of individuals, were deployed in early 1917 to herald wholesale change in the life of the nation. Following the downfall of the Tsar, censorship was nominally abolished and amid a fast developing market economy, many different publishers sought to take advantage, both to profit and to persuade. Within days of Nicholas II's abdication, postcards carrying revolutionary imagery were being offered in shops and kiosks, and within a few months, a wide range of different photographic, artistic, and satirical cards had also become available. This article focuses on commercially produced caricature postcards, adopting a broad remit to examine both anti-tsarist images satirizing the Imperial Family, and artist-drawn cards commemorating and critiquing the February Revolution. To this end, it has two main aims; first, to analyze the role of postcards as a political bridge between contemporary events and the Russian population; and second, to examine the key part played by private and commercial publishers in disseminating a broadly liberal interpretation of revolutionary events in the months after the Tsar's overthrow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes attempts in 1820 by a group of London‐based conspirators to assassinate the British cabinet and print two proclamations declaring the establishment of a provisional government. One proclamation was addressed to the civilian population and the other to the rank and file of the military. It describes links between these conspirators, who were arrested in Cato Street on 23 February 1820, and a number of Irish radicals living in the metropolis who claimed to have been involved in the rebellions of 1798 and 1803. It suggests that the Cato Street proclamations were strongly influenced by John Sheares's proclamation of 1798, which had been intended to announce the success of the Irish rebellion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The February Revolution which overthrew the Russian monarchy was greeted with euphoria by the Chinese media. Reminiscent of the 1911 Revolution which overthrew not just the Qing dynasty but also the imperial system, it resonated with Chinese intellectuals. The predominant mood of optimism was fuelled by reports which painted a rosy picture of the February Revolution, some of which bordered on naivete. As events unravelled, news reports on the February Revolution grew increasingly pessimistic about the situation in Russia, although most commentators never lost their sympathy for the revolution. Indeed, they followed the chaos in Russia with worry and concern, and tried to interpret events in ways that made sense to their Chinese readers. In this article, I examine how the February Revolution and the Provisional Government's prosecution of the war was reported by the Chinese media, thus highlighting how interpretations of historical events were unavoidably distorted by the circumstances of the time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article intends to analyze the political processes occurred in Desterro from the Floriano Peixoto government hold, in 1891, until the end of the Federalist War and the dismissal of the Provisional Revolutionary Government, in 1894, taking into consideration the attitudes of the two preponderant political parties at the period in Santa Catarina, the Republican Party and the Federalist Republican Party, and their political positioning, as well as their actions in the press, recurring to their respective newspapers, trying to understand the ideological spectrum, the character and the personal interests of these groups whose conflict culminated in one of the biggest political crises in Santa Catarina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on archival materials and periodicals, the article analyzes the activities of public authorities in maintaining public order in the Bessarabian province in 1917. The author analyzed the political situation in the region. Particular attention was paid to legislative activities, food policies and antialcohol campaigns of the Provisional Government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kerenskii was the most important actor in assuring the success of the February Revolution. He organized underground organizations to push the workers' strike movement that began on February 23 in Petrograd, and appealed to his Duma liberal colleagues to support the strike. When the soldiers revolted on February 27, he led the insurgents into the Tauride Palace, thus turning the Duma building into the epicenter of the revolution. He ordered the arrest of tsarist ministers, and created Kerenskii's headquarters to take revolutionary actions before the Duma Committee decided to take power. He helped create the Petrograd Soviet, and, after election as its vice-chairman, he straddled the Soviet and Duma Committee. Having learned of Nicholas II's abdication in favor of Grand Duke Mikhail, he played a major role in persuading Mikhail to renounce the throne, thus, in ending the monarchical system. The February Revolution elevated him to the pinnacle of power as the undisputed leader of the revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article intends to explain the Revolution of 30, the military movement that brought Getúlio Vargas to power. To improve knowledge about the Vargas Era and its phases, between 1930 and 1945. Through the historical contextualization of the three phases, Provisional Government, Constitutional Government and New State, as well as its definitions and characteristics, that is, it seeks to identify Vargas Era contributed to the history and political formation of Brazil. A qualitative approach is carried out in the present research, based on the bibliographic study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among several authoritative and diverse sources, this article is an attempt by the author, who believes that the Isle of Pines is Zendia and that it was the first choice as a landing site to establish a provisional government in exile, to be followed by a second landing onto mainland Cuba. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]